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This paper examines the relationship between equality and social Europe, which has remained underdeveloped in the process of European integration. In contrast to the social dimension of the EU, the principle of equality has been significant from the beginning of European integration. The paper opens with an overview of how equality functions as the basis for a social Europe. Next, two interpretations of equality are introduced. The EU's preferred interpretation, which is based on merit, is in sync with market ideals. One of the shortcomings of merit-based equality as a foundation of social Europe, however, is its inability to properly disconnect the vulnerable person from the employment market. This paper argues that an alternative interpretation of equality based on value is more suitable, because value-based equality can challenge the potentially harmful social structure of the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Particularly in the current context of rapid political change, it is crucial to understand the political participation of young people and what underpins their political engagement patterns as well the as the inequalities that may lie beneath them. While there is a rich literature on youth participation, to date we have lacked the data to carry out detailed subgroup analyses to understand differences in the political participation between different groups of youth cross-nationally. The papers in this Special Issue all examine different aspects of youth participation in the current context. They examine key questions for participation including the inequalities, socialising influences, polarisation, online participation, radical political views, tolerance, life engagement and opportunities for social inclusion. This Special Issue thus provides a contemporary analysis of youth participation in Europe in the current historical juncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to review the Gender, Migration and Equality stream of the Industrial Relations in Europe 2007 (UREC) Conference, which took place in Athens, Greece. Design/methodology/approach - This paper summarizes a paper delivered at the first plenary session and also papers presented at the stream. Findings - The paper finds that all papers within the stream highlighted the fact that discrimination and prejudice still exist throughout Europe and these are endemic and institutionalised. Some progress has been made in some areas and industries but for the situation to really alter, people in power should acknowledge their role in reproducing discrimination. Originality/value - The research papers selected show that equality discussions and debates took a prominent position in the IREC Conference, which is beneficial in terms of pushing forward an equality agenda to the mainstream. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To assess the inclusivity of on-farm demonstration across Europe, in relation to age, gender, and geographical location of participants. The paper is based on a survey of 1162 on-farm demonstrators (farmers and organisations) and three supra-regional workshops. Overall, on farm-demonstrations were found to be engaging young(er) farmers who are at a career stage of being able to implement long-term innovations. However, across Europe demonstrations were primarily attended by men. On-farm demonstrations were most common in Northern Europe, where advisory services brought together multiple AKIS actors. There were fewer on-farm demonstrations in Southern Europe, where demonstrations were more likely to be led by research institutes or individual farmers. Eastern Europe is notable for greater diversity in terms of gender and age of demonstration participants. Within countries, on-farm demonstrations occurred more frequently in regions of high agricultural profitability; more remotely located farmers had fewer opportunities to participate. Demonstrations led by public and privately funded advisory services appear to attract primarily male farmers, thus reinforcing gendered patterns of participation in European agriculture. The location of advisory services and research institutes in high profitability locales disproportionately privileges farmers located there. More targeted efforts are required to ensure the participation of farmers who are female, older and located in less productive regions. The paper draws attention to the lack of inclusivity of on-farm demonstration, developing a conceptual framework based on Lukes' three faces of power. The paper utilises the first European-wide inventory of on-farm demonstration to assess inclusivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction of the special issue on 'Global Challenges for Developmental Psychology' argues that although developmental science is international, a European perspective is important, for at least three reasons: developmental psychology stems from Europe, there are specific themes and issues within Europe that ask for evidence-based solutions, and research in Europe with its many languages and fault-lines can be exemplary for global research. Global challenges are asking for future-oriented, cooperative, and collective efforts. Futureorientation can be found within the papers of this special issue on two levels: (1) when future developments guide the choice of research topics, and (2) when children need to be prepared for the future. The first level describes to which future challenges researchers aim to contribute knowledge, e.g., when investigating climate change, social inequalities, or digital technologies. On the second-level researchers aim to develop means to prepare children for a positive future, e.g., by fostering democratic and political competencies, by understanding children's rights, by offering interventions to prevent bullying, or by stimulating school engagement. Tackling global challenges also asks for cooperative and collective efforts. This implies that research should be considered as teamwork. The papers in this issue offer very nice examples of precisely that. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coronavirus pandemic, which first impacted European societies in early 2020, has created a twofold crisis by combining a health threat with economic turmoil. While the crisis has affected all European societies very significantly, its impact varies across countries, social groups, and societal domains. In an effort to provide a first overview of the effect of the coronavirus crisis, in this editorial we discuss contributions of 58 papers published as part of this special issue. These early research papers illustrate the varied impact of the pandemic on various areas of social life. The first group of studies in this special issue analyzes the effect of the pandemic on social inequalities with respect to gender, ethnic otherness, education, and work. A second stream of research focuses on the psychological consequences of the pandemic, especially with respect to wellbeing and resilience. Thirdly, the crisis is discussed on a societal level, in regard to welfare states, social policies, and approaches to crisis governance. In a fourth line of inquiry, several studies have analyzed the impact of the pandemic on social solidarity and cohesion. A fifth strand of research is devoted to examining the role of culture and lifestyles. This review ends with a discussion of areas for future research trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social protection refers to resources and strategies to deal with social risks, such as poverty or obligations and needs of care, which might impede the realization of life chances and well-being. Previous research has shown that migrants are particularly affected by challenges when accessing or providing social protection, because of unfamiliar welfare regulations in the immigration country and their family and friends being located in various locations, calling for an investigation of gendered dynamics in transnational spaces. In this special issue we aim to advance these vital debates by elucidating the social consequences of the articulation and organization of formal and informal social protection across borders for different actors involved through a joint investigation of gender and transnationality as key dimensions of social inequality. More specifically, the papers collected in this special issue are devoted to investigating the link of formal and informal dimensions of transnational social protection and showing its impact on unequal life chances of mobile people in Europe. This introduction frames the articles collected in this special issue from an inequality perspective, thereby pointing to the ways in which gender and transnationality interact with other dimensions of inequality in the field of social protection, which currently constitutes one of the most vital issues in the field of migration scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between income inequality and economic growth remains poorly understood. The global economic crisis challenged numerous growth studies by highlighting considerable degrees of spatial interdependence among economies. The existence of fewer restrictions on factor movements prompted spatial redistributions of income inequalities. Our paper attempts to reestimate such inequality impacts across the EU by allowing for these redistributions. We employ the spatial Durbin error specification, and unlike other studies, we make statistical inferences along the lines of a welfare-adjusted production function. Our results lend support to the presence of spillover effects emanating from income redistribution larger than those from unemployment, knowledge, or human capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper investigates the relationship between economic inequality and the distribution of votes among political parties, namely political polarization and fracturalization. Economic inequality is captured by the Gini index, whereas new measures of political polarization and fracturalization are offered. This is the first paper to calculate political polarization and fracturalization indices by a methodology previously used for ethnic, religious and linguistic polarization and fracturalization. Empirical analysis uses data for 17 European countries and for three decades, 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. It is shown that increased income inequality increases political party polarization and reduces fracturalization and that political party polarization decreases with increased GDP per capita. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educational inequalities remain a major challenge to the social cohesion of modern societies. They affect the younger generations in the society throughout their development and are also becoming more varied and entrenched. Although most inequalities are linked to socio-economic factors such as income, access to material resources, educational attainment, and social class, new emergent types of inequalities are developing rapidly: spatial segregation, residence status (native-born or immigrant) (Barnes, J. (2007). Down our way: The relevance of neighbourhoods for parenting and child development. Chichester: Wiley. ISBN 9780470030721; Lareau, A. (2014). Schools, housing and the reproduction of inequality. In A. Lareau & K. A. Goyette (Eds.), Choosing homes, choosing schools (pp. 169–206). New York: Russell Sage Foundation; Lareau, A. (2015). Cultural knowledge and social inequality. American Sociological Review 2015, 80(1), 1–27. doi:10.117/0003122414565814); and the digital divide (Bynner, J., & Heinz, W. R. (2021). Youth prospects in the digital society: Identities and inequalities in an unravelling Europe. Bristol: Policy Press; Melhuish, E. (2019). House of commons education committee (2019). Tackling disadvantage in the early years. London: HMSO. Tackling disadvantage in the early years (parliament.uk)). The use of in-depth evidence about the nature and variations in experiences of inequalities by individuals, families, communities within and across European countries is an effective way to provide up-to-date insights into evolving inequalities and the social problems that arise. This paper shifts the focus of the debate about the changing nature of inequalities in modern societies by drawing upon qualitative and mixed methods advances in studying socially disadvantaged groups. Their chances to integrate into society through the educational channels are not likely to be fully achieved without significant change in the current social environment and re-organisation of education systems. The paper draws its conclusions based on recent research and analytical reports with a focus on Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 is mostly considered to have ravaged places with high levels of inequality and poverty. Yet, in