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Highlights • The applicability of the parameters was tested on the pulp industry, in the south of the state of Bahia, Brazil. • The importance of different worldviews of social groups and cultures in the search for sustainability is emphasized. • Seven parameters for sustainability are provided to guide political decision-making in urban planning. • The applicability of the parameters was tested on the pulp industry, in the south of the state of Bahia, Brazil. • The outcomes show the limitations of certification schemes for sustainability like the Forest Stewardship Council. Abstract The search for sustainability, particularly in an urban context, is in full swing. Based on a review of mainstream environmental management and the critical environmental justice perspective, this analysis proposes that concepts of space, territory, and livelihood which are operating at the interface of the social and physical world, offer possibilities to understand urban and rural metabolisms in a global context. The second part of the paper focuses on the main obstacles to achieve sustainability, arguing that the underlying causes for conflicts between urban and non-urban traditional territorial livelihood metabolisms are not being adequately addressed. The challenges of implementing sustainability often involve dealing with dynamic contradictory processes with unpredictable outcomes. Therefore, sustainability should not be seen as a certain state of the society, but as a kind of structuring structure characterized by the necessity of permanent rearrangement. Finally, to make this finding more applicable, we present seven parameters to evaluate socio-spatial relationships as a dialectical cognitive framework for planning towards more sustainability and environmental justice. The application of these parameters has been tested on the "sustainable" pulp industry in Bahia – Brazil, which is often regarded as sustainable due to certification by the Forest Stewardship Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relationship between morality and engagement focused on the narratives about climate change. The goal of our research is to understand whether moral grounds identified in individuals and in narratives can influence youth's engagement in environmental debate and news consumption on climate change. Recognizing that people's perceptions of climate change are related to several factors, such as ideas, cultures, and values, we sought to understand whether there is a "green morality" or a prevalence of more responsive moral attributes in individuals when they are exposed to thinking about the environment. We use the Moral Foundations Theory to analyze comments on the environmental news on Twitter and a questionnaire adapted to the environment on moral grounds. The data were collected from Brazil and Portugal between 2021 and 2022. The overall results showed a high incidence of responses with Care/Harm and Fairness/Cheating, and an average incidence of responses related to Loyalty/Betrayal and Authority/Subversion. The results indicate that youngsters show a more prominent moral to care and environmental harm, as well as justice and responsibility, which may influence their interest in the consumption of environmental news and future engagement. In addition, there are factors, such as political issues, that can influence moral values and engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Maracanan is the property of Revista Maracanan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Brazilian Amazon is an area of both serious environmental degradation and social instability. Despite billions of dollars spent on economic development and the rapid pace of urbanization, deforestation is extreme and violent land conflict is intense. Although episodes of conflict over land are common in Brazilian history, this paper focuses on agrarian issues that arose with the opening of the Amazon frontier in the 1970s. The paper argues that the nature of land conflict in the eastern Brazilian Amazon is dynamic, and proposes a two-stage model to illustrate how the struggle has evolved from an agrarian phenomenon to an organized resistance that is urban-based. Recognizing the interaction between cities and rural areas in the frontier reaches of the Brazilian Amazon is key to understanding the land struggle in the face of urbanization. The analytical framework deployed considers the transformation of the region from an agrarian frontier to an urbanized frontier, assessing the dynamic nature of the land struggle and examining the implications for land cover change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Forestry Review is the property of Commonwealth Forestry Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deliberates on the nature of justice in Indigenous engagement with settler-colonial legality. I use the case law-based evidence from the three jurisdictions, Australia, Brazil, and Canada, to reflect on the abstract and material representations of Indigenous environmental justice in contemporary settler-colonial societies. There are two elements at play here. While some of the constituent elements of 'Indigenous environmental justice' may remain undefined in the legal system, they function as an invitation to the courts for interpreting them widely. How far has this been used, and in what manner speaks to the nature of juridical engagement with indigeneity? Second, the need for certainty and procedural integrity within the legal interpretation often belies the assumption of neutrality. This is pronounced when political and historical questions are antecedents to the legal questions to be determined by a court. Settler colonial nations illustrate this contradiction by laying bare the past and present historical injustices that accompany Indigenous rights and sovereignty. To think about 'justice' in these cases requires principle-led juridical innovations. I argue that courts are yet to recognize their key role in identifying and remedying the violence scripted by the law on Indigenous people. While it may be a difficult and complex task to develop a radical jurisprudence without violating the separation of power, courts continue to be the final altars of justice with a wide range of creative and untapped powers. The responsibility to articulate Indigenous environmental justice as a legal principle in the Anthropocene1 calls for deploying those powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Redes (1414-7106) is the property of Associacao