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As part of a doctoral research, eighty-eight local truth commissions created in Brazil between 2012 and 2018 were identified. Among them, it was selected the eleven final reports that described partnerships between truth commissions and universities. The paper analyzes the phenomenon of creation of local truth commissions in Brazil and the partnerships established between them and universities, especially, with Archival Science and History programs. It was found that the partnerships were established to make the work of truth commissions feasible and consisted of archival activities such as preservation, description, and scanning as well as research. It concludes that, although the educational engagement of Brazilian truth commissions has been limited, partnerships with universities have provided students the contact with the theme of human rights, in line with the callings for the profession to address activism and human rights within the context of archival education. Finally, the paper suggests that experiences developed by these partnerships could be incorporated into Archival Science programs in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Em Extensao is the property of Em Extensao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Prisma Jurídico is the property of Nove de Julho University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Community participation as a strategy in health aims to increase the role of citizens in health decision-making which are contextualised within the institutions of democracy. Electoral representation as the dominant model of democracy globally is based on the elite theory of democracy that sees political decision-making a prerogative of political elites. Such political elitism is counter to the idea of democratic participation. Neoliberalism together with elitism in political sphere have worsened social inequities by undermining working class interests. Latin America has seen adverse consequences of these social inequities. In response, social movements representing collective struggles of organised citizens arose in the region. This paper explores the theoretical underpinnings of democratic participation in contemporary Latin American context at the nexus of emerging social movement activism and policy responses. The paper will use empirical examples to highlight how such democratic practices at the societal level evolved while demanding political inclusion. These societal democratic practices in Latin America are redefining democracy, which continues to be seen in the political sphere only. Health reforms promoting participatory democracy in several Latin American countries have demonstrated that establishing institutions and mechanisms of democratic participation facilitate collective participation by the organised citizenry in state affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore how the COVID-19 pandemic has been managed in Brazil, especially at the Federal Administrative level, with the focus being on the implications for human rights and public health in the country. Design/methodology/approach: The research is built on a qualitative design made up of a case-study and review of the literature and is based on inductive reasoning. Findings: Main conclusions were that: by not making sufficient efforts to safeguard the lives of Brazilians or to strengthen public health institutions amid the pandemic, Bolsonaro's Administration may be violating the rights to life and health, among others, by omission; it was demonstrated that the President has worked unceasingly to bulldoze anti-COVID-19 efforts, which can be better explained through the concepts of necropolitics and neoliberal authoritarianism. Research limitations/implications: One of the limitations to this research is that this paper was not able to discuss more thoroughly which other human rights norms and principles (apart from the right to health, life and the duty to protect vulnerable populations) have possibly been violated amid the COVID-19 pandemic in the country. Overall, this research can help expand the literature on human rights in health management during and after emergency times. Originality/value: This paper focuses on recent events and on urgent matters that need to be addressed immediately in Brazil. This study provides an innovative health policy/human rights analysis to build an academic account of the ongoing pandemic in the largest country in South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the implementation of the right to adequate housing in Brazil, China, and Russia, which are part of the BRICS group of countries. The study reveals that while Brazil and Russia have legally recognised the right to housing through domestic law and multinational human rights treaties, China has been less willing to do so. Even when international instruments have been implemented, they have not always successfully ensured state accountability for housing rights violations, and few cases have been brought under individual complaint procedures. This study highlights common housing issues faced by each jurisdiction in the practical implementation of the right to housing, which are similar to those encountered by other countries but are often more severe due to the economic, political, and historical circumstances of the countries under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite acknowledging the risks of the COVID-19 pandemic for the prison population, Brazil's Supreme Court declined to issue structural injunctions during the health crisis ordering lower courts to consider these risks when making incarceration-related decisions. These injunctions could have been crucial to mitigate mass incarceration and protect the prison population during the pandemic. Through an examination of the Supreme Court's rulings in structural cases and in a sample of over 4,000 habeas corpus decisions, this paper argues that granting these injunctions would have overwhelmed the court with an unmanageable influx of individual claims. Consequently, the Supreme Court acted strategically in anticipation of its limited institutional capacity to enforce compliance with structural injunctions among lower courts. This case study illustrates how practical considerations can hinder structural decisions in criminal law and highlights the limits of structural litigation and constitutional jurisdiction to address mass incarceration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Latin American Studies is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the decline of the AIDS Programme in Brazil, the Latin American country most affected by the epidemic, with emphasis in the second decade of