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In the 20th century, the national liberation movement against imperialism and colonialism became a world-wide movement in many colonial countries (Smith 2010:9, 25-30). Each country-nation has mirrored in one way or another depending on historical and socio-political conditions, especially the leaders' way (Finlayson 2014). Under British colonial rule, the nationalist movement in India was run under the leadership of patriotic and nationalistic leaders such as "a great soul" Mahatma Gandhi (McGregor 1993:799), Rash Behari Bose, Jawaharhlal Nehru, and "a respected leader" Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose (Gordon 1990:459-460). Among them, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has emerged as great leader. The paper consists of an introduction, three sections and conclusion: i. Vietnam and India both looked towards Japan in the early 20th century; ii. The support of the Japanese military to INA in struggle for national independence in India and Southeast Asia, and iii. Rethinking about the contributions of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose to India. The author tries to acknowledge the role of the military leader Netaji Subhas Chandra and his way of armed struggle through the Japanese military's support to INA in struggle for national independence in India and Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘The Peshawar Communist Conspiracy Cases’ is a less known chapter in our freedom movement. In the beginning of the paper, the introductory note gives the background of the emergence of Communist Party of India (CPI) in Tashkent on 17 October 1920. The ten members of the CPI returned to India and were arrested. The paper narrates the detailed story of the five conspiracy cases. The first case was Crown Vs Muhammad Akbar Qureshi in which Hafizullah Khan and his servant were tried and sentenced in May 1922. Another case was launched against Mohammad Akbar Qureshi on breach of jail discipline. The third Peshawar Conspiracy case against Akbar Shah and seven others began before the inquiring magistrate of Peshawar on 7 March 1923. Two years rigorous imprisonment each to Muhammad Akbar Shah and Gawhar Rehman Khan, while one year rigorous imprisonment each to Mir Abdul Majid, Ferozuddin Mansur, Habib Ahmad, Rafiq Ahmad and Sultan Mahmud was passed on 19 May 1923. Similarly Crown vs. Mohammad Shafiq, was the fourth case. He was sentenced three years rigorous imprisonment. The fifth and final Peshawar Conspiracy case was launched against Fazal Elahi Qurban in 1927; he was given five years rigorous imprisonment. The accused filed an appeal against the conviction. The additional judicial commissioner maintained the conviction but reduced the sentence to three years of rigorous imprisonment. In the conclusion, the paper tells about what happened to these persons when they completed their sentences. It states that Ferozuddin Mansur and Fazal Elahi Qurban continued with CPI. In post partition days, Qurban was expelled from the party while Mansur remained intact with the CPI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Marxian displacements in the narratives of poet and political activist Bachir Hadj Ali, regarding the Algeria's revolution for national liberation in 1954. Topics discussed include the process of colonization and social relations which staged violence, colonialism and its dimensions of economy, class relations, and revolution and the internal economic relations of Great Britain and India as well as the economic relations that emerge within the colonial struggle.

The present article critically evaluates Hroch's theory in light of the Sindhi and Baloch national movements in Pakistan. At the heart of the issue are the social preconditions and the stage theory which Hroch posits to comprehend both the formation of nations and origins of the national movement. As far as social preconditions are concerned, the article contests the overarching notion in Hroch's theory that only when a complete class structure develops that the nation comes into being and the national movement itself is successful. With respect to the stage theory, the article brings into contention the variable of 'intra-ethnic conflict' or the conflicts which inheres within nations. This makes the linear progression from Stage A to B to C, as Hroch identifies, difficult to achieve because within a single nation multiple national movements exist. In such a scenario, one can depict a stage theory for each national movement within a single nation. Finally, I argue, that in order to understand nation formation and national movements, it is imperative that the ideological orientation of national movements, or in other words, nationalism should also be put in proper perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]