Pro-Ensino em Santa Cruz do Sul - APESC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses the process of internationalising the legal mobilisation that sought reparations for the mining disaster that took place in 2015 in the city of Mariana, the Doce River basin and on Brazil's southeastern coastline. It seeks to understand the dynamics produced by activating different levels of justice and the effects of internationalisation on the functioning of justice institutions at national level. Two separate patterns of internationalisation are noted: a) via the traditional human rights defence networks; and b) a new one, promoted by an international office specialised in "alternative litigation financing" (ALF), which employs arguments from environmental law and transnational legislation. The characteristics of these two patterns are examined along with their effects on the dynamics of legal mobilisation and national institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution examines how and with what effects the Movement of People Threatened by Dams (MOAB) in the Ribeira Valley, Brazil, works at various scales simultaneously. It is argued that MOAB was kicked off by mobilising Afro-descendants around livelihood issues, and that one of the first anti-dam strategies was to claim quilombola recognition and land rights at the state level. MOAB soon expanded its network and broadened its agenda to include procedural justice, targeting federal and international agencies for recourse. The paper concludes that MOAB has successfully used different scales for framing, mobilisation and action, which has contributed to the dam project being put on hold for almost three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial empires establish their system of power based on white male supremacy across all spheres of society. In this process, incarceration systems were -- and can still be -- a key element in the preservation of racial, class, and gender hierarchies. In recent decades, extensive research has sought to expose how the incarceration system enjoys an intimate relationship with structural racism. In addition, the War on Drugs initiative accentuates these effects in Latin-American countries. From 2010 to 2014, the incarceration of women in Brazil increased by 567% (World Prison Brief, 2015). This paper, in applying an interdisciplinary approach, will briefly analyze the role of gender and race in this process and will point out how certain colonial legacies operate in Brazilian justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the study of climate change and environmental justice with a particular focus on a Global South case-study in the São Paulo Macro Metropolis of Brazil. We also aim to contribute to mandatory critical dialogue between (anticipatory) governance and environmental justice. This study focuses on the rainy seasons from 2016 to 2019. We examine the incidence of 61 extreme precipitation events, as well as 47 deaths caused by rain events, considering their location based on vulnerability indicators. The correlations among these data allow us to reveal the socio-environmental patterns within the relationships between social vulnerability and deaths caused by general rainfall and, more specifically, extreme events. Based on this, we demonstrate that current infrastructure or its lack is one of the reasons why death tolls remain due to the absence of anticipatory governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses some of the long-term tendencies of the Paraguayan political economy, focusing, in particular, on impacts on indigenous peoples and, because of the ongoing agribusiness expansion in the northeast of the country, on the Paĩ Tavyterã nation. This analysis is warranted because of the growing recognition of the importance of land-related disputes affecting indigenous peoples, particularly in countries such as Paraguay that rely heavily on agribusiness exports and on the exploitation of natural resources. It is based on more than six years of research dedicated to the land struggles of the Paĩ Tavyterã (and members of the same ethnic group in Brazil, called Guarani-Kaiowa). Instead of a comparative study, this is a relational storytelling text that draws insights from various actors, communities and situations that were obtained through a qualitative and participative methodology, involving indigenous communities as co-participants and co-investigators in the study. Empirical results demonstrate that, despite the fact that Paraguay is a major exporter of agribusiness commodities the accumulation of multiple forms of subtraction is a prevailing geographical force. The reaction of indigenous peoples is in the form of anti-subtraction. The main implication of this research is that the process of decolonisation is, first and foremost, an anti-subtraction movement that aims to revert the deficit caused by the systemic subtraction of socio-economic and socio-ecological opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of People & Nature is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aspirations for global justice have, in the last two decades, found their most radical expressions in the context of global environmental governance and climate change. From Rio de Janeiro through Kyoto to Copenhagen, demands for international distributional justice, and especially North–South equity, have become a prominent aspect of international environmental negotiation. However, claims for international environmental and climate justice have generally been deployed in the form of instinctive gut reaction than as a closely argued concept. In this paper, I outline the ways in which issues of international justice intertwine with notions of global environmental sustainability and the basic premises on which claims for North–South equity are entrenched. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Ambiente & Sociedade is the property of Nepam Unicamp and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