the twenty-first century. For many years, Brazil served as a model in Global Health due to a comprehensive preventive policy, a partnership between the government and health activists and the support of life-saving drugs as public goods rather than commodities. The regression of AIDS policies in Brazil interacted with developments in the United States as well as with multilateral agencies like UNAIDS that emphasised biomedicalisation in the response to the disease where broad human-rights programmes and alliance with activists were not priorities. International programmes like the 'Ending AIDS' campaign indirectly undermined the exceptional status AIDS enjoyed since the late 1980s. The backlash in Brazilian policies to fight AIDS was a result of the fragmentation of the left and the empowerment of radical conservative authoritarian and religious forces. The result was the breakdown of the long-held belief that successful anti-AIDS disease programmes could simultaneously help control the disease and build better healthcare systems and ultimately prompted the end of the special place AIDS' policy had in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a context of rapid technological innovation and expensive new products, the paper calls for the generation of real-world data to inform decision-making and an international discussion on the affordability of new medicines, particularly for low- and middle-income countries. Without these, the challenges of health judicialization will continue to grow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Direito GV is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dilemas: Revista de Estudos de Conflito e Controle Social is the property of Dilemas: Revista de Estudos de Conflito e Controle Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Jurídica Cesumar: Mestrado is the property of Revista Juridica Cesumar - Mestrado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In May 2017, the government of Brazil enacted a new immigration law, replacing a statute introduced in 1980 during the country's military dictatorship with progressive legislation that advances human rights principles and adopts innovative approaches to migration management. One of the most notable features of the new law is its explicit rejection of the criminalization of migration, and its promotion of efforts to regularize undocumented migrants. Although the law itself is new, the values embedded in the law reflect recent trends in Brazilian immigration policy, which has embraced legalization, and has generally resisted the use of criminal law to punish unauthorized migration. Indeed, in Brazil, an initial unlawful entry does not carry criminal consequences, and at the level of society, public discourse and policy debates display minimal concern regarding this act. This posture is especially intriguing, given Brazil's otherwise aggressive focus on criminality and incarceration. This paper seeks to understand the circumstances that have led to this non-embrace of the criminalization of migration, and in particular, the scarce use of criminal law tools to punish and deter unlawful entry and related acts. The paper explores how a combination of historical factors, present-day conditions, and political forces have largely suppressed practices that dominate in the United States and in parts of Europe. Contemporary Brazilian immigration policies have generally adopted norms of forgiveness and integration--values buoyed by broader geopolitical interests that the Brazilian government has pursued in recent times. Additional factors unique to Brazil undergird the current approach, including Brazil's history of immigration, current migration flows, and criminal justice priorities. The paper concludes with some cautionary notes, suggesting that the disavowal of criminalization in Brazil may be ephemeral in Brazil's volatile political climate, and may mask other conditions that create structural vulnerability for noncitizens in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual and reproductive health needs and rights are one of the bleakest examples of (racialised) gender health inequalities in Brazil. This is so despite legal and constitutional specificity recognising the right to health as right of citizenship. In this paper we argue that a 'performance gap' is revealed in contradictions between what the right to health as a normative framework encourages states to do, and institutional arrangements and power relations that underpin everyday gendered inequalities in health delivery. The contribution of this article is two-fold. First, it contributes to feminist political economy accounts of the neglect of sexual and reproductive rights by adding a perspective of human dignity as an approach to gender inequalities. Second, it explores ways in which health inequalities manifest in everyday practices, and how divergent expectations of what the right to health means for professionals and for disadvantaged black women limit the capacity of healthcare to make a difference to their well-being. The article also underlines the importance of complementing legal accountability in health with mechanisms that account for prerogatives of gender justice, equality and dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Em Pauta is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Latin American Studies is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper I explain why Brazilian indigenous land rights are being violated by the government’s large-scale development projects, by industrial farming, and by mining development. I also analyze why indigenous land rights are not historically and legally protected in Brazil. For indigenous peoples, the land is a geographic space of their own lives, a cultural space for the preservation of tribal culture, and a space for recognition that secures an identity based on their own values and worldview. It can be said that the indigenous peoples are the land. The problems related to indigenous land rights are summarized by the following four issues. First, the land rights law, which does not recognize the natural rights of indigenous peoples, is a form of implicit colonialism in that it does not take into account the past lives or sacrifices of indigenous peoples. Second, indigenous peoples can live in, but cannot own indigenous lands. This is because the owner of the indigenous lands is the federal government. Third, since the administrative procedure for designating a protected area for indigenous peoples has not been carried out within five years as specified in the Constitution, hence, it is not binding and the procedure itself imposes bureaucratic barriers which make it difficult for indigenous peoples to