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The paradiplomatic activities carried out by maritime cities in Asia through diverse practices is the core essence of this paper. Asia’s prominence over the global maritime trade has set out an extensive foreign engagement of maritime cities and coastal regions in maritime affairs that deems maritime paradiplomacy as an emerging dimension in Asia. The paper attempts to identify how practice of maritime paradiplomacy among Asian countries is unconventional yet an innovative practice. In an attempt to study Asia’s maritime paradiplomatic practice with a specific focus on China, Singapore, Japan and India, the paper addresses multidimensional approach of maritime cities and coastal regions in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently Varghese (2018), in his report to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Commonwealth of Australia, remarked that till 2035 India will be in the list of top three economies and will be in Asia's top three trading partners for Australia. In this context, the research questions addressed in this paper are: What is the current efficiency level of India in exporting its merchandises; What constraints does India have to overcome to improve its export efficiency; and Has the governance structure of the 'majority government' played an effective role in rigorous opening up to improve its export efficiency. The empirical analysis covering the period 2001 to 2019 indicates that on average India's export efficiency with its trading partners worked out to be about 80%. The empirical analysis has identified human capital, physical capital, and 'majority government' as important factors contributing to improvement in India's export efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to project the emerging power-relations in the maritime realm between geopolitical players in the Indian Ocean region. These power-relations involve military shields and spears, infrastructure development, alignment-alliance relations, international trade routes, critical choke points, energy, and above all geopolitical implications. The methods followed in the paper are content analysis, case-method, interview, observation, and so forth . The paper concludes that emerging power polarizations are visible and are gradually taking a tangible shape in the form of military-economic condominium, presumably coming from opposite directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will dwell at length on post-independence compulsions, challenges and priorities of Pakistan's foreign policy by examining four major themes: first, the influence of western powers on the elites of Pakistan which culminated into forging alliances with the US-led anticommunist blocs and reflected the threat perception of those who wielded power. Second, economic and military dependence of Pakistan also impacted on the decision - making process of the country 's foreign policy in the post-independence era. Third, by joining the western alliance system Pakistan compromised on its neutrality and faced antagonism from many Muslim and Third World countries. India took advantage of Pakistan's reliance on anti-communist alliances and asa non-aligned state deepened its influence, particularly in communist and developing countries. Finally, despite getting enormous economic and military assistance from the western bloc, Pakistan failed to deal with, its economic and security predicament and its foreign policy remained hostage to fragile decisionmaking and the weakening of civilian control ouer key foreign policy matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different modes of economic coordination constitute a key aspect of the Comparative Capitalisms research framework. With regard to emerging economies, the close relationship between the state and business has been perceived negatively as an instance of corruption and patrimonialism that are considered to be economically harmful. This paper addresses the puzzle why some large emerging economies – China, India, and Brazil in particular – have seen considerable economic growth since the 2000s despite such 'failures' or 'institutional deficits'. We find strong evidence for a public–private mode of coordination based on reciprocity. This inter-personal mode of coordination helps to explain an unexpected degree of institutional coherence of capitalism, albeit to different degrees, in the large emerging economies under scrutiny. We argue that while there is evidence of economically productive public–private coordination in China and India, economic coordination in Brazil by comparison is much more contested, and thus less beneficial economically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As "power" is the chief determinant of foreign policy of each state, so in the case of Sino-Indian relations, both the neighboring states seem exceedingly hectic in satisfying their strategic interests. States tend to gain more power either for survival, strategic/economic supremacy or for hegemonic purposes. China and India are neighboring states and strategic rivals as well. Both belong to ancient civilizations, breathed in an environment of peace and non-interference, before the emergence of China and India as Modern Nation States and after getting independence from imperialists. Both are big countries, having large populations and fast growing economies. The territorial disputes and later Sino-Indian border war of 1962 sowed the seeds of longstanding mistrust, mutual suspicion and strategic rivalry between these two neighboring states, which after the jumping up of their economies are now assuming the shape of geo-strategic and geo-economic competition, within the regional vis-à-vis global context. In this regard, China has shown yawning interest in developing the Gwadar Port of Pakistan, to boost up its strategic and economic benefits while India on the other hand is investing in the Chabahar Port of Iran, just to counter the China's ambitions and to quench its own strategic thirst. This counterbalancing behavior of both the major regional powers is not only raising hackles for each other but are creating mess for the neighboring states of this particular region as well, especially for Pakistan. This instant paper is focusing the Sino- Indian geo-strategic competition, in terms of the Gwadar and Chabahar Ports and its implications