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There can be no second thoughts pertaining to the importance of international trade for any given country of the world. Thus, India as a developing country can be no exception to this universal truth. It is not possible to bring out the facts regarding first time when India engaged in trade with some nation, but it traded with different nations in the times when some of the countries were still groping in darkness to find means of livelihood for their folks. India traded with almost every nation and dealt in the products of rare quality and rarest origin. In modern times, India also has trade relations with many nations and deals in a number of commodities. This paper is an attempt to focus on different items of trade that India exports and imports and the nations with which it undertakes that trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PURPOSE THE purpose of the study was to understand the trade relationship between India and USA, and to investigate how tariff can impact trade, and to what extent. Design/Methodology/Approach: The first section of this paper introduces us with the issue, followed by literature survey in the second section, and composition of India's trade with US in the third section. The fourth section of the paper analyses the impact of Indian tariffs on US trade, while the fifth section analyses the tariff structure of both India and USA. In the final section the paper gives us concluding remarks. A detailed methodology has been developed by conducting desk base research. A multiple regression model has also been developed to estimate the impact of US tariff on Indian trade with USA. We have estimated the model using Ordinary Least square method. For the 8 different products 8 independent regression models have been made. Findings: The empirical findings revealed that the top exporting products of India are responsive to tariff incidence. Significant influence of tariff vis-à-vis price component for garment and diamond products was found. The empirical result shows that Indian products are largely dominated by relative price changes. It is found that tariff has a positive impact for five out of eight products were analysed. These are Organic compounds (294200), medicaments (300490), T-shirts (610910), women's garments (620630), diamonds (710239) and pipe lines (730511). Among them, the tariff effect is significant for only T-shirts, women garments and diamond product groups. Research Limitations/Implications: The limited availability of time series data has been one of the major limitations of the study. The tariff data for all the selected top 10 products were also not available. As a result regression analyses was conducted for 8 products only. Practical Implications: The paper is implemented in the current Indo-US trade scenario. The paper can be a very useful material to assess the impact of US tariff on US trade with India and viceversa. Scholars can use the paper for further research in the same area. Originality/Value: The paper is 100 percent original form. Proper references have been cited where other research papers were used in conducting research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Research Papers of the Wroclaw University of Economics / Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wroclawiu is the property of Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the relative regional positions of China and India from a geo-economic perspective. The findings of this paper give rise to two important observations. First, the core economic factors driving trade partnerships appear to be, by and large, in the import rather than in the export domain. This suggests that import activities of China from the region depend more on the characteristics of the East Asian partners than export does. In contrast, the core economic factors, such as combined market size and FDI stocks, coupled with similar demand patterns and different factor intensities, are important for generating exports from India to East Asia. Second, though China and India have regional roles as demanders (importer) and suppliers (exporter) of merchandise goods, the differences in the relative positions of the two countries stand out from the supplier perspective. China appears to exert a much larger role as a supplier relative to India to fuel economic interdependence in East Asia. Taken together, these findings suggest that there is still a lack of regional polarization given China's extra-regional bias from the export side. The paper therefore contends that there is scope for India to manoeuvre its position regionally, particularly from the export perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infrastructure helps in building productive capacity by bridging connectivity gaps, reducing distribution and trade costs, and facilitating the sharing of the benefits of growth with poorer groups and communities, among others. The evidence in this paper suggests the need for India to develop both hard as well as soft infrastructure for enhancing trade flows and growth. The existence of both aspects simultaneously will produce gains of a significantly higher order but one without the other is likely to be ineffective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As "power" is the chief determinant of foreign policy of each state, so in the case of Sino-Indian relations, both the neighboring states seem exceedingly hectic in satisfying their strategic interests. States tend to gain more power either for survival, strategic/economic supremacy or for hegemonic purposes. China and India are neighboring states and strategic rivals as well. Both belong to ancient civilizations, breathed in an environment of peace and non-interference, before the emergence of China and India as Modern Nation States and after getting independence from imperialists. Both are big countries, having large populations and fast growing economies. The territorial disputes and later Sino-Indian border war of 1962 sowed the seeds of longstanding mistrust, mutual suspicion and strategic rivalry between these two neighboring states, which after the jumping up of their economies are now assuming the shape of geo-strategic and geo-economic competition, within the regional vis-à-vis global context. In this regard, China has shown yawning interest in developing the Gwadar Port of Pakistan, to boost up its strategic and economic benefits while India on the other hand is investing in the Chabahar Port of Iran, just to counter the China's ambitions and to quench its own strategic thirst. This counterbalancing behavior of both the major regional powers is not only raising hackles for each other but are creating mess for the neighboring states of this particular region as well, especially for Pakistan. This instant paper is focusing the Sino- Indian geo-strategic competition, in terms of the Gwadar and Chabahar Ports and its implications for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Afghanistan is strategically crucial for India, a strong and vibrant economic relationship with Afghanistan is, therefore, of critical value and relevance for India. In view of India's relations with its close neighbour Pakistan, Afghanistan attaches further significance for India. Close