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This paper aims to understand how violent deaths suffered by common people and their media coverage are approached in the field of Communication, focusing on the sense-making processes about violence and its structural nature. In order to do so, we analysed papers about the media coverage around murders, published in 26 journals in the field of Communication, classified as A2 and B1 in the Brazilian "Qualis Capes" ranking. Based on the ways of identifying the victims and the circumstances of their deaths, in interaction with the ways of naming such violence, presented in the papers' empirical and analytical dimensions, we designed an overview of the silences and absences in the epistemic constructions about violence in media and academia in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of the field of feminist geographies in Brazil, proposing a reflection upon the different aspects of the policy (personal, institutional and national/international) which are intertwined with the geographical scientific production on gender and sexualities. This research is based on a data survey comprising 17,636 papers published between 1974 and 2015 in 90 scientific journals kept by Brazilian geographical entities at all levels of the ranking established by the government. The study emphasizes that there was an expansion of the gender and sexualities approach after the 2000s, characterized for its production from the peripheral universities, by young researchers and its publication in scientific journals of lower scientific impact, when the formal criteria of evaluation recently set in Brazil are taken into consideration. The gender studies field can be considered consolidated in Brazil, however, the approach of sexualities in the Brazilian geography still requires some work to be finally recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Gender differences have been identified in both the engagement in and the determinants of sustainable diet behaviours. However, as engagement in pro-environmental behaviours varies across countries, the consistency of gender differences could follow similar patterns. Understanding the factors underlying gender and country differences in diet intentions is important for determining how to promote sustainable diets in different populations. Methods: Using survey data from the UK, China, Sweden and Brazil (N=4,569), this paper examines the influence of subjective norms, diet-related identity, perceived status of meat consumption, environmental identity and environmental concern on sustainable diet intentions. Multigroup analysis was used to explore gender and country differences in the influence of these variables, and whether gender differences were consistent across the four countries. Results: The findings show that there are gender differences in the influence of dietrelated identity and perceived status of meat consumption, as well as cross-country differences in all factors except subjective norms. Holding a strong diet-related meat identity negatively affected sustainable diet intentions in all groups. Crucially, however, gender differences are not consistent across countries. Discussion: These results suggest that individuals' intentions to engage in sustainable diet behaviours are influenced by nationally unique gender associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study the effectiveness of the Brazilian "Maria da Penha" Law—a law that imposed criminal sanctions on and promoted rehabilitation programs for known perpetrators of acts of domestic violence exclusively against women, issued restraining orders against perpetrators, required perpetrators to surrender firearms, and established police units uniquely trained to address violence against women. Using difference-in-difference analyses estimated with data on Brazilian monthly assault-related hospitalizations and with gender as treatment variable, we find that the law contributed to a 22% reduction in assault-related hospitalizations among women as compared with men. Our data is collected from the Brazilian public healthcare system named Sistema Único de Saúde, which provides public information on detailed records of hospitalizations in Brazil. We provide robustness checks of our analyses and examine heterogeneous effects of the law. With respect to the latter, we deduce that the effectiveness of the law in reducing assault-related hospitalizations among women was especially pronounced in municipalities where women are most vulnerable to domestic violence. We conclude with a discussion of our results, with an eye to policy implications and areas for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper analyzes the issue of wage differentials and gender discrimination in the Brazilian labor market. Design/methodology/approach: The methodology is based on the log-linear equation model by Mincer (1974) and the decomposition method by Oaxaca (1973) and Blinder (1973) and was estimated using data from the National Household Sample Survey (PNAD). Findings: The main results indicate that there was a reduction in wage differentials and gender discrimination in the majority of regions in Brazil for white workers when comparing the available years. However, for non-white workers, the degree of discrimination increased in Brazil, especially in the central-west and southeast regions. Overall, wage decompositions have suggested that women suffer from wage discrimination. Originality/value: This is the first paper detailing wage discrimination across the different Brazilian regions and also controlling for usual dimensions like gender and race. Peer review: The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-09-2021-0569. