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Discusses the Copenhagen, Denmark summit on European Union (EU) enlargement held on December 12-13, 2002, which declined to give Turkey a firm date for accession negotiations. EU's agreement on a document setting out terms in which Turkey could begin negotiating its membership of the EU; Cautious welcome given by the EU to Turkey's program of social and economic reforms.

This paper analyzes the compatibility of the Turkish Republic's new system of government, accepted with the referendum on 16 April 2017, with the Copenhagen political criteria for accession to the European Union. The paper first studies systems of government and past systems of government in Turkey. While doing so, it briefly touchs upon the systems of government accepted by the Constitutions of 1876, 1921, 1924, and 1961, and then explore the system of government preceding the 2017 Referendum, as put forth by the Constitution of 1982. Following this, the paper analyzes the new system of government as accepted by the referendum of 16 April 2017, dubbed the "Turkish presidency system." Finally, the paper questions whether the new system of government is compatible with the political Copenhagen criteria, in particular the rule of law criterion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its establishment, the European Union has been a target for many countries on the European continent. However, from the beginning, membership has been conditional on the fulfilment of certain conditions that have evolved over the time. At first the membership conditions were very simple (being a European country) and then they became more and more complex and demanding. So, after each enlargement, becoming a member has been more difficult for countries with ambitions for its membership. Therefore, the states had to always adapt to the circumstances created in the Union, to make the necessary legislative, institutional and economic reforms. To consolidate the conditions for membership, a considerable number of meetings of EU institutions and representatives have taken place. The Copenhagen and Madrid Councils are two of the most crucial councils in this regard. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to analyse in detail the criteria of Copenhagen and Madrid Councils as basic criteria for EU membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of outlaw bikers is growing globally. Despite this, little research exists on these groups and their alleged violent tendencies. To address this, the current paper uses unique data to examine whether gang violence causes outlaw biker violence. The period examined runs from mid-2008 until early 2012 during which violent clashes occurred between outlaw bikers and street gang members involved in an alleged conflict in Copenhagen, Denmark. A precise description of each individual act of violence would make it possible to identify whether specific acts were carried out in furtherance of the alleged conflict. This would allow one to determine whether outlaw bikers commit violence on behalf of their club. However, such knowledge is unavailable. The paper therefore takes a different approach by examining whether acts of violence committed by the two groups are statistically associated. In other words, it considers whether one or more acts can be described as retaliatory during the observation periods. The sample consists of 640 individuals involved with the Hells Angels Motorcycle Club or with non-biker street gangs–both of which are present in Copenhagen. Statistical models are used to predict 143 violent events committed by 196 outlaw bikers. The results suggest that violence committed by gang members predicts violence committed by outlaw bikers. This indicates that violent acts committed by outlaw bikers are at least partly a form of retaliation carried out on behalf of their club. The paper expands the literature on the kinds of inter-group, micro-level processes that can lead to reciprocal violence by including outlaw bikers in a literature that has previously focused on non-biker street gangs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the rule of law was introduced into the EU enlargement policy, its role within the conditionality policy has advanced gradually so that it has become the cornerstone of the accession process. This paper analyses the evolution of the rule of law promotion in the process of EU enlargement with a focus on the Western Balkans and strives to identify what the main challenges are in this regard and the main reasons why the EU has made the rule of law central to its new enlargement methodology. Drawing on the experience of the Europeanisation process of the CEE countries, the paper examines the different approaches in terms of the promotion of the rule of law within the Copenhagen political accession criteria. It finds that with regard to the accession process of the Western Balkans, the EU is no longer satisfied with 'reforms on paper' and strives to apply more active leverage. However, the internal challenges for the rule of law within the EU and the often 'neglected' fourth Copenhagen criterion - absorption capacity of the Union itself referring to its capability to include new members - also affect the process. Rule of law conditionality has been compromised not only by more focus on the box-ticking benchmark fulfilment exercise than on substance, but also by the lack of credibility on the side of the EU that has undermined the pre-accession conditionality. The most illustrative case in this regard is the accession process of North Macedonia that is analysed as a case study in order to identify the main challenges and shortcomings of the EU enlargement policy. The paper proposes that the rule of law promotion and the overall Europeanisation process must rest on a credible merit-based accession process that involves clear commitments on both sides - candidate countries but also the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study Question: Is there a difference in testicular function in early adulthood between men born with cryptorchidism and men born with normally descended testes?Summary Answer: In men from the general population, a history of cryptorchidism was associated with lower total testis volume and impaired semen quality as well as altered serum levels of