• Spatial extent alters the assement of environmental justice. • In metropolitan areas and municipalities the most vulnerable to hazards are minority groups. • At the borough scale there are well-to-do white people exposed to hazards (especially flooding) • Elite self-exposure to risk is supported by spatially unjust distribution of infrastructures. Although environmental justice scholars have been addressing spatial scale for at least thirty years, one of its components remains largely overlooked, namely extent. In this paper, we investigate the effects of extent variation in environmental (in)justice patterns by analyzing the statistical associations between socio-economic marginality and environmental vulnerability at three different spatial scopes: metropolitan areas, municipalities, and boroughs. Using census and geospatial data, our case study focuses on the relations between income and color/race, on the one hand, and susceptibility to flooding and landslides, on the other, in Brazil's two largest cities (São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro). We constructe an integrated, census tract-level database using areal weighting interpolation combining census with susceptibility data to perform k-means multivariate clustering analysis. Although our results show that the most vulnerable to landslides and flooding are non-white, low-income people – confirming common environmental justice claims – they also suggest that spatial extent impinges on statistical patterns. While the clusters are very similar in the metropolitan and municipal scales, pointing to a fractal-like structure, they differ significantly at the borough scale. This smaller scale reveals a different picture, one in which well-to-do white people are just as exposed to hazards (especially flooding) as non-white, middle- to lower-middle-class people. We argue this is a result of elite self-exposure to risk, which is supported by socio-spatially unjust distribution of risk-mitigation infrastructures. Policymakers should pay attention to such scale-dependent complexities in devising ways to cope with the increasing inequities brought about by climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses the problem of defining the scope and substance of the climate adaptation policy, which operates with comprehensive objectives and engages with multiple meanings, policy tools, and sectors to allow societies to cope with the effects of climate change. Analyzing the design of Brazil's National Adaptation Plan sheds light on the main goals and tools of the country's adaptation strategy for the rural sector and its divergent policy approaches at distinct subnational levels. This study shows that the government's ambition for promoting change drove the design process by mainstreaming climate adaptation goals into well-established development agendas, but it resulted in the layering of existing sector-based instruments. The Plan became a mix of loosely coordinated and inconsistent strategies, lacking a common implementation approach. Thereby, this analysis provides insight into the politics of adaptation policies and the challenges of promoting policy integration in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water resource management must resolve problems about water scarcity in territory. Therefore, the way water resources are being managed in Brazil has not mitigated or resolved the resulting conflicts, quite the contrary, the hierarchical structures linked to the water resource management system have strengthened the performance of hegemonic groups. This article aims to understand the conflicts generated from the appropriation of water resources are related to the economic mineral-agroexporter, consolidating Brazil in a privileged situation in the context of underdevelopment in the world division of labor. For this purpose, the description and cartography of conflicts over water in Brazil made available by the Comissão Pastoral da Terra -CPT (organization linked to catholic church that catalogue data about conflicts over land in Brazil). Water has been the target of huge demands for grain production, and livestock in the Midwest, irrigated fruit in humid valleys in the Northeast Semi-Arid, expansion of the hydroelectric sector in the North of the country and impact resulting from mining activities in Bahia and Minas Gerais. It is necessary to discuss alternatives to a growth model that causes an increase in water scarcity and may, in the near future, restrict the right to clean water at an affordable cost for most Brazilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study, holding as background the conflicts that involve the environment, analyzes the fraternity principle, from the perspective of the theory proposed by Baggio, concluding that the official pattern of environmental litigations composition that exist in Brazil --solidified by the obsolete monopoly of Judiciary-- consolidated on a Law's positivism and on a competitive point of view of the society, does not contemplates the fraternity as a legal value. In other hands, the paper starts to focus the mediation, making clear that this alternative way of contest's solution not only disposes with justness to the environmental conflicted issue but --remarkably by its communicative characteristic acting and shared true-- deeply excited by the fraternity idea. The subject has been researched in the specialized literature, making sure about the precarious systematization of the mediation as management way of environmental conflicts, as well as a lack on the approach of the fraternity as juridical category of potential incidence at the environmental field. In the end, the analysis concludes that the eco mediation may appease the insertion of the fraternity component on arguing related to environmental estates, generally ruled by the radicalization and a vision of world's representationalism, contributing perhaps to the co-operation construction of a new paradigmatical systemic epistemology for conflicts solutions, that insures the emphasized roll to fraternal as imperative of conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian Amazon has long served as a site of infrastructure development and natural resource extraction. Development projects including dams and mines have largely benefited distant urban actors at a cost to local communities and the environment. We draw from theories of internal colonialism and environmental justice to examine the ways that dam building undermined the well-being of communities affected by construction of the Belo Monte Dam, and to understand how those communities engaged in collective action to minimize negative impacts on their livelihoods. Drawing from semi-structured interview and ethnographic data, we find that farmers and fishers impacted by Belo Monte used a variety of tactics to resist exploitation and ultimately receive more equitable compensation for their losses. We propose two processes that were central to their success in mobilizing for environmental justice: transformative resistance and collaborative claims-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the