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper examines the role of occupational segregation in the evolution of wage differentials by gender and race in the Brazilian labor market between 2005 and 2015. Design/methodology/approach: The author uses microdata from the National Household Sample Survey and adopts two occupational integration typology to capture both horizontal and vertical segregation. The decomposition method proposed by Firpo et al. (2009) is employed to investigate the determinants of changes in differentials along the wage distribution. Findings: Results suggest a glass ceiling effect for all groups compared to white men. Gender and racial discrimination persist, especially at the top of the distribution. For both black women and men, observable characteristics account for most of the wage differentials, while for white women, the opposite occurs because of their education level. Vertical segregation behavior indicates that white men continue over-represented in higher-paid occupations. Although women improved their relative position in the occupational hierarchy, horizontal segregation behavior shows that their concentration in female-dominated occupations has not reduced, except in extreme quantiles. Education played a crucial role in reducing wage gaps, and regional differences stood out as a significant factor of the racial disadvantage. Originality/value: The paper shows significant differences between the groups regarding verticalization and horizontalization of occupational structure along the wage distribution and over time, contributing to filling some gaps in the literature concerning the wage stratification based on gender and race in Brazil. Occupational segregation as a composition factor of the groups determines their positions in a vertically hierarchical and socially stratified occupational structure. The behavior of horizontal and vertical segregations evidences the continue under-valorization of female occupations and the barriers faced by racial and gendered groups to overcome the glass ceiling effect. Recognize the intersectionality of gender and race in addressing inequalities is fundamental to promote policies that overcome them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ibero-Americana de Estudos em Educação is the property of Jose Luis Bizelli, editor of Revista Ibero-Americana de Estudos em Educacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Bioetica is the property of Conselho Federal de Medicina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Jair Bolsonaro, the unapologetically homophobic and ultraconservative Brazilian president, managed to emerge from the margins of the political system and gained electoral momentum during the impeachment hearing against Dilma Rousseff in 2016. The hearing, which ultimately demoted the first female president of the country, epitomizes the current affective polarization of Brazil in which sexual dissidence plays an important role. This paper discusses the politics of discourse, affect and sexuality which has drawn Bolsonaro and his far-right ideologies into greater political relief. To do so, I will focus on the scene in which Jean Wyllys, a human rights activist and the only openly gay congressmember at the time, spat on Bolsonaro. Wyllys' misdemeanor caused a commotion in the country and was recontextualized in several venues such as memes, social media, op-eds, YouTube parodies etc. This paper investigates the intense circulation of Wyllys' actions and how it responds to and takes issue with the larger affective scenario of the country. I analyze the socio-semiotic life of Wyllys' spit by tracking its textual trajectory with a view to discussing the performativity of disgust and the forging of political (in)sensibilities with regards to gender and sexuality in contemporary Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how dynamics between Brazil's right‐wing populist government and civil and uncivil organizations affected the role of civil organizations, especially rights‐based ones, and Brazil's democratization process. These dynamics contributed to stripping policies of their progressive nature and rejecting the values of diversity, freedom, and equality. Our analysis relies on the inhabited institutions approach to comprehend the role of action, interaction, and meaning in institutionalized spaces. We analyzed two policy fields—gender, sexual, and reproductive rights, and ethnic and racial relations—through documents and in‐depth interviews. Our analysis shows that Bolsonaro's government mobilized mechanisms related to institutional changes, the replacement of actors, and their interactions to inhibit civil society organizations' influence in policy formulation and provision and strengthen the participation of uncivil groups, thereby legitimating conservative ideas and discourses, and closing civic space for NGOs with rights‐based agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Occupational Therapy / Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional is the property of Cadernos de Terapia Ocupacional da UFSCar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of MATRIZes is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Programa de Pos Graduacao em Ciencias da Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Globally, women and girls make up the majority of recorded and estimated victims of modern slavery and human trafficking. In Brazil, however, females represent only 5% of the more than 35,000 people rescued from forced and slave labour from 2003 to 2018. This paper interrogates data on antislavery efforts in Brazil, to identify and explain the gender dynamics of rescues. It evaluates legal, policy, and contextual factors that may help to explain discrepancies between Brazilian victim demographics and regional and international trends. In doing so, it identifies a key gap in antislavery efforts in Brazil that demands focus on investigating sexual exploitation, domestic work and forced marriage. Centralisation of human trafficking, minor sexual exploitation and forced labour is primordial to address all modern slavery aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the purchase process of the sparkling wines female consumers, in order to understand the variables that influence the purchase process of this product. Th e consumer behavior in the purchase decision process is one important topic of the marketing studies, to the extent that it helps to explain how decisions are made and what elements determine them, it can support strategic marketing decisions. The importance of gender segmentation has been highlighted in several studies; in addition, women have made most purchases and their influence in purchase decision has been highlighted. Th is study uses data from a survey carried out on a representative sample of 1,003 female consumers from Brazil. It was used a fi ve levels Likert scale; Independent tests and correspondence analyses were performed. Th e study could identify the five main factors influencing the choice. Also, the results contribute to elucidate points such as confidence to choose and consumption occasions and contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given weak protections for whistleblowers in Brazil – a country with over one million federal civil servants and a well‐known history of corruption scandals – how common is whistleblowing? This study presents results from a survey completed by 652 federal civil servants in Brazil. Examining the incidence of wrongdoing, whistleblowing, and retaliation, as well as the role of gender and public service motivation (PSM), we find that women tend to report wrongdoing less often than men, are less willing to engage in subsequent acts of whistleblowing, and experience more retaliation. Similar to previous studies, PSM is positively related to whistleblowing and retaliation diminishes intentions to engage in subsequent whistleblowing. Unlike previous studies, we find that PSM is more predictive of whistleblowing for women than for men. In contributing new findings to research on whistleblowing in lower to middle‐income democracies, this paper contains important policy implications, particularly on the critical question of gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties shape electoral outcomes by determining who stands for election and what campaign resources they have at their disposal. The introduction of gender quotas have led party leaders to nominate more women candidates, however, those women disproportionately lose. We contend that one of the reasons that women routinely lose is because party elites withhold the campaign resources necessary to mount an effective campaign. In this paper, we test this resource gatekeeping argument using data on the provision of campaign resources in Brazil. We analyze the distribution of three different types of party resources: candidate identification numbers, financial support, and television airtime. Our findings show that party elites provide female candidates less advantageous candidate identification numbers, less financial support, and less media access than they provide male candidates. Importantly, we do not find that gender gaps in campaign contributions are attributable to differences in candidate quality. This finding suggests that even when women are recruited to run for office, party elites may still undermine their electoral prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper critically explores how queer youth experience sport for development programmes in Brazil. Whilst the Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) field is not void of discussions that touch upon heteronormativity and sexuality, the 'sensitive' stories of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals within SDP initiatives remain rather unheard. Drawing on ethnographic methodology and queer theory, this paper aims to understand the impact of two different SDP programmes located in Sao Paulo, Brazil, that use sport to address sexuality and gender issues as part of their mission. The findings of this study indicate that delivery of sexuality-focused projects is a complex, problematic and contested process. Whilst the programme is conceived of as and committed to being LGBT-inclusive, the space is not completely void of heterosexism and homophobia. The queer lens here allowed for the revelation that whilst the SDP initiative provided a relatively supportive environment regarding the free expression of queer desires, it creates rather 'safe(r)' spaces, as the conventional norms of mainstream hetero-patriarchal society permeate these spaces. Furthermore, initiatives led to new means of exclusion and alienating experiences for its non-queer beneficiaries. Ultimately, raising the question of sexual diversity resulted in unexpected consequences outside the SDP space associated with misinterpretations, suspicions and a rejection of the initiatives. The conclusion consists of overall reflections regarding the use of the queer approach within SDP research and suggests possible directions for future studies of this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Development Research is the property of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comunicação Pública is the property of Escola Superior de Comunicacao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cultural consonance is both a theoretical and methodological approach that provides a means of locating an individual within a cultural space via their degree of adherence to a particular shared cultural norm or model. Yet, lacunae remain in the cultural consonance approach, namely, the mechanisms that motivate putting cultural knowledge into practice. Using the performance of gender roles in Ribeirão Preto, Brazil, as a backdrop, this paper examines the roles of social network conformation (defined as the perceived adherence of one's social network with norms) and internalization of cultural norms (taken from Melford Spiro's theory of the same name) on cultural consonance. We show that the performance