for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the potential of partnerships of the European Union (EU) with two of the so-called BRIC countries, i.e. Brazil and India. Design/methodology/approach – The scope of analysis will be the EU vis-à-vis Brazil and India, using two types of trade liberalization: bilateralism/regionalism and multilateralism. Findings – It is found that Brazil and India want to become more important players; yet, they seem to lean against "old" powers (mainly the USA), and tend to focus on south-south regionalism. Research limitations/implications – The present study provides a starting-point for further research on the relationship between the European Union and the new leading powers. Originality/value – This paper offers practical information to anyone interested in the role of Brazil and India in their relations with the EU, bilaterally/regionally and multilaterally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose — Quality and business excellence awards that recognize excellent organizational performance have become a major driving force in enhancing the competitiveness of Indian firms in the global economy. While the frameworks underlying these awards have been used extensively by organizations, little empirical evidence exists regarding the validity of these frameworks as a predictor of building competitiveness. This paper aims to address this issue. Design/methodology/approach — This study critically examines the framework of one of the leading awards of India by testing the relationship between stakeholder results and enabling practices using regression analysis, structural equation model and data envelopment analysis. Findings — The results of the study reveal that the framework is used by the organizations to enhance firm level competitiveness but not as a tool to contribute to national competitiveness. Research limitations/implications — There is scope for further research to review the effectiveness and validity of this model by applying the model in selected organizations and to examine whether there is any significant improvement in results and practices over a period of time. The findings can also be compared with results and practices of those organizations not practising this model. Practical implications — This study suggests a framework that not only helps an organization in positioning existing initiatives and identifying gaps in its journey of competitiveness but also links its enabling practices and planned results to the growth process of the country. Originality/value — Global competitiveness serves as the starting-point for instituting the Confederation of Indian Industry's (CII) theme of ‘Competitiveness of India Inc.’ and initiating CII Institute of Quality's (IQ) task of developing a model of competitiveness that aspires to integrate the process of building competitiveness of an organization with that of a country. These two become the driving factors for forming a basis of the model of competitiveness that aims to build competitiveness at the organizational level contributing to competitiveness at the country level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Afghanistan is strategically crucial for India, a strong and vibrant economic relationship with Afghanistan is, therefore, of critical value and relevance for India. In view of India's relations with its close neighbour Pakistan, Afghanistan attaches further significance for India. Close and stable relations with Afghanistan are possible through sustained and growing trade and investment relations. Afghanistan is blessed with enormous resources and because of its geographical position will become an energy corridor (for TAPI gas pipeline) in the future that would be of considerable importance to India. As a growing and large economy, India needs more energy resources to sustain her high economic growth. In the prevailing scenario, India as the largest and important nation of South Asia, occupying a major expanse of territory with extensive resources and potential, require and sought to increase its commerce and friendship ties with Afghanistan. As a war torn economy, Afghanistan wanted India to establish extensive cooperation in energy, education, agriculture, infrastructure, security, banking, trade and commerce. Besides, Afghanistan is a bridge connecting South Asia with Central Asia, Middle East and beyond. More importantly, the paper has highlighted the bilateral trade potential and modest attempt has made towards in depicting Afghanistan as potential and important country for India in terms of geo-strategic, geo-political and geo-economic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose — This paper aims to investigate the possible co-integration and the direction of causality between financial development, international trade and economic growth in India. Design/methodology/approach — Annual data covering the 1965-2004 period have been used to investigate co-integration and Granger causality tests between financial development, international trade, and growth after employing unit root tests to see if the variables under consideration are stationary. Findings — Results reveal that there is a long-run equilibrium relationship between financial development, international trade and real income growth in the case of India. Furthermore, unidirectional causality was investigated that runs from real income to exports and imports, from exports to imports, M2 and domestic credits, from M2 to imports, from imports to domestic credits. Bidirectional causality has also been obtained between real income and M2, and between real income and domestic credits. Finally, no direction of causality has been obtained between M2 and domestic credits. Research limitations/implications — Expanded data can be used for further comparison. Practical implications — This study has shown that the supply-leading and the demand-following hypotheses cannot be inferred for the Indian economy alone themselves. And furthermore, the export-led and the import-led hypotheses again cannot be inferred for the Indian economy based on the sample period, 1965–2004. Originality/value — This study is the first of its kind which investigates the possible co-integration and the direction of causality between the financial development, international trade and economic growth triangle not only in the case of India but also in the relevant literature to the best of