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Anton Lembede, who is regarded as a member of the "new Afrikans", propagated the political philosophy of Afrikanism that is premised on an exclusive idea of "Afrika for the Afrikans." On the other hand, A.P. Mda's idea of "broad nationalism" pursued an inclusive idea of Afrika. This paper seeks to foreground Lembede's exclusive idea of Afrika in contrast to Mda's idea of "broad nationalism" and inclusive idea of Afrika. We will rely on the historical and comparative method and the Afrikan-centred theoretical paradigm. There are several findings which this paper has deduced. The first one is that the political and intellectual relationship between Lembede and Mda has eventuated in the epochal emergence of the antagonism between two Afrikan political philosophies of national liberation in conquered Azania. These philosophies are Afrikanism and broad nationalism. The second one is that the intellectual legacy of Lembede is a marginalised study in South African scholarship especially on the figures of the Black Radical Tradition. The third one is that the broad nationalism of Mda was transformed into the Azanian political tradition by Robert Sobukwe and Steve Biko. The last one is that the triumph of Mda's idea of Afrika must triumph has contributed to the disastrous dominance of nonracialism in South Africa at the expense of the racial nationalism of Lembede. This nonracialism has taken the form of the Congress/Charterist nonracialism of the African National Congress and its Tripartite Alliance and the Azanian nonracialism of the Pan-Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness Movement. The fundamental objective of this paper is a call for the replacement of these naïve and dangerous forms of nonracialism with the uncompromising racial nationalism of Lembede, so that Africa's cause can triumph as he envisioned it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coalition government is an old phenomenon that has got its roots in Western European countries. It has since spread all over the world including in South Africa. Coalitions in the local sphere of government have existed predominantly in KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape, but it has since spread over to other provinces in South Africa. The outcome of the 2016 local government elections brought about dramatic results which saw the governments of three metropolitan municipalities change hands to coalitions of political parties. The Democratic Alliance (DA) and other small parties with the assistance of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) constituted coalition governments in Nelson Mandela Bay (in Eastern Cape), City of Tshwane, and Johannesburg in Gauteng province. However, the DA mayor and his executive in Nelson Mandela Bay have since been removed with the one from the United Democratic Movement (UDM) as a mayor and the executives from the African National Congress (ANC) and other smaller parties. The EFF announced in July 2019 that it will not vote with the DAor ANC in all municipalities where coalition councils must be formed. This paper seeks to identify challenges associated with coalition governments in the local sphere of government and propose possible solutions for curtailing such challenges. The paper does so by way of reviewing existing literature related to coalitions and alliances of municipal governments in South Africa. One of the challenges is the differing policy positions of the political parties in the coalition. This paper proposes that the needs and service delivery demands of the local communities must be given more preference over the political ideologies of the political parties concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2021 local government elections (LGE) in the Republic of South Africa once again delivered hung metropolitan municipalities – a phenomenon that became common following the 2016 LGE results. The City of Cape Town is, however, a metropolitan municipality that has experienced coalition governance since the early 2000s, while the rest of South Africa's metropolitan municipalities were governed by the ruling African National Congress from 1994 to 2016. The 2021 LGE delivered coalition governments across the majority of metropolitan councils, namely: City of Tshwane (the capital), City of Johannesburg (Africa's economic hub), Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality, City of Ethekwini, and Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. This paper provides a conceptualisation of 'coalition governance and politics', and key characteristics of this phenomenon in South Africa and globally. Conceptual and operational understandings of coalitions is crucial given their increasing prevalence in South Africa. Areas of cooperation, compromise, consensus and divergence among the prospective coalition partners in South Africa are also examined in the article (based on political party electoral performance trends, political ideology, policy preferences and leadership personalities and qualities). Such factors are important because they determine the likely feasibility, efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability of coalition governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conservation and political ideology were closely interlinked in apartheid South Africa: forced removals in areas considered important for conservation was a common practice. Post-Apartheid reforms sought to address the injustices of the past, and at the level of policy, the Land Restitution Act of 1994 recognizes the injustices suffered by specific groups during Apartheid providing a framework to address their claims. However, the land claims process is still marked by various injustices. Drawing on life history interviews conducted with 31 members of the Likhayalethu Community, South Africa, as a case study this paper presents an analytical discussion of how the Land Restitution policy framework in South Africa attempts to address the epistemic injustices in the case of claims in protected areas. The paper raises concerns about the capacity of this policy framework to prevent epistemic injustices from continuing to occur through the current land restitution process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about