of cultural models is domain‐specific, with Brazilian men motivated by their social network, whereas women are motivated by their own internalized understandings of gender. Resumo Consonância cultural é ambos, uma teoria e uma abordagem metodológica, que fornece uma maneira de localizar um indivíduo dentro do espaço cultural por meio de seu grau de adesão a uma determinada norma ou modelo cultural compartilhado. Ainda permanecem lacunas na abordagem de consonância cultural, a saber, os mecanismos que motivam colocar o conhecimento cultural em prática. Usando o desempenho de papéis de gênero em Ribeirão Preto, Brasil como pano de fundo, esse trabalho examina a conformação dos papéis das redes sociais (definido como a aderência percebida da rede social de alguém com as normas), e internalização de normas culturais (retirada da teoria de Melford Spiro com mesmo nome) em consonância cultural. Nós mostramos que o desempenho de modelos culturais é específico de um domínio, com homens brasileiros motivados por suas redes sociais, enquanto as mulheres são motivadas por suas próprias compreensões internalizadas de gênero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I hope to shed light on the social and institutional transformation processes in Brazil in the 21st century, contrasting what can be understood as two populist waves. The first is the one led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, as a left-wing leader whose government has been internationally recognized for implementing distributive economic policies (inclusion of the poorest majority) and inclusive social policies (inclusion of racial and sexual minorities). The second is the right-wing wave led by Jair Bolsonaro, internationally recognized, but rather for embracing a discourse contrary to the inclusive practices adopted by their predecessor. Thus, the question I want to answer is: How can the same concept fit into such different phenomena? My hypothesis is that we are facing two patterns of representative relations. An inclusive one that aims to expand the number of groups that can be properly represented within the political collectivity, increasing its pluralism, and an exclusive one that aims to restrict them, shortening the plurality of groups and identities that forms the people. In both, the theme of racial and sexual minorities becomes a priority. Through this discussion, I want to emphasize the substantive and existential quality of the differences between these two representative patterns that are sometimes neglected or reduced by those who use the concept of populism to attribute some kind of symmetry or ideological convergence between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how criminalized teenage girls who have committed homicide reconcile violent practices with self-conceptions of femininity in their personal narratives. Data come from 13 biographical interviews with adolescent girls incarcerated in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Drawing from Bourdieusian theory and narrative criminology, I examine how gendered social structures shape how girls produce intelligible and morally coherent accounts of their crimes. I found that girls share a narrative habitus that allows for three different frames to make sense of violence: violence as a gendered resource, as a gendered failure and as a gendered dilemma. This paper contributes to a growing feminist narrative criminology that investigates how personal narratives of violence are embedded in gendered social structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Childhood & Philosophy is the property of International Council for Philosophical Inquiry with Children and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The last six years in Brazilian politics have been defined by tense polarization. Such polarization reached its peak during the impeachment process that removed former President Dilma Rousseff from office, often characterized by commentators as social, political and even affective turn in the country. Ample media discussions were held regarding corruption, nationalism, unemployment, inflation and even communism. Another important issue, however, related to the impeachment process is that of gender, which has not deserved the same attention, especially in mainstream media. During the course of the impeachment, a magazine article received wide public attention: "Marcela Temer: bela, recatada e do lar" ["Marcela Temer: beautiful, maidenlike and 'a housewife'"] was published by Veja magazine on April 18, 2016, featuring Brazil's then-future first lady, and circulated intensively on the Web. Against this backdrop, this paper analyzes the aforementioned article by tracking its trajectory online and by investigating how femininity is (re)performed at each entextualization until the campaign period in 2018. Partial results show that the figure of personhood projected for women by Veja is sharply contrasted with the one projected onto Ms Rousseff. Such figure of personhood was later picked up by right-wing extremists, who blatantly reject gender equality and emphasize the role of women in the private sphere. I argue that such conservative view of gender helped discursively construct Dilma Rousseff's impeachment in 2016 and was later integrated into the complex neofascist politics which elected Jair Bolsonaro President of Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this text I present documents written by Mariza Corrêa in the 1990s and 2000s, considering the issues they address and the innovations they offered to the fields of knowledge in which they were produced. Relating these aspects to the author's research trajectory, I also contextualize the texts taking into account the moments in which they were written. Thus, the article offers elements to contribute to a history of Mariza Corrêa's legacy and, in parallel, to the history of anthropology in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the