protect their rights. Fourth, there is a problem of equity with other minority groups. In the case of the escaped slave community known as the “Quilombo,” common property rights are recognized. However, indigenous peoples and non-indigenous traditional peoples are not recognized as exercising common property rights. Therefore, indigenous lands are occupied by the government's development policy, corporate agriculture and mine development, and indigenous people’s right to live is also seriously infringed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Plural - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of Revista Plural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies is the property of Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: This paper discusses methods of professional education and intervention that highlight the technical-ethical- political role of occupational therapy in dealing with contemporary social problems. The paper describes how experiences of occupational therapy in the social field were used with students as strategies for understanding social reality, accomplishing academic education and developing research and reflections about caring technologies in this field. The overall aims of the project are to promote undergraduate and graduate education and to increase the knowledge base of social occupational therapy, especially in the area of youth problems that, for social, cultural and historical reasons, disrupt social support networks. To achieve these objectives, we developed technologies for social actions directed toward socially vulnerable groups of Brazilian youths, through university extension activities and academic research. Occupational therapy provides interventions at the population level and contributes to the development of mutual social living. Our experiences of these interventions are used to demonstrate principles underpinning the promotion of the practice of democracy and rights deriving from citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the issue of judicialization of the right to health in Brazil. Data from the National Council of Justice evidence a substantial increase in the number of lawsuits concerning the right to health. We emphasize that the national doctrine exhaustively discusses ways to make the authority more effective, but it does not, as a general rule, discuss the economic aspect of health judicialization. Using the concept of opportunity cost extracted from economics science, it is shown that the judge, by deferring the lawsuit formulated by the plaintiff, automatically forces the Executive Branch to reduce the scope of other policies to generate resources to meet the court order. In specific contexts, this setting ends up favoring individual rights at the expense of the collective rights of SUS users, in violation of the principle of isonomy and efficiency. Finally, the case of the judicialization promoted by the hemophiliac patients in the Federal District is shown as a way of evidencing, at the factual level, the consequences of judicialization in the SUS policies.

Background: Health is recognized as a fundamental right in Brazil's constitution. In the absence of a clearly defined benefit packages of healthcare services that are financed under the Unified Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde, SUS), courts have become important in adjudicating coverage decisions. Empirical assessments of equity and the right to health tend to focus on simple measures of access. However, these empirical perspectives belie the significant inequalities and rights violations that arise in the case of more complex health needs such as cancer. To shed light on these issues, this paper focuses on the care pathways for breast and cervical cancer and explores access and quality issues that arise at different points along the care pathway with implications for the realization of the right to health in Brazil., Method: A mixed method approach is used. The analysis is primarily based on a quantitative analysis of national representative administrative data principally from the cervical and breast cancer information systems and the hospital cancer registry. To gain more insights into the organization of cancer care, qualitative data was collected from the state of Bahia, through document analysis, direct observation, roundtable discussions with health workers (HWs), and structured interviews with health care administrators., Results: The paper reveals that the volume of completed screening exams is well below the estimated need, and a tendency toward lower breast cancer screening rates in poorer states and for women in the lowest income brackets. Only 26% of breast cancer cases and 29% of cervical cancer cases are diagnosed at an early stage (stage 0 or I), thereby reducing the survival prospects of patients. Waiting times between confirmed diagnosis and treatment are long, despite new legislation that guarantees a maximum of 60 days. The waiting times are significantly longer for patients that follow the recommended patient pathways, and who are diagnosed outside the hospital., Conclusion: The study reveals that there are large variations between states and patients, where the poorest states and patients fare worse on key indicators. More broadly, the paper shows the importance of collecting data both on patient characteristics and health system performance and carry out detailed health system analysis for exposing, empirically, rights violations and for identifying how they can be addressed.

Drawing on ethnographic research conducted from 2011 to 2015 and the authors' long-term engagement in diverse aspects of HIV and human rights advocacy in Brazil, this paper explores key elements of the Brazilian sex workers' movement response to HIV and the broader political factors that profoundly influenced its trajectory. We argue that the movement has constantly challenged representations of prostitution by affirming sex workers' roles as political actors, not just peer educators, in fighting the HIV epidemic and highlight their development of a sex positive and pleasure centred response that fought stigma on multiple fronts. Moments of tension such as the censorship of an HIV prevention campaign and implementation of 'test and treat' projects are analysed, as are the complex questions that Brazil's 2016 political and economic crisis evokes in terms of how to develop and sustain responses to HIV driven by communities but with material commitment from the State. We conclude with what we see to be the unique, central components of Brazilian sex workers' approach to HIV prevention and what lessons can be learned from it for broader collective health movements in Latin America and beyond.