experience of the map of conflicts related to environmental injustices and health in Brazil and its potential contribution to international movements for environmental justice. Inventories and maps of environmental injustices are important instruments of struggle against injustice and racism, since they increase the visibility of populations, whose lives are threatened. The Brazilian map is published online since 2010 and was an initiative of FIOCRUZ, a public health and academic institution, and the NGO FASE, in cooperation with the Brazilian Network of Environmental Injustice (RBJA), created in 2001. Environmental justice arised in Brazil as a field of reflection and mobilization, and as a rallying point to identify the struggle of several groups and entities, such as rural and urban grassroots movements, indigenous peoples, traditional populations, and peasants affected by different hazards and risks, as well as environmentalists, trade unions, and scientists. Currently, the map has 570 emblematic environmental conflicts in all regions of Brazil. Many economic activities are causing the conflicts such as mining expansion, oil and gas extractions, infrastructure (roads, mega-dams), agribusiness, and pesticide pollution, often with the support of governmental institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The complexity of water management requires an explanatory framework that is able to capture the multidimensionality of the relations between nature and society increasingly mediated by the state. The evolution of water problems in the Baixada Fluminense, a wetland area situated to the north of Rio de Janeiro, provides a paradigmatic example of how water management becomes incorporated into the fluid politics between state, nature and society. The local experience is examined by making use of the strategic-relational approach (after Bob Jessop) expanded to urban political ecology. The concept of 'trialectics' is proposed as an ontological representation of the interconnections between the state apparatus, class-based relations and the socionatural elements of the water cycle. The empirical results show that, in a situation of precarious water supply, regular flooding and severe river degradation, state interventions have tended to favour certain groups and areas, which only intensifies the politicisation of water management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do nation states accommodate people who live in regions declared as protected areas (PAs)? In Brazil's Peixe Lagoon National Park, established in 1986, eviction of fisher communities has been occurring gradually through license non-renewal and ill-treatment of fishers by Parks authorities. We examined fishers' interactions with other groups and the role of partnerships and linkages in fighting for fishing rights. Results show that the new national law on PAs (SNUC) approved in 2000 could be used to enable this particular group of fishers to safeguard their culture and livelihoods. However, fishers and their representatives considered themselves weak and disempowered. Existing partnerships were sufficient to fight eviction in the short term, but not to safeguard resource access rights in the long term. We identified obstacles to empowerment in the form of “missing linkages” and institutions, specifically with respect to service and support functions to build capacity to defend rights to remain physically within the park and politically in the conservation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil, one of the most pressing issues for environmental justice scholars (and movements) is unequal access to land. Over the past 20 years, people have mobilized collectively to demand both access to resources (distributional equity) and the right to participate in decisions over their distribution (procedural equity). In this article, I analyze the recent development of large-scale soybean production in the Brazilian cerrado. I argue that distributional inequities in the cerrado have been produced through a state-led process of development that favored large farms and modern, agro-industrial development. Popular discourse, however, fetishizes the efficiencies that accrue to large-scale agriculture, naturalizing the comparative advantage of wealthy farmers and erasing the importance of the state and geopolitical context for development in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The environmental movement has often contested and reshaped scientific knowledge to achieve its goals. However theorists have yet to account for this social movement tactic. This research uses a case study of the anti-dam movement in Brazil, with particular reference to three instances of anti-dam activism across the country, to delineate how scientization of the state motivates environmental movements to contest science. It uses Jurgen Habermas's theory of communicative action to explicate how instrumental and communicative claims are deliberated on in collaborations between activists and researchers, resulting in new scientific conceptualizations. These results are then translated to the public through innovative movement frames. This research helps situate communicative action as a social movement strategy important in a global knowledge society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and spatial inequality regarding environmental resources and services is one of most complex issues affecting contemporary urban life. The objective of this research is to study the spatial distribution of trees in public areas in Campos dos Goytacazes, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. This research presents data gathered in ten neighborhoods in Campos. These neighborhoods were split into three distinct groups using wealth levels. Data obtained include the number of trees and private gardens and tree species diversity per neighborhood street. Our results demonstrate that the wealthier neighborhoods have both the highest tree biodiversity and number of trees. In contrast, the poorer neighborhoods present a low biodiversity level and fewer tree species. Our results also showed that age of the neighborhoods was not a factor in explaining the number of trees in public spaces. Socioeconomic and education levels of the population seem to play a more causal on tree quantity and species diversity. This inequality stresses a problem with environmental justice, a characteristic of Brazilian cities intrinsically connected to urban sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]