reproductive hormones.What Is Known Already: The association between cryptorchidism and testicular function is well documented in studies based on sub-fertile or infertile men recruited from a clinical setting. However, the association has not previously been investigated in men from the general population, who were unselected regarding fertility status.Study Design, Size, Duration: This is a cross-sectional population-based study of 6376 young Danish men examined from 1996 to 2017.Participants/materials, Setting, Methods: This study is based on young men from the greater Copenhagen area, Denmark (median age of 19 years) who were unselected regarding fertility status and semen quality. The young men delivered a semen sample, had a blood sample drawn and underwent a physical examination including assessment of testis volume. Participants completed a questionnaire regarding cryptorchidism at birth, current lifestyle and their mother's pregnancy, after consulting their mother. The differences in markers of testicular function, including testis volume, semen parameters and reproductive hormones between men with and without a history of cryptorchidism were investigated with multiple linear regression analyses.Main Results and the Role Of Chance: The participation rate was 24% for the entire study period. Overall, a history of cryptorchidism was associated with reduced testicular function. In the adjusted models, a history of cryptorchidism was associated with a 3.5 ml lower total testis volume, determined by orchidometer (P < 0.001), 28% lower sperm concentration (95% CI: -37 to -20) and 26% lower inhibin B/FSH ratio (95% CI: -50 to -22) compared to men without a history of cryptorchidism, suggesting a reduced spermatogenetic capacity. Men with a history of cryptorchidism also had a slightly reduced Leydig cell function expressed as a 6% lower testosterone/LH ratio (95% CI: -12 to -0.7). The significant effect sizes and different markers of testicular function pointing in the same direction across the different models based on a large sample size support that the results are not chance findings.Limitations, Reasons For Caution: Information on cryptorchidism at birth and treatment modus was obtained by retrospective self-report, and each participant only delivered one semen sample.Wider Implications Of the Findings: The results suggest that men with a history of cryptorchidism could be at increased risk of experiencing fertility problems. However, among these men there is a wide variation in semen quality and further research is needed in order to identify the subgroup of boys born with cryptorchidism who are at the greatest risk of impaired semen quality when reaching adulthood.Study Funding/competing Interest(s): The study received financial support from the Research fund of Rigshospitalet, Copenhagen University Hospital; the European Union (Contract numbers BMH4-CT96-0314, QLK4-CT-1999-01422, QLK4-CT-2002-00603. FP7/2007-2013, DEER Grant agreement no. 212844); the Danish Ministry of Health; the Danish Environmental Protection Agency; A.P. Møller and wife Chastine McKinney Møllers Foundation; and Svend Andersens Foundation. None of the founders had any role in the study design, collection, analysis or interpretation of data, writing of the paper or publication decisions. The authors have nothing to declare.Trial Registration Number: N/A. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The next enlargement of the European Union is predicted to be in the Balkans. Kosovo, a small country of the Balkan Peninsula, which has been declared as an independent state in 2008, aims the membership in EU. Kosovo is currently at the stage of negotiating the Stabilization and Association Agreement with EU. For the membership in EU, candidate countries are required to achieve certain criteria: political, legislative, economic and administrative. The first three are known as the Copenhagen Criteria, whereas the last one as the Madrid Criteria. This paper looks to briefly asses the difficulties of Kosovo in meeting the two Copenhagen Criteria: the political and the legislative one. Although, Kosovo has achieved certain progress related to this matter, this paper presents only the dimensions where Kosovo is lacking in achieving the aforementioned requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change constitutes one of the most pressing political problems of our time and has profound implications for global justice. However, despite the recent progress of the international negotiations embodied in the Paris Agreement, most scientists and activists agree that the adopted measures are not adequate or 'just' considering the magnitude of the problem. Thus, there is a pressing need for political forerunners that could push the regime towards a more just handling of the problem. The European Union for most of the time has presented itself as a strong advocate for progressive climate action and has been called a climate vanguard or 'green normative power'. This paper critically assesses the EU's role concerning climate change from a perspective of global political justice, which builds on a tripartite theoretical conception, consisting of 'non-domination', 'impartiality' and 'mutual recognition'. It inquires to which conceptions of justice the EU's climate strategy and approach to the international negotiations have corresponded, how and why changes have come about, and whether the EU was able to influence the international regime. The paper finds that while the EU started out from a focus on political measures linked to impartiality, after the failed negotiations in Copenhagen in 2009 it has become more open towards policies and instruments in line with mutual recognition and non-domination. Thus, the emphasis moved away from top-down, legally binding measures, towards voluntary bottom-up procedures, a recognition of difference and diplomatic outreach activities. While this shift was necessary to reinstate the EU's influence and secure the Paris Agreement, it could hamper the quest for robust climate abatement measures and global climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hypothesis proposed for analysis in this article suggests that the public speech and mass-communication can be used by political elites as a tool to induce and influence the public perception with regard on what is a challenge to security (and perception of security) and to determine certain preferences and behaviors. This approach, developed within the "securitization theory" by the Copenhagen School of International Relations, insist on the importance of understanding securitization as an act of speech. Within the same theoretical framework we can use the model of "desecuritization" as a mechanism to transform something that is perceived as a threat into something that might be seen as an opportunity. From this perspective, we propose an analysis on the Western Balkan Region in relation with the idea of future integration into the European Union, focused on perceptions, preferences, expectations of the public opinion, as well as the public speech used by political elites. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that the constructivist approaches and especially "de-securitization" can offer the best options to evaluate the readiness of integration of WBS into the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The international climate change negotiations leading to and including the Copenhagen and Cancun Conferences of the Parties in 2009 and 2010 have shown a very different balance of power from those of the 1997 Kyoto round. This “New World dis(Order)” is characterized by insecurity of the United States in the face of economic and political decline vis-à-vis China; fragmentation of the Group of 77 developing nations negotiating bloc; and weakening of the European Union, which was cut out entirely from the group negotiating the Copenhagen Accord. In addition to old alignments of developing countries based on solidarity, negotiating blocs have fractured along lines of responsibility for climate change, capability to address it, and national vulnerability to climate risks. This paper assesses whether, over the past two decades, negotiations have come closer to meeting basic criteria of international climate justice, and chronicles how environmental negotiations have come to reflect a different and shifting balance of power. Drawing insights from Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly Silver''s analyses of US hegemonic decline and the rise of China, the article argues that the roots of the worst stubbornness by the US in recent climate talks lie in growing insecurity about its ability to provide jobs for its workers in a future where all sorts of work is moving to China and India. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

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The European Union has been praised for successfully promoting democracy through its political accession conditionality by incentivizing Central and Eastern European countries to establish stable democratic institutions and improve their human rights practices. However, recent democratic downturns in the region have brought into question the quality and longevity of democracy that the Union promotes. By tracing political developments and progress towards satisfying European Union membership requirements in two countries currently engaged in accession negotiations, Montenegro and Serbia, I find that the European Union's standards of democracy fall short of requiring stable democratic institutions and long-term successes in producing political systems that respect and protect human rights, the rights of minorities, the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms. Instead of requiring prospective member states to comply with accession criteria, the European Union is allowing them to progress along the integration path with only partial compliance, weakening its own ability to induce meaningful reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study Question: What are the attitudes towards different aspects of a freeze-all strategy and elective frozen embryo transfer (eFET) in comparison with fresh embryo transfer in assisted reproductive technology treatment among female and male patients before and after their first ART treatment cycle in a public health care setting?Summary Answer: Despite concerns about the delay in embryo transfer associated with eFET, nearly 60% of the participants were in favor of eFET compared with fresh embryo transfer assuming that the clinical pregnancy rate was equivalent.What Is Known Already: Vitrification and blastocyst transfer have considerably improved success rates after FET with ongoing pregnancy rates in frozen cycles approaching those seen in fresh treatment cycles. Furthermore, the risk of ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome (OHSS) is essentially eliminated in FET cycles, and FET may be beneficial to the endometrial and fetal development because a hormonal environment mirroring the natural cycle is enabled. However, the freeze-all strategy is not yet implemented as standard care. One reason is the presumption of negative patient attitudes towards a freeze-all embryo strategy. So far, no data regarding patients' attitudes on a freeze-all strategy have been published.Study Design, Size, Duration: This study was designed as a descriptive cross-sectional study including 165 fertility patients referred for their first ART treatment from December 2014 to June 2016.Participants/materials, Setting, Methods: All newly referred patients participating in a mandatory meeting before initiating ART treatment at the Fertility Clinic, Hvidovre Hospital, Copenhagen, Denmark were requested to fill in an online web-based questionnaire separately for men and women covering attitudes towards a freeze-all strategy, socio-demographic data and reproductive history. The patients were informed about both conventional fresh embryo transfer strategy and the freeze-all strategy prior to answering the questionnaire.Main Results and the Role Of Chance: The total response rate was 77.1% (n = 165), and for women and men respectively 85.8 versus 66.0%. The female respondents were significantly more likely to consider the postponement of embryo transfer difficult compared to the male population (78.6 versus 35.5%; P < 0.001) and they were significantly more willing to accept a risk in treatment on own health to achieve a pregnancy than were the male respondents on their partners health (82.5 versus 96.8%; P = 0.025). However, 59.2% of the women and 59.7% of the men agreed that they would choose eFET over fresh embryo transfer if