the case of Europe, the evidence for this is limited. In this paper we address this gap in our knowledge by exploring how regional variations in poverty, wealth and interpersonal inequality have shaped COVID-19-related excess mortality. The results show that during the first 18 months of the pandemic there is no link between inequality and poverty, on the one hand, and the lethality of the disease, on the other. The geographical concentration of wealthy people is related to more, not less, excess mortality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new information age and the phenomena of digitalization and automation make investments in research and development (R&D) indispensable for economic and social progress. Meanwhile, increased inequality within countries and its effects on advanced countries is one of the consequences of the recent turbulences in the global economy. These two dynamics open debates around the still-unresolved nature of the relationship between innovation and inequality. This paper contrasts postulates from the existing theory and relevant empirical evidence to argue that the analysis of the positive and complex co-evolution of inequality reduction and technological progress in Europe implies a recombination of factors that highlights institutions as the backbone of the relationship. The results of this analysis based on time series / cross-section regressions with panel data from a sample of 20 European countries for the period 1995–2017 show the relevance of structural and institutional aspects within the region, while two sets of countries evince a dissimilar European behavior in the relationship under study. According to our findings, it is plausible to argue the existence of a virtuous circle defined by the combination of social protection contributions with innovation policies that certainly help settle the controversial relationship between innovation and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In this paper, we fundamentally question the Fit for 55 starting assumption that reducing household energy consumption is beneficial or even neutral (i.e. not detrimental) for households in all Member States in the short period up to 2030. This article identifies the plight of households unable to improve their well-being without increasing the consumption of fossil fuels. Tackling energy poverty and addressing social inequality issues is a cornerstone. Around 35 million people live in energy poverty in the European Union (European Commission, 2023), and tens of millions more are at high risk of energy poverty. However, ensuring the well-being of EU citizens requires a broader awareness of the implications of reducing fossil fuel use. Research Design and Methods: The research methodology relies on a range of quantitative methods: Gini coefficient, Hoover index, Decomposition adjusted Hoover index, rank correlation coefficient, path analysis, and decoupling factors are presented. We also analyze from different perspectives highlighting inequalities and the direct and indirect relationship between residential energy use and HDI and decoupling. Findings: Based on projected policy impacts, consumers will need to pay more for using fossil fuels. Higher energy taxes will likely impact middle-class families who are not the EU's Climate Fund targets. Based on our previous projections, at least the bottom two-thirds of the middle class (which roughly represents the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th quintiles) also need support. There is a risk that in countries where HDI and per capita household energy use are still tightly connected, the growth in household energy use (driven mainly by higher incomes and increasing human welfare) will be strongly constrained by higher energy costs. In the EU energy convergence will slow down, or even stop, so that the current spatial disparities in HDI and in residential energy use will persist. Implications: Decreasing the differences in HDI and residential energy use is necessary to achieve social and economic convergence and reduce the inequalities in living standards across the EU Member States. Changes in household energy use in the EU have both direct and indirect impacts on HDI; any increase or decrease in energy use will be immediately reflected in human well-being. Contribution/Value Added: This article highlighted those countries most exposed to a reduction in well-being. Member States below the saturation point are at a much higher risk of negative impacts of residential energy use on human development. Tackling energy poverty is a very important issue, but in this case, at least the bottom two-thirds of the middle class (which roughly represents the 2nd, 3rd, 4th quintiles) also need support. This could include preferential loans, grants, and technical assistance to enable them to make the necessary energy efficiency improvements and deep renovations that will bring real energy savings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I attempt a novel interpretation of Brexit as a 'wicked problem'. Wicked problems are those which are unique and complex, full of internal contradictions, and defy solution, instead only creating other problems. After reviewing the lead-up to the 2016 Brexit referendum, particularly the role of immigration, the core of the paper takes the main criteria for the specification of a wicked problem and applies them to Brexit. Special attention is given to two propositions: that every wicked problem is a symptom of other problems; and that every attempted solution to a wicked problem produces irreversible consequences. Both are seen to apply to Brexit. In the conclusion, I explore 'wicked synergies' between Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this research paper is to examine the integration of an increasingly diverse workforce in the UK following the EU expansion of 2004 to incorporate the accession countries of Central and Eastern Europe, at a time of increased migration from other areas of the EU such as Portugal. Design/methodology/approach – This paper presents data from five case study companies. The key methods of data collection were 88 semi-structured interviews coupled with lengthy time spent on observation at each company, leading to an ethnographically-informed method. Findings – The key contribution of this paper is to analyse the relationships between migrant workers and the British workers they work alongside in