primary prevention policies in Australia to tackle domestic violence against women, at the national and state levels, as they relate to gender and other strengthening factors. It also discusses how these experiences are related to Brazilian policies. The article analyses the backlash in Brazil to the promotion of gender equality and indicates possible inspiration for policies related to reducing the strengthening factors of gender violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of a death review study of 34 cases of femicide in the Federal District, Brazil, between 2016 and 2017. The aim of the study is to analyse how primary, secondary and tertiary prevention policies could have enhanced the prevention of these particular femicides. The study uses a mixed-method research design to analyse the judicial and health files of victims and perpetrators, supplemented by semi-structured interviews with surviving relatives. The findings highlight the need for an intersectional approach to gender, race, class and migration status in prevention policies; better risk assessment and management; enhanced women's reporting of domestic violence earlier; and better integration of the justice system with psychosocial services. The increase of violence against women during the COVID-19 pandemic strengthens the need for an integrated approach to the prevention of lethal gender violence. This paper provides an original contribution to better comprehend the profile of femicide victims and perpetrators with a view on how to improve prevention policies in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent world-wide trend of female chief executives struggling to maintain public support while facing corruption allegations and scandals poses the question of whether female politicians face stronger backlash for corruption than their male counterparts. Even though corruption scandals and allegations are not exclusive to countries led by female incumbents, notable figures such as former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff and former Chilean President Michele Bachelet seem to have experienced more dramatic drops in public support when targeted by corruption allegations in comparison to male incumbents from their region. This paper tests whether beliefs about women's higher honesty and purity can lead voters to punish perceived transgressions by female politicians more harshly than when those are performed by men. Using survey-experiments conducted in Brazil and Mexico, the analyses find support for the gender-related backlash in Mexico and no evidence for it in Brazil. However, the backlash observed in Mexico is not larger among subjects holding views about women as less corrupt than men. Overall, the results suggest that the differential gender-related backlash against incumbents depends on individual and contextual-level factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual and reproductive health needs and rights are one of the bleakest examples of (racialised) gender health inequalities in Brazil. This is so despite legal and constitutional specificity recognising the right to health as right of citizenship. In this paper we argue that a 'performance gap' is revealed in contradictions between what the right to health as a normative framework encourages states to do, and institutional arrangements and power relations that underpin everyday gendered inequalities in health delivery. The contribution of this article is two-fold. First, it contributes to feminist political economy accounts of the neglect of sexual and reproductive rights by adding a perspective of human dignity as an approach to gender inequalities. Second, it explores ways in which health inequalities manifest in everyday practices, and how divergent expectations of what the right to health means for professionals and for disadvantaged black women limit the capacity of healthcare to make a difference to their well-being. The article also underlines the importance of complementing legal accountability in health with mechanisms that account for prerogatives of gender justice, equality and dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the results from an evaluation of a public policy that offers scholarships to current and former public high school students, so that they can attend technical and vocational education courses free of charge. We use a waiting list randomized controlled trial in four municipalities in a southern Brazilian State (Santa Catarina) to quantify the effects of the program on school progression, labor market outcomes and non-cognitive skills. Our intention-to-treat estimates reveal substantial gender heterogeneity two years after program completion. Women experienced large gains in labor market outcomes and non-cognitive skills. Employment rose by 21 percentage points (or approximately 33%) and the gains in earnings are of more than 50%. Also, women who received the offer scored 0.5σ higher on the synthetic index of non-cognitive skills and 0.69σ higher on an extraversion indicator. We find no effects on the male sub-sample. These findings corroborate the evidence on gender heterogeneity in the labor market effects of technical and vocational education programs. We also perform a series of exercises to explore potential channels through which these effects arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper is based on research, funded by CNPq, which examines the perceptions and experiences of female professors and students about gender relations in academic life in traditionally masculine fields, with a focus on physics. The research field is a federal university in Brazil's Northeast and the methodological procedures involved interviews, after mapping the distribution of professors and students by sex. The results show women's difficulties, as professors and students, in being included in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Electronic