one's knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews China's engagement in the Indian Ocean Region, implications for international trade and strategies to mitigate its vulnerabilities. Premised on maritime theory, it argues that China's interests in the Indian Ocean will influence its relations with India, extra-regional powers and African states. China is likely to leverage on its presence in the Indian Ocean to boost its levels of international trade volumes, while at the same time forge alternative strategies such as string of pearls, Maritime Silk Road and access through Myanmar to mitigate its vulnerabilities in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Bulgaria's electronic trade with India between 1967 and 1990. The developing world became a formative learning experience for the computer industry, as it came up against both a highly protectionist state trying to foster its own industry, and competition from Western companies playing to different rules than COMECON rivals. In order to gain a place in this lucrative market, Bulgarian computer enterprises developed their technical services, advertising and negotiating capacities, learning how to be capitalists in a socialist world. This 'learning through competition and copying' was a feedback channel that changed the way that the company operated in other parts of the world, diversifying its marketing and user services within the socialist world too, standing out from the other socialist industries. As such, this global operation was a formative experience for many executives and technicians, making them a group that was plugged into international expertise networks. Thus the computer became a channel for being part of the emerging information economy, and the Global South became a place to meet the First World without restriction. The article thus shows India's importance to Bulgaria as a space to learn from and profit in, rather than an object of socialist development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an enormous gap in our understanding of the state's role in the construction of international markets. Specifically, diplomacy's position in the contemporary entanglement of state and markets has been overlooked. Increasingly, diplomacy's on-going adaptation to support neoliberalism has led to diplomats operating in a "twilight world" between diplomacy and business. Using assemblage thinking, we investigate the codings, capacities and tendencies emerging in the social spaces of diplomatic possibility in this "twilight world". Drawing on comprehensive empirical materials on the UK-India diplomatic relationship, we show how the material and expressive components of the UK Foreign Office assemblage are being deployed to champion state goals in global markets. We illustrate the ways in which diplomacy struggles in the name of the state's international competitiveness. In particular, we argue that these social spaces of possibility are structured by both diplomatic and business calculations that have the capacity to create new and unpredictable courses that render both an uncertainty and fuzziness to the agential interactions between assemblages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negotiators expect the World Trade Organization (WTO) to be an arena for states to pursue their material gain. However, the WTO also reflects symbolic aspects of international politics, in particular the notion of multilateralism. Although such a principle, in part, expresses Western dominance, Global South states have also benefited from multilateral regimes, and thus have incentives to legitimize them and behave according to their rules. Will the pattern of multilateralism change as other trade arrangements potentially gain more prominence? This article analyzes actions taken by Brazil and India in WTO's Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and concludes that the multilateral system of trade will survive as Global South states participate in the organization to seek not just material gains but also to commit themselves to the international normative dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran, being a major player in the hydrocarbon sector, is both an opportunity and a challenge for India. While Iran's hydrocarbons could partly address India's growing appetite for oil and natural gas and contribute to its energy security, its willingness to transform its energy ties with Iran beyond purely commercial transactions coincided with its desire to negotiate a civil nuclear deal with the US. Moreover some of the energy deals between the two countries are stuck over price disputes and technology difficulties, while others have come under international pressure and scrutiny. While international sanctions against Iran undermine India's ability to pursue its energy ties with Iran, maintaining the status quo has some economic and political advantages. Hence, India is not yet ready to abandon Iran for the US. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

'Flowering relations' between India and China in the early 1950s were based on peaceful co-existence. But these withered and faded in an atmosphere of mutual hostility following the 1962 war between the two countries. A new phase of improved ties began with Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's visit to China in December 1988, resulting in the setting up of a Joint Working Group to defuse tension and ensure peace and tranquillity on the borders. Since the end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union, India-China relations have not only steadily improved, but have strengthened in diverse fields of mutual interest. Apart from this, the contentious boundary issue has registered substantial progress, although uncertainty looms large as to when it will be finally resolved. Despite divergences in the perceptions and approaches of New Delhi and Beijing on issues such as Sino-Pakistani military and strategic ties and India's Tibet policy, both countries have enormous potential and opportunities to expand and deepen their economic and trade ties in their mutual interest. Emerging trends indicate that both India and China would remain highly competitive in the global and regional trade and economic domain, and would continue to compete for status and influence in the Asian region in general, and in South Asia in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]