conflicts of rights, and the particularly difficult challenges that such conflicts present when they entail women's equality and claims of cultural recognition. South Africa since 1994 has presented a series of challenging--but by no means unique--circumstances many of which entail conflicting claims of rights. The central aim of this paper is to make sense of the idea that the institution of traditional leadership can be sustained--and indeed given new, more concrete pow-ers--in a democracy; and to explore the implications that this has for women's equality and equal human rights. This is a particularly pertinent question in the South African context, and I think it is worth reiterating from the outset that there is a distinct impression that women's equality is always "up for grabs" when other, perhaps more powerful interests, come into play, in a way that would be unacceptable for other aspects of identity, and therefore signifiers of equality. It would be inconceivable, for example, to countenance a claim for a hierarchical racial arrangement in a given community, no matter how deeply culturally entrenched that arrangement was, and regardless of how much support it (ostensibly) had from the community concerned. I think therefore that we are obliged to ask difficult questions about the new legislation on traditional leadership, and to put it under the microscope of political theory in assessing the claim that this is one way of recognizing people's rights and freedoms in a new democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests the popular view within the Left that the post-apartheid South African state is 'neo-liberal', as opposed to being a site of contradictory impulses and tensions. This is done though an examination of the policy process towards the formation of a statutory, but independent. Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA), to address media imbalances. It primarily examines the tension between, on the one hand, government's 'social democratic ' commitment-supported by sections of civil society-to reduce a particular social deficit within the media sector; and, on the other hand, the constraints imposed by the neo-liberal global environment and the liberal-democratic political order, which encourages the increased commodification of the public sphere, and reduced social spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs a phenomenological approach to examine the cultural appropriation of the physical landscape of Parktown Ridge immediately after the Anglo-Boer War. It argues that the geographical circumstances of the Ridge in the early 1900s, when understood through the experiential constructs of spaciality, temporality and materiality, developed a powerful regional reciprocity with the cultural imagination of ‘New Imperialism’. The fundamental premise of the paper is that the processes of history are as much spatial as they are economic, racial and social, and that spatial histories in turn are rooted in phenomenological experience. It argues that such experience, while fundamentally subjective and therefore difficult to record, can be found in the poetics of inventive transformation which are evident in all forms of cultural representation. The creative strategies of Dorothea Fairbridge and Herbert Baker in particular are used to provide glimpses of the heterogeneous ‘spatial history’ of Parktown Ridge. By exploring the inescapably metaphoric commonality between physical circumstance and cultural representation, the paper argues that the experienc of living on Parktown Ridge naturalised a partly-imperial, partly-indigenous vision for the future of southern Africa, and thus exposes the inherently unresolved nature of imperialist attitudes towards landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advent of the experience economy the unique experiential value of cultural heritage products comes to the forefront of cultural tourism development and is the main value proposition for emerging destinations, including South Africa. As South Africa's democracy divedends had paid out by 1998, South African Tourism was left with an array of dormant cultural heritage resources (still) unable to turn them into meaningful tourist experiences. The reason is lack of understanding of tourist experience as opposed to tourist consumption. Consumer segmentation and marketing mantra of telling and selling simply does not work on tourist experience arising from consumption of cultural heritage products. Two propositions underline this type of experience: attractions cannot speak for themselves and we tell the story to sell the experience. The art of telling the story converges on both sides of experiential paradigm (tourist and attraction) thus telling is selling principle is a point of sale for cultural heritage products. Unpacking this principle in creating unique experiential value of cultural heritage products is the main theoretical contribution of this paper to South African cultural tourism discourse. The proposed experiential framework pertinent to cultural heritage sites integrates three paradigms namely product, experience and interpretation and the resultant tourist experience as a gestalt phenomenon. Against this framework the experiential value of South African cultural heritage products is assessed with data from official South African sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During apartheid South Africa White minority had full citizenship and majority of the population had less or no entitlement to citizenship. When the democratic government resumed office, it attempted to create a new citizenry whereby everyone would have equal access to socio-economic and political citizen rights. The rise to power of the African National Congress brought hope to the historically exploited, excluded and oppressed populations. Furthermore, it gave a sense of entitlement among the historically marginalized mainly black population to the fruits of citizenship in the new democracy. The paper aims to evaluate whether universal citizenship have been achieved in the post-apartheid South Africa. The paper argues that although the South African constitution is based on common citizenship but there are many challenges in realization of this. Part of the