the context of the EU expansion. It shows how low levels of English language skills lead migrant workers into low skilled roles, and that in the workplace this leads to hostility from British workers. However, as migrant workers had mainly sought employment through an agency, the case study companies actually accentuated differences between workers, and this paper examines why they act in this manner, and analyses the effects this has on workplace relations. Originality/value – This paper provides an original contribution to the equality and diversity literature as it analyses workplace relations in the context of the EU expansion of 2004. In addition to providing new empirical data for academics, it will also be of value for policy makers, particularly with regard to legislation relating to agency work, and also to management practitioners who have a diverse workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and purpose: The goal of the paper is to determine the level of concentration in the insurance sector in the following eight countries of South and Eastern Europe: Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Romania, Bulgaria and Albania in the period from 2007 to 2012. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this context, the analysed indicators of concentration were the market share of the four leading financial institutions (CR4), the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI), the coefficient of entropy (E), the coefficient of relative entropy (RE) and Gini coefficient (G). Results: The study showed that the insurance sectors in the analysed countries are highly concentrated on average (according to CR4 indicator), medium concentrated (according to HHI) with high levels of inequality of distribution of market shares between individual participants (in terms of G coefficient), and in the zone of relative uniformity and equality of business entities (according to RE coefficient). The research results point out that the existence of different levels of correlation between the analysed indicators of concentration in the insurance sector, which confirms the conclusion that, in order to obtain relevant and quality conclusions about the level of concentration, it is necessary to review and analyse several indicators of concentration integrally. Conclusion: In all observed indicators of concentration in relation with the density level GDP pc move in the zone of very low value, which on the one hand points to the fact that the analysed countries at a relatively similar level of development have significantly different levels of concentration, but also on the fact that some countries although at different levels of development, have similar levels of concentration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the distributional consequences of a systematic variation in expenditure shares and prices. Using European Union Household Budget Surveys and Harmonized Index of Consumer Prices data, we construct household-specific price indices and reveal the existence of a pro-rich inflation in Europe. Over the period 2001–15, the consumption bundles of the poorest deciles in 25 European countries have, on average, become 11.2 percentage points more expensive than those of the richest deciles. We find that ignoring the differential inflation across the distribution underestimates the change in the Gini (based on consumption expenditure) by almost up to 0.04 points. Cross-country heterogeneity in this change is large enough to alter the inequality ranking of numerous countries. The average inflation effect we detect is almost as large as the change in the standard Gini measure over the period of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Regional Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper contributes to the literature by examining gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people from a comparative perspective. By analysing data on young people from nine European countries collected in 2018, we examine gender inequalities in participation in various modes of conventional and unconventional activism as well as related attitudes, broader political engagement and key determinants, cross-nationally, in order to provide a detailed picture of the current state of gender inequalities in political activism among young people in Europe. Our results allow us to speak to extant theorising about gender inequalities by showing that the extent of political inequality between young men and women is less marked than one might expect. While the gender gaps in political participation for activities such as confrontational types of protest are small or absent, we find that young women are actually more active in petitioning, boycotting, and volunteering in the community. Young men instead are more active than young women in a majority of the nine countries analysed with respect to more institutional forms of participation linked to organizations and parties, various types of online political participation, and broader political engagement measures, such as internal political efficacy and consumption of political news through various channels. However, young men also appear to be more sceptical at least of certain aspects of democratic practice relative to young women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Human Rights Act 1998 came fully into force on 2 October 2000, enabling the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) to be relied on directly in our domestic courts.1 The Act lacked provision for a Human Rights Commission to advise and assist alleged victims in bringing proceedings for breaches of Convention rights, to research, intervene in court proceedings, and promote a culture of human rights, although such a Commission had been created for Northern Ireland. A White Paper has now been issued outlining plans for a Commission for Equality and Human Rights. This paper considers the future role and potential impact of the Commission and highlights opportunities that have been missed since October 2000 in its absence. We focus on its human rights aspects and summarize key conditions for the new Commission's success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we provide an analysis of inequalities and opportunities within European countries. For this purpose, we use microdata from 26 European countries collected using the European Union Survey on Income and Living Conditions. This instrument includes