and stable relations with Afghanistan are possible through sustained and growing trade and investment relations. Afghanistan is blessed with enormous resources and because of its geographical position will become an energy corridor (for TAPI gas pipeline) in the future that would be of considerable importance to India. As a growing and large economy, India needs more energy resources to sustain her high economic growth. In the prevailing scenario, India as the largest and important nation of South Asia, occupying a major expanse of territory with extensive resources and potential, require and sought to increase its commerce and friendship ties with Afghanistan. As a war torn economy, Afghanistan wanted India to establish extensive cooperation in energy, education, agriculture, infrastructure, security, banking, trade and commerce. Besides, Afghanistan is a bridge connecting South Asia with Central Asia, Middle East and beyond. More importantly, the paper has highlighted the bilateral trade potential and modest attempt has made towards in depicting Afghanistan as potential and important country for India in terms of geo-strategic, geo-political and geo-economic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) is the first multilateral agreement under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) relating to trade in services. India is a member of WTO and a signatory to GATS. India is also the only country in the South-East Asia Region which has in its schedule of specific commitments included Hospital Services. This paper looks closely at the implications of GATS for India under the mode of supply called commercial presence. Specifically, this research attempts to understand whether foreign investment in the hospital sector is going to be consistent with the health sector goals of the country, in terms of access, availability and affordability of quality health care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews China's engagement in the Indian Ocean Region, implications for international trade and strategies to mitigate its vulnerabilities. Premised on maritime theory, it argues that China's interests in the Indian Ocean will influence its relations with India, extra-regional powers and African states. China is likely to leverage on its presence in the Indian Ocean to boost its levels of international trade volumes, while at the same time forge alternative strategies such as string of pearls, Maritime Silk Road and access through Myanmar to mitigate its vulnerabilities in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al Malweah for Archaeological & Historical Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Bulgaria's electronic trade with India between 1967 and 1990. The developing world became a formative learning experience for the computer industry, as it came up against both a highly protectionist state trying to foster its own industry, and competition from Western companies playing to different rules than COMECON rivals. In order to gain a place in this lucrative market, Bulgarian computer enterprises developed their technical services, advertising and negotiating capacities, learning how to be capitalists in a socialist world. This 'learning through competition and copying' was a feedback channel that changed the way that the company operated in other parts of the world, diversifying its marketing and user services within the socialist world too, standing out from the other socialist industries. As such, this global operation was a formative experience for many executives and technicians, making them a group that was plugged into international expertise networks. Thus the computer became a channel for being part of the emerging information economy, and the Global South became a place to meet the First World without restriction. The article thus shows India's importance to Bulgaria as a space to learn from and profit in, rather than an object of socialist development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative analysis of the political economy of Chinese and Indian economic engagement strategies in Nigeria. It argues that although China is becoming increasingly prominent in Nigeria partly because of its state-led economic engagement strategy, India’s private sector-led engagement strategy chimes with Nigeria’s neoliberal economic reforms. However, the article maintains even though both Chinese and Indian strategies are not mutually exclusive to either of the two giants in the pursuit of their interests on the continent, African leaders and policymakers need to develop more strategic engagement plans in their dealings with China and India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article criticizes the book "Die versunkenen Schätze der 'Bom Jesus'," written by Dieter Noli and Wolfgang Knabe about the 2008 archaeological excavation of the wreck of the Portuguese trade ship Bom Jesus off the coast of Namibia. The author discusses the portrayals of 16th-century international trade in the book, offers additional information and corrections pertaining to the trade relations between Portugal, Germany, and India in that time, and examines the economic history of the international trade in spices and precious metals.

China and India are two demographic giants that have become big developing economic powers. They have maintained their specialization in textiles and developed outward-oriented sectors linked to new technologies, taking advantage of offshoring and outsourcing. Their increasing contribution to international trade is changing the world supply and demand of manufactured goods, primary goods and services. They are new leaders in the international division of labor, but beyond technological catch-up, their challenge is quality upgrading. Both countries are increasingly contributing to global economic growth, but they cannotyet trigger the growth of the rest of the world by themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de la CEPAL is the property of United Nations Publications and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 1980s the US government sought to encourage India to liberalize its trade regime in services and foreign investment. US officials sought to achieve their objective by naming India to the 1988 Trade Act's 'Super 301' list of target countries for mandatory market-opening negotiations under threat of retaliation while at the same time also pursuing Indian trade liberalization multilaterally under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Uruguay Round negotiations. The two policies were uncoordinated and incompatible, and ultimately the Super 301 cases against India were terminated when US officials realized that they risked damaging prospects of success under the Uruguay Round talks. As a case study the US-India case exposes weaknesses in the ability of state actor-based theories of hegemonic stability as well as domestic politics and institutions-based explanations alone to yield a full account of interest formation and policy formulation. An integrative theoretical approach taking account of the role of epistemic communities is required to provide the fullest explanation both of individual decision making and institutional and structural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]