reason for this was the adoption of a neoliberal macroeconomic policy which has hindered public institutions to effectively address the racial and social disparities of the past. In addition, social citizenship in the post-apartheid South Africa is used as a tool for exclusion and inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of an ongoing effort to make sense of the turbulent forces at play in South Africa in relation to other parts of the world. Engaging debates over neoliberalism from a South African vantage point, I show how currently influential theories cast in terms of class project, governmentality, and hegemony are at best partial. A more adequate understanding is not just a matter of combining these different dimensions into a more encompassing model of “neoliberalism in general”. The challenge, rather, is coming to grips with how identifiably neoliberal projects and practices operate on terrains that always exceed them. A crucially important dimension of what is going on in South Africa is that escalating struggles over the material conditions of life and livelihood are simultaneously struggles over the meaning of the nation and liberation, as well as expressions of profound betrayal. These processes underscore the analytical and political stakes in attending to interconnected historical geographies of specifically racialized forms of dispossession, and how they feature in the present. The paper concludes with a call for a properly post-colonial frame of understanding that builds on the synergies and complementarities between a Gramscian reading of Fanon and relational conceptions of the production of space set forth by Lefebvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the way in which Plaatje, in recreating in Mhudi the genesis of the failed ‘Union’ of South Africa in 1910, keeps open the oppressive history of the present and looks forward to a South Africa that could give scope to his social, cultural, and political ideals. In many ways, such a South Africa is remarkably similar to the one that technically came into being in 1994, but the temptation to bring such historical closure to a text premised on historical open-endedness is one that must be avoided. In tracing the significance of the various editions of Mhudi that have appeared over the years, this paper tries to situate the work in relation to changing senses of the South african national project. It follows the text as it shifts from being read as an appeal for inclusion in the state, to being an oppositional document against the state, to becoming firmly situated within the political orthodoxy of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political changes in South Africa after 1994 necessitated that the Bantustans, the main servers of apartheid planning, be re-incorporated into the mainstream of South Africa, implying the transformation of apartheid residential planning. Since then there has been much speculation about the type of transformation that would be implemented in the Bantustans to effect change in a non-racial South Africa. The aim of this paper is to analyze the effects of post-apartheid territorial restructuring in the former South African Bantustans. Examining and elucidating the manner in which the diverse social, economic and political factors have manifested themselves in the process of transformation of spatial residential planning in Umtata (the former capital city of the Transkei Bantustan) since 1994 is the central theme of this paper. Using property registers together with changes in legislative policies and land ownership, the transformation pattern was analysed in the former Bantustan capital city (Umtata). The findings indicate that the new South African policies and development strategies have been partially successful in eliminating the incongruencies of the past with regard to access to housing in Umtata. More critical is that this paper suggests that there still remains a greater challenge lingering from the influence of the Bantustan government in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates constitutionalist claims that constructing a ‘state of right’ can displace nationalism and depoliticise ethnicity. Constitutionalism extracts law from its normative context, against which this paper asserts a view of law as an open ideological system which draws from surrounding discourses on power and identity. The paper examines the slippage between nationalist discourse and rights talk in two specific instances. In the Constitutional Court death penalty decree, a number of judges invoked romantic portrayals of African community in their use of the ideological term ubuntu. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission writes a new nationalist history which expresses a discontinuous form and a vision of ‘constitutive violence’ with parallels in other nationalist narratives. It is concluded that a sceptical view of certain constitutionalist claims is necessary to avoid lapsing into the legal fetishism which has characterised Latin American transitions to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the processes by which nationalist movements help to create both ethnic and linguistic identities. The article begins with the social history, religious legitimization and institutional promotion of the Dutch-based language of Afrikaans as a national and official language of apartheid South Africa. After examining the historiography of the Afrikaans language, the paper offers a critique using existing theories of linguistic nationalism and its relationship to the politics of ethnic identity as possible explanations for the rise of the Afrikaner nation in South Africa. Socio-cultural factors involved in the rise of nationalistic movements identified by social theorists such as Smith (1986), Hobsbawm (1994), Gellner (1994), Edwards (1988), and Anderson (1994), will be applied to the Afrikaans case study. To conclude, I will elaborate on the challenges, implications, and issues for further research with regards to post-apartheid language policy in South Africa, especially with the influence of African nationalism, the promotion of the English language, and acceptance of Afrikaans dialects in post-apartheid South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comprises