harmonised variables to guarantee comparability across countries. Our analysis aims to detect whether European countries converge with respect to income inequality and inequality of opportunity and whether there is a spatial divide between European countries regarding inequalities. Our results show that inequality of opportunity in post‐communist countries is much larger than in the Western European countries. Furthermore, we present evidence of β‐convergence in terms of both income inequality and inequality of opportunity. Accordingly, inequality grows faster in less unequal countries, and therefore countries tend to converge with respect to inequality level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is commonly known that education reproduces, rather than diminishes, social inequality, but how this takes place may vary between educational systems. This paper uses data from a unique longitudinal cross-national project to analyze differences in pathways through the upper years of secondary education between Bergen (Norway), Ghent (Flanders, Belgium) and Barcelona (Spain). Analyses show that social background has the greatest impact on destination in both Years 11 and 12 of upper secondary education, and engagement does not mediate this relationship. Further, we find more commonalities than differences between the cities, despite them representing different types of educational systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to investigate the consequences of the expansion of higher education on two goals of the education system, namely promoting equity of educational opportunities and providing credentials that facilitate the matching of labour supply and demand. The first goal is typically studied by research on inequality of educational opportunity; the second by research on returns to education and credential inflation. The key idea of the paper is that educational expansion can have different and possibly opposite effects on the two goals. (a) If, with educational expansion, equality of educational opportunities increases, while the occupational value of the titles decreases, one has a trade-off scenario. For example, an increase in equality of educational opportunities is matched by a decline in the value of higher education in the labour market. (b) If equality of opportunities does not increase, despite the expansion of higher education, and the returns of higher education degrees decline, one has then a worst-off scenario. (c) Finally, if with educational expansion equality of opportunities increases and there is no credential inflation, one has a best-off scenario. In this paper, we systematically investigate these alternative scenarios. We perform the same empirical analysis on two distinct data sets in order to test the robustness of our findings. We use micro data from EU-SILC 2005 and from the five merged waves of the European Social Survey (2002–2010), covering 23 countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones de Sociologia: Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reviews the available evidence on post-war trends in Dutch private wealth inequality using a range of scattered sources. Wealth tax records suggest a substantial decline in inequality to the 1970s and, more tentatively, a gradual rise thereafter. In the post-1990 years, Gini-coefficients of private wealth inequality range from 0.8 to 0.9, which is at the high end of the international comparison. Such high levels of private wealth inequality contrast with relatively low levels of net income inequality; a paradox that the Netherlands share with other Northern European welfare states. We hypothesise that publicly funded life-time income security limits the wealth-formation by ordinary Dutch households, while the redistributive taxes required to finance this system are targeting income rather than wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The management literature concludes that there is an increasing need for skilled migrants in Europe. A fresh comparative OECD study highlights Norway as one of the successful countries in terms of attracting highly qualified migrants. Regardless of this picture, many skilled migrants do not get their education recognised and face great challenges in their career development. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to this under-researched field in management studies by focusing on skilled migrants' careers development as a question of human capital and negotiations at a relational level. Design/methodology/approach – This study draws on interviews with recruitment agencies and life-story interviews with high-skilled immigrants, attending the programme "Global future – mobilisation of talented immigrants with higher education", initiated by the Confederation of Norwegian Business and Enterprise (NHO) in Norway. Findings – Recruitment is a multi-layered and relational process, involving different negotiators, negotiations and inequality regimes. Language skills, gendered expectations, networks, local knowledge and the attitude of employers play an important role in skilled migrants' careers development and labour market participation. Originality/value – This paper presents recent literature on highly skilled migration in Norway. By focusing on participants in a new type of recruitment programme for highly skilled migrants in Norway, the findings can give input to both employers and policy makers regarding the nature of integrating highly skilled migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes the "no" side in the debate on the question posed in the title. The paper assumes that the dual-earner/dual-carer household model is the most likely aim of policies that push aggressively for gender equality in order to raise fertility. Five objections are discussed: the model does not necessarily lead to a fertility increase; aggressiveness will lead to an imbalance of labor supply and demand, and is likely to confront slowly changing cultural norms; similar policies will also confront the issue of innate gender differences; and country idiosyncrasies prevent the application of a unified policy approach. The paper briefly concludes that compatible gender-neutral family policies and fertility-neutral gender policies are likely to lead to an increase in fertility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on my contribution to a debate, organized by MPIDR, on the question displayed in the title