This paper examines family planning in Brazil as biopolitics and explores how the democratization of the State and of reproductive health services after two decades of military dictatorship (1964–1984) has influenced health professionals’ and family planning users’ discourses and practices. Do health professionals envisage family planning as a ‘right’ or do they conceive it, following the old neo-Malthusian rationale, as a ‘moral duty’ of poor people, whose ‘irrational’ reproduction jeopardizes the family's and the nation's well being? And how do their patients conceptualize and embody family planning? To answer these questions, this paper draws on 13 months of multi-sited ethnographic research undertaken between 2003 and 2005 in two public family planning services in Salvador da Bahia, where participant observation was undertaken and unstructured interviews were conducted with 11 health professionals and 70 family planning users, mostly low income black women. The paper examines how different bio-political rationalities operate in these services and argues that the old neo-Malthusian rationale and the current, dominant discourse on reproductive rights, gender equality and citizenship coexist. The coalescence of different biopolitical rationalities leads to the double stigmatization of family planning users as ‘victims’ of social and gender inequalities and as ‘irrational’ patients, ‘irresponsible’ mothers and ‘bad’ citizens if they do not embody the neo-Malthusian and biomedical rationales shaping medical practice. However, these women do not behave as ‘docile bodies’: they tactically use medical and non-medical contraceptives not only to be good mothers and citizens, but also to enhance themselves and to attain their own goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Right-wing populism advances a brand of communicative politics that are antithetical to Paulo Freire's vision of liberating, critical, and participatory communication. This essential opposition helps to understand why the Bolsonaro government has turned Freire into a target of criticisms, as part of its ambitious, furious attempt to remove progressive politics and human rights advances from Brazilian society. Considering the current situation, the purpose of this paper is to examine the relevance of Freire's ideas for the analysis of the politics of hope against populism. His principles of public criticism, dialogue, autonomous participation, humanism, and hope are antithetical to populism's vision. The unfolding of both dialogic and expressive politics against populism in Brazil and elsewhere illustrate the significance of Freire's arguments, and raise questions about the limitations of purely dialogic strategies to confront authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista Bioetica is the property of Conselho Federal de Medicina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: Many countries are employing strategies intended to reduce maldistribution of health workers and inequities. The purpose of this study was to analyse the impact of expansion policies of medical schools on regional inequalities in the distribution of undergraduate class sizes, and the capacity to attract and retain doctors and to expand health facilities. Methods: We conducted a descriptive analysis to compare the distribution of undergraduate places in 2007 and 2016 to determine the impact of targeted expansion policies on inequalities in access to medical education in Brazil. A group of municipalities with new medical schools (n = 54) and a control group without medical schools (n = 408) were compared to analyse impacts of expansion in the health sector. We compared the increase in the number of physicians per 1000 inhabitants and health establishments per inhabitants between 2007 and 2016 based on these two groups. We also analysed the relationship between geographic distance from the state capital and capacity to attract physicians. Results: There was a decrease in the regional inequalities of undergraduate places in medical schools; the greatest increase in the places per 1000 inhabitants was in municipalities of between 50 000 and 100 000 inhabitants. Municipalities with new medical schools showed an increase in physicians per 1000 inhabitants and in health establishments per inhabitant ratio, demonstrating the potential to attract and retain doctors, as well as strengthening the health infrastructure. Municipalities more distant from state capitals showed a greater increase in physician : inhabitant ratio. Discussion: Countries with health workforce shortages and inequalities in their distribution might consider public financing and regulation policies for expansion of medical schools as a strategy to attract and retain professionals. Early results in Brazil showed that such strategies could strengthen service networks in deprived areas, supporting implementation of Universal Healthcare Coverage. How can medical schools influence regional inequities in access to medicine? This paper describes how expansion policy impacts upon the distribution of the medical workforce and the capacity to attract doctors to underserved areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Jurídica Cesumar: Mestrado is the property of Revista Juridica Cesumar - Mestrado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Brazil, the presence of psychology in prisons was established by the Criminal Sentence Execution Act, in 1984, and it was intensified in the past three decades. In the paper, the results of a study are discussed to understand the activity of psychologists in the prisons in Minas Gerais, based on clinical approaches to the work. We performed a qualitative research, with content analysis of documents, observations in five prisons, and interviews with 14 psychologists who work at these prisons. We verified that the role of psychology in prisons has been controversial, with different institutional intersections resulting from the security and punishment logic, which seems to frequently oppose professional ethical principles. The institutional demand for classifying prisoners overlaps with the monitoring of rehabilitation programs, set forth by law. This scenario, worsened by the lack of professionals, results in obstructions in the activity, the distress of the worker, trivialization of the violation of rights, and uncritical adhesion to the repressive mechanism of the institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]