two parts. The first part defines democracy and attempts an examination of the role of the media in a functional democracy. In an attempt to explain issues in the media and public opinion within the realm of democracy, the paper explores etymological origins of media, arguing that what the media ought to be differs from what is obtainable. Part two examines the media's role in various African countries when they were under colonial rule and the continent's push for self-rule, observing that post-colonial Africa witnessed a bifurcated partisan media. The paper, with specific reference to the role of the media in present day South Africa and Nigeria, concludes that, for the proper role of promoting a healthy culture of democracy in society, today's news media needs to reflect society's concerns and the media's interest in democratic equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community papers perform a unique role by informing, educating and rallying their demarcated piece of society,as well as reflecting the opinion of such communities and shaping them. In this respect Eikestadnuus (in Stellenbosch, Western Cape Province, South Africa) is no different to any other weekly newspaper. Yet, it has its own story. A belated birth, maturity after 30 years (when it came under new ownership) and now, with 60 years behind it, it is still going from strength to strength. Eikestadnuus, as the news organ of a university town, and with different cultures, has to cater for a broad spectrum of readers. It had to adapt to opposing political systems, interpreting the nature of democracy differently as well and shifting ethical and practical priorities to the dictates of 14 editors to date. In this paper the above is discussed and Eikestadnuus is measured against the universal blueprint of a fully functional community newspaper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa came out of apartheid rule in 1994. This transition has brought with it its own set of challenges including that of access to information, an essential pillar in upholding a democracy. In this transitional period, South Africa is reliant on every possible institution to contribute to the growth of its fledgling democracy. It is clearly evident from the literature that democratic societies are dependent on such institutions as public libraries to uphold fundamental principles of democracy. This paper reflects on the public library, within the South African context, as an essential institution in the growth and sustainability of democracy through equitable access to information and knowledge. The paper discusses issues such as the public library and its role in equitable access to information, the contradictory environments within South Africa, recreational reading and the public library scenario, lifelong learning, and the public library and the educational system. Other issues such as support for indigenous materials and adult literacy are also addressed in the paper. The authors conclude that the real concern in South Africa today is the gulf between the "haves", of any colour, and the "have-nots" and the capacity of the public library to bridge that gap via its contribution to the reduction of illiteracy, poverty and unemployment, the scourge of Africa and South Africa. It is a given that public libraries play a critical role in the propagation of democracy, especially in a continent that has been plagued by dictatorships and military rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a university and disciplinary environment where knowledge is increasingly commodified, this paper sketches a reconstruction of the mature Marx's analysis of capitalism. I argue that his understanding remains methodologically powerful and helps to ground sociological analyses of the present. While accepting that there are good grounds for questioning the relevance of Marx in the wake of the South African political transition and the Post-Fordist transformation of labour, this interpretation departs significantly from how Marx has generally been interpreted by sociologists and other social scientists in the country by foregrounding the commodity as the starting point of his social critique. Indeed, I argue that 'class' and 'workplaces', long a focus of radical sociologists, are on their own inadequate to grasp Marx's concept of capitalism. Finally, drawing on the Frankfurt School, I suggest the importance of a critique of labour and the recognition of contradiction as the starting point of an emancipatory project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interprets Gavin Hood's film adaptation Tsotsi (2006) of Athol Fugard's eponymous novel (1980) from a constellation of angles: institutional (exploring the politics behind film funding and viewing in South Africa), historical (in relation to the interpretation of terms such as tsotsi, and the importance of understanding historical places such as Sophiatown and the impact of art forms such as kwaito), socio-political (in terms of the circulation of political discourses in contemporary South Africa), and aesthetic (examining the ways in which the film medium may be orchestrated for particular meaningful ends). After contextualizing the film within the landscape of post-apartheid cinematic production, I proceed to analyze whether Tsotsi represents a truly independent national cinematic voice, or whether its potential critique is compromised by commercial aims and certain ideological underpinnings. Situating the film at the intersection of South Africa's two major political discourses - liberalism and Marxism - I examine how the film engages with questions of violence, critique, the representation of South African realities, and redemption. To do so I draw on rare archive material concerning the novel, as well as personal interviews that I have undertaken with contemporary South Africa filmmakers. I offer a comparative perspective on Tsotsi in relation to other recent South African film adaptations, which - like Tsotsi - 'update' South African literary texts written in earlier periods so as to offer stringent critiques of contemporary violence in the country. Ultimately I argue that Tsotsi, however, focuses on certain forms of contemporary violence at the expense of another, very important kind of violence in