above. I was asked to present arguments for the "yes"- response (together with Laurent Toulemon, and arguing against the "no"-side represented by Gerda Neyer and Dimiter Philipov). As pointed out in the paper, the most important theoretical reasoning relevant for this question is the gender equity theory. A number of studies provide sound empirical support to it, as discussed in the paper in details, and thereby also a rationale for a positive impact of increased gender equality on fertility. As the dual-earner family is here to stay, and given the well-known negative consequences of long-term very low fertility for a society, pushing for gender equality seems to be a reasonable strategy to be considered aiming for sustainable societal development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the measurements for inequality and poverty that requires focusing on the details while examining the overall picture, in which the U.S. can learn from Europe's research and experience. It notes that many of the conference papers focuses on alternative measures of income, evaluates its impact on inequality and poverty from the joint Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)/Universtiy of Maryland conference that was held in Paris, France. The papers highlight the impact of making changes that affects measurement while the details provides insight for the determination of the best measure to use for poverty and inequality.

It has been argued that the notion of a European social model is misleading and that there are in fact different European social models with different features and different performances in terms of efficiency and equity. In this paper, we look at the welfare state from a political economy point of view and interpret the different regimes as possible outcomes of a political process through which heterogeneous preferences of voters are aggregated. In our model, agents differ in two respects: income and socio-economic vulnerability. Policy-makers have to decide on two policies: a proportional income tax to finance a social transfer, providing equal benefits to all citizens, and a market regulation policy which benefits only vulnerable workers, providing them with additional protection against unemployment risk. Market regulation is inefficient because it decreases aggregate resources. Individuals' heterogeneity generates a conflict over policies. We feature the political process as a two-party electoral competition in a citizen-candidate model with probabilistic voting. We show that an inefficient equilibrium exists and that this outcome is more likely as income inequality and the proportion of vulnerable workers become greater. Intuitively, greater inequality raises the level of redistributive spending desired by the poor, making, at the same time, the rich more adverse to the welfare state. In this framework, both the rich and the poor, in order to win the election and realise the fiscal gain, have an incentive to support market restrictions, in the attempt to capture the votes of the vulnerable minority, who benefit from these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There is increasing attention paid to the arrival of migrants from outwith the EU region to the European countries. Healthcare that is universally and equably accessible needs to be provided for these migrants throughout the range of national contexts and in response to complex and evolving individual needs. It is important to look at the evidence available on provision and access to healthcare for migrants to identify barriers to accessing healthcare and better plan necessary changes.Methods: This review scoped 77 papers from nine European countries (Austria, Cyprus, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Malta, Spain, and Sweden) in English and in country-specific languages in order to provide an overview of migrants' access to healthcare. The review aims at identifying what is known about access to healthcare as well as healthcare use of migrants and refugees in the EU member states. The evidence included documents from 2011 onwards.Results: The literature reviewed confirms that despite the aspiration to ensure equality of access to healthcare, there is evidence of persistent inequalities between migrants and non-migrants in access to healthcare services. The evidence shows unmet healthcare needs, especially when it comes to mental and dental health as well as the existence of legal barriers in accessing healthcare. Language and communication barriers, overuse of emergency services and underuse of primary healthcare services as well as discrimination are described.Conclusions: The European situation concerning migrants' and refugees' health status and access to healthcare is heterogeneous and it is difficult to compare and draw any firm conclusions due to the scant evidence. Different diseases are prioritised by different countries, although these priorities do not always correspond to the expressed needs or priorities of the migrants. Mental healthcare, preventive care (immunization) and long-term care in the presence of a growing migrant older population are identified as priorities that deserve greater attention. There is a need to improve the existing data on migrants' health status, needs and access to healthcare to be able to tailor care to the needs of migrants. To conduct research that highlights migrants' own views on their health and barriers to access to healthcare is key. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the relation between inequality and levels of political trust has been intensely investigated, there is no consensus yet on the mechanism behind this relation. In this paper, we use multilevel models to analyse the diverging impact of economic inequality on political trust for different social groups within European countries. We observe that changes in inequality are associated with lower levels of political trust across all social strata, as operationalised through income level, education and employment status. In more unequal societies, differences in political trust between social strata are also smaller. In equal countries, on the other hand, well-off citizens are clearly more trusting than their less well-off counterparts. Altogether, the study contributes to discussions about the determinants of political support and how citizens are connected to their political system in an era of rising inequality, by suggesting the presence of a social justice frame. The analyses are based on the European Social Survey (2002–2016). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market principles are becoming more prominent in citizen experience of public policy across Europe, as a result of economic globalization and the Maastricht commitment to 'open markets', and cost-constraint, privatization and labour market activation pursued in response to the various pressures confronting welfare states. These principles (inequality, competitiveness, allocation through ability to pay) contradict those traditionally associated with social policy (equity, solidarity, social justice). This paper examines the impact of current changes on welfare values in the various types of European welfare states (including accession states), using international attitude survey data. It shows that most citizens remain committed to mild egalitarianism. Citizen ideology will thus continue to buttress resilience to pressures for restructuring in the various welfare state regimes. The paper goes on to consider the impact of social change by examining the values of groups with particular interests who are likely to expand in significance as a result of labour market and population changes. This analysis shows that change does not lead in one direction. There is every likelihood that tensions between market and welfare values will be compounded by social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new media industries are popularly regarded as cool, creative and egalitarian. This view is held by academics, policy-makers and also by new media workers themselves, who cite the youth, dynamism and informality of new media as some of its main attractions. This paper is concerned with what this mythologized version of new media work leaves out, glosses over and, indeed, makes difficult to articulate at all. Themes include pervasive insecurity, low pay, and long hours but the particular focus of the paper is on gender inequalities in new media work. Despite its image as 'cool', non-hierarchical and egalitarian, the new media sector, this paper will argue, is characterized by a number of entrenched and all too old-fashioned patterns of gender inequality relating to education, access to work and pay. Moreover, a number of new forms of gender inequality are emerging, connected – paradoxically – to many of the features of the work that are valued – informality,autonomy,flexibility and so on. Drawing on a study of 125 freelance new media workers in six European countries, this paper explores these issues and argues that the new forms of sexism in new media represent a serious challenge to its image of itself as cool, diverse and egalitarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most recent studies on poverty and inequality in developed countries focus on income. In contrast, this paper presents trends in consumption-based poverty and inequality in nine member countries of the European Union. During the 1980s, both poverty and inequality increased in Italy, France, the United Kingdom, Germany and Belgium, while decreases in both poverty and inequality are observed for Spain and Portugal. In Greece only inequality increased. For most countries for which income-based results are available, these move in the same direction as the consumption-based results. However, this sensitivity analysis yields considerable differences in the ranking of countries and the magnitude of the changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Research Papers of the Wroclaw University of Economics / Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wroclawiu is the property of Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the European historiography on social inequality one aspect is strikingly missing: the ecological aspect. Therefore, this paper introduces the concept of "environmental justice" to the discussion. The concept originally stems from a US-social movement that emerged in the 1980s. Today, "environmental justice" is at the same time a social claim, a political principle, as well as an academic concept. While the concept entered the discourse of several academic disciplines from sociology to public-health studies, it is still seldom used in European historiography. This paper argues that "environmental justice" can be employed as an analytic category especially in economic, social, and environmental history, while at the same time being able to connect these disciplines. With the example of the introduction of centralised water infrastructures in European cities, the article explores difficulties and potentials of an application of the "environmental justice"- concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper outlines an argument for the equal treatment of third-country nationals in the EU. The argument is in two parts. It argues, doctrinally, that the reasons in favour of treating third-country nationals equally are weighty. Second, it suggests that, politically, conceptually and sociologically, third-country nationals should generally be entitled to equal treatment, a guarantee which may be subject to specific exceptions. The reasons for such exceptions should be clearly stipulated by public authorities. The approach which emerges from this position should lead to a more coherent concept of equality emerging in EU law, something which should be amenable to European egalitarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The end of the Soviet Union and communist regimes throughout Eastern Europe led to sudden increases in emigration and large changes in wage inequality. This has provided a unique opportunity to understand how these changes altered incentives to emigrate during the transition period. In this paper, I analyze immigrant selection before and after the fall of the Soviet Union within a Roy Model framework, in which the relative return to skills determines the skill composition of immigrants. Using micro‐level data from Russia, Ukraine and Bulgaria, matched to Census data on immigrants from these countries in the United States, Spain and Greece in the post‐Soviet period, I find evidence of positive selection of immigrants in the US, and negative selection for Greece and Spain. Using retrospective data from Ukraine during the communist period, I find that selection among Soviet men in the US was intermediate and selection among women was positive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]