government (e-gov), a means of providing online public services, has the potential to greatly benefit all members of society. However, its advantages are often out of the reach of citizens who are digitally excluded. Drawing on socioeconomic and demographic ICT survey data, researchers have explored the digital divide and have concluded that gender is an important determinant of inequality. If we are to provide e-gov services that are more accessible to women and geared towards their needs, we must consider the digital gender gap. This paper explores gendered differences in e-gov service usage in Brazil. Findings on the disproportionate numbers of women and men seeking and using e-gov services, as well as the reasons for not using them, justify the relevance of gendering the e-gov debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Emancipação is the property of Revista Emancipacao - Universidade Estadual de Ponta Grossa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This study addresses the importance of paid work for the autonomy of poor women in the Bolsa Família Programme (BFP), Brazil. The aim of this study is to consider the influence that BFP may have on women seeking paid work, by comparing the situation and the perceptions of women who receive Bolsa Família (BF) with those of women who fall within this same profile but are not included in the programme. Design/methodology/approach: The aim of this study is to consider the influence that BFP may have on women seeking paid work, by comparing the situation and the perceptions of women who receive Bolsa Família (BF) with those of women who fall within this same profile but are not included in the programme. Data were produced from a case study, using a non-probability sample and structured individual interviews in a large city in the south of Brazil. Findings: CCTs designed in the moulds of the BFP, despite its relevance for alleviating poverty, do not have the potential to empower women or for their autonomy, since they do not contribute towards tackling the barriers resulting from the interaction between paid and unpaid labour, and gender determinants in this interaction. Research limitations/implications: The methodology adopted, with content analysis, allows the collection of the research group participants' experiences and perceptions, considering the specific nature of the material and symbolic context investigated. However, it does not allow for broad generalizations on the relation between CCT programmes and these women's paid labour. Within the limits of the inferences produced by the content analysis, this study does enable the theories of 'laziness' as a risk resulting from social assistance to be dispelled. Originality/value: Given these findings, the paper reiterates the importance of taking a critical view of the family when drafting development policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conhecimento & Diversidade is the property of Conhecimento & Diversidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do welfare programs affect beneficiaries' perceptions of social mobility? This paper uses the case of Brazil's Bolsa Família Program to assess whether, how, and to what degree the welfare program affects beneficiaries' views of their potential social mobility. It makes a key contribution to the understanding of social mobility by incorporating the role that race and gender play in beneficiary respondent's evaluation of social mobility. Use of an original field survey undergirds the finding that, in contrast to conventional understandings of Brazilian racial and social dynamics, beneficiary status operates differently for Afro-Brazilian and White beneficiaries, as well as for male and female beneficiaries. Specifically, that the program has significant empowerment effects for White women beneficiaries, but that it does not affect the evaluations of Afro-Brazilian women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines family planning in Brazil as biopolitics and explores how the democratization of the State and of reproductive health services after two decades of military dictatorship (1964–1984) has influenced health professionals’ and family planning users’ discourses and practices. Do health professionals envisage family planning as a ‘right’ or do they conceive it, following the old neo-Malthusian rationale, as a ‘moral duty’ of poor people, whose ‘irrational’ reproduction jeopardizes the family's and the nation's well being? And how do their patients conceptualize and embody family planning? To answer these questions, this paper draws on 13 months of multi-sited ethnographic research undertaken between 2003 and 2005 in two public family planning services in Salvador da Bahia, where participant observation was undertaken and unstructured interviews were conducted with 11 health professionals and 70 family planning users, mostly low income black women. The paper examines how different bio-political rationalities operate in these services and argues that the old neo-Malthusian rationale and the current, dominant discourse on reproductive rights, gender equality and citizenship coexist. The coalescence of different biopolitical rationalities leads to the double stigmatization of family planning users as ‘victims’ of social and gender inequalities and as ‘irrational’ patients, ‘irresponsible’ mothers and ‘bad’ citizens if they do not embody the neo-Malthusian and biomedical rationales shaping medical practice. However, these women do not behave as ‘docile bodies’: they tactically use medical and non-medical contraceptives not only to be good mothers and citizens, but also to enhance themselves and to attain their own goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Letrônica is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Muiraquitã: Revista de Letras e Humanidades is the property of Muiraquita and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)