the chance of pregnancy were the same. Most of the patients furthermore agreed that the health of the mother and their baby was of highest importance. In the adjusted analyses we found no significant predictive factors for preferences towards a freeze-all strategy apart from a negative attitude towards delay of transfer in case of previous unsuccessful ART attempts.Limitations, Reasons For Caution: Selection bias cannot be excluded, as the total response rate was 77.1%. The hypothetical nature of the items may furthermore limit the validity of the results. In addition, the participants were from a single Fertility Clinic in the Capital Region of Denmark and may therefore not be representative for all fertility patients.Wider Implications Of the Findings: In a clinical setting with similar pregnancy rates for eFET and fresh embryo transfer, these results indicate that patients, when given access to information on advantages and disadvantages of both fresh embryo transfer and eFET, are less prone to opt for fresh embryo transfer. This may be ground breaking for a patient-centered paradigm shift in routine ART treatment with a wider implementation of a freeze-all and eFET-strategy eliminating the risk of OHSS.Study Funding/competing Interest(s): The Danish Council for Independent Research and Merck Serono supported the study. The study is part of the Reprounion Collaborative study, co-financed by the European Union, Interreg V ÖKS. No competing interests exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to identity issues in international relations. The author describes the main theoretical approaches to the issue of identity (the Copenhagen school, the constructivist theory of international relations, the contribution of Polish researchers) and discusses the specificity of the identities of the main participants in international relations (states, nations, regions, sub-state entities). Then he proposes his own concept of international identity and analyses its most important components (geography, history and culture), the behaviours of the entities that articulate it (political and cultural elites, society) and the influence of the external environment that co-shapes it. Finally, he applies the aforementioned concept to the Polish case and presents the main components of the Polish identity, as well as past and present political activities aimed at forming it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the leadership role of the European Union (EU) in the climate change regime has been largely acknowledged, less attention has been paid to identifying the reasons why the EU often fails in climate change negotiations. Such an undertaking is deemed imperative following the negative for the EU turn of events at the 2009 Copenhagen climate summit. There is sufficient literature to be found on the link between the Union's unique and complex organizational structure and its inability to act cohesively and purposefully. This study seeks to add to this corpus by looking at the extent to which the EU has been able to learn from its mistakes and incorporate timely remedial action. Even though important, the EU's failures as a global actor cannot be explained by only looking at its ineffective institutional architecture. A more systematic understanding of the reasons behind EU's failures in climate talks is in fact needed. By using Underdal's theory of 'negotiation failure', this study tries to explore the extent to which negotiation theory could help with better comprehending the obstacles that prevented the Union from getting more out of the climate negotiation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background, Aims and Scope. On 4-5 June 2007, an international conference was held in Copenhagen. It provided an interdisciplinary forum where economists and geographers met with LCA experts to discuss the challenges of modelling the ultimate land use changes caused by an increased demand for biofuels. Main Features. The main feature of the conference was the cross-breeding of experience from the different approaches to land use modelling: The field of LCA could especially benefit from economic modelling in the identification of marginal crop production and the resulting expansion of the global agricultural area. Furthermore, the field of geography offers insights in the complexity behind new land cultivation and practical examples of where this is seen to occur on a regional scale. Results. Results presented at the conference showed that the magnitude and location of land use changes caused by biofuels demand depend on where the demand arises. For instance, mandatory blending in the EU will increase land use both within and outside of Europe, especially in South America. A key learning for the LCA society was that the response to a change in demand for a given crop is not presented by a single crop supplier or a single country, but rather by responses from a variety of suppliers of several different crops in several countries. Discussion. The intensification potential of current and future crop and biomass production was widely discussed. It was generally agreed that some parts of the third world hold large potentials for intensification, which are not realised due to a number of barriers resulting in so-called yield gaps. Conclusions. Modelling the global land use implications of biofuels requires an interdisciplinary approach optimally integrating economic, geographical, biophysical, social and possibly other aspects in the modelling. This interdisciplinary approach is necessary but also difficult due to different perspectives and mindsets in the different disciplines. Recommendations and Perspectives. The concept of a location dependent marginal land use composite should be introduced in LCA of biofuels and it should be acknowledged that the typical LCA assumption of linear substitution is not necessarily valid. Moreover, fertiliser restrictions/accessibility should be included in land use modelling and the relation between crop demand and intensification should be further explored. In addition, environmental impacts of land use intensification should be included in LCA, the powerful concept of land use curves should be further improved, and so should the modelling of diminishing returns in crop production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]