South Africa: violence against women and children. I also argue, in the final instance, that the film sacrifices a possible Marxist critique of class division and submits to a neoliberal point of view on social relations. In conclusion, I question whether Tsotsi, a film about redemption, has its own redeeming features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the meaning and the form of historical memory in the context of the young South African democracy. Differentiating between the concepts of constructive and responsive memory and the inclusive or exclusive character each can take, it attempts to determine what kind of historical memory is necessary to forge a common political enterprise in a multi-ethnic and multi-racial environment. In this regard it refers to some sharply divisive collective memories and suggests ways in which the naturally ethnocentric consciousness of any given cultural group might be supplemented and enriched by the emergence of a national consciousness built around the idea that people bond not despite their differences but because of them. The paper touches on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an example of responsive memory focusing on the meaning of truth both in the process of dealing with the past and as a means towards reconciliation in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crime has become central to any discussion about the consolidation of democracy in South Africa. Concerns about crime intensified in the years after 1994, as the country attempted to grapple with the apparent ‘crime wave’ that accompanied the transition. A decade later crime is still a priority for government and a concern among citizens, but the clamour that characterised both state and civil society responses in the early years of democracy has receded (See the article by the author in Social Indicators Research 41: 137–168, 1997). This may relate to the decrease in crime levels as reflected by various statistical sources. It is also possible that those whose voices were heard most loudly on the issue – the middle classes – have taken all available measures to protect their property and lives from crime. In all likelihood, South Africans have become accustomed to living in a violent society, and one in which other equally serious problems now require attention. Although the national obsession with crime has waned, the available data nevertheless indicate that the problem still affects many thousands of lives. The impact of crime – in terms of the costs of victimisation, negative perceptions and fear, and the cost of responding to crime – remains high for South African society. This paper considers how crime levels and perceptions about crime and safety have changed over the past decade, and what these trends tell us about the country 10 years into our democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exchange controls were part of a complex system of maintaining some financial stability during apartheid, particularly as the apartheid economic system began to implode, and the macroeconomy deteriorated. The centrepiece of the system was a complex system of multiple exchange rates, with residents and non-resident transactions taking place under different currency regimes, creating at different periods a ‘blocked rand’, a ‘securities rand’, a ‘commercial rand’ and a ‘financial rand’. Exchange controls appear to have assisted the apartheid regime to maintain macroeconomic stability despite other poor policy choices. However, measured in terms of monetary independence and exchange-rate stability, even this was a mixed success. Much like apartheid itself, short-term economic benefits came with severe long-term political, social and economic distortions. Twenty years later, some of the distortions remain, and, indeed, some of the controls. This highlights the need for ongoing reforms to make the post-apartheid South African economy less distorted and more competitive, and to continue to develop a modernized system for managing external risks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper discusses various dimensions of a complex situation arising out of the conflict between the media and the state, and the raging conflict between the general perception of democracy and the Eritrean government's perception of it. This is within the context of a fast developing global village of which all African states will be members one day. Eritrea, though liberated in 1991 from Ethiopian rule, shares many characteristics of other dictatorial regimes in the neighboring countries. The state-run electronic and print media, centralized economy, lack of a parliamentary election process, independent judiciary, and suppression of fundamental rights, especially the freedom of expression, mark the dictatorial character of the regime in Eritrea in contrast to the accepted conventions of democracy in the West. The Eritrean government promotes a democratic model in which democratization is sought through education. Achieving democratization is limited to holding regular elections to local bodies at grass-root level. By the Government's not holding elections to its Parliament, the present policies of governance have not only turned deviant from its own once highly avowed and publicized macro-policy and the Constitution, but also have become vulnerable to mounting criticism. The present study, supported by a survey of the opinion of a random sample of people via mobile as well as Internet channels by means of open-ended questions, offers a snapshot of the growing desire of the people for full implementation of the Constitution, a liberalized economy and the free media, which their counterparts enjoy in many European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant progress has been made recently in South African economic history, but much work remains to be done. In the pages that follow we set out a few potential paths of analysis based on developments within the broader discipline at the level of both methodology and theory. We highlight some of the more interesting developments and then offer suggestions as to how they could open up new avenues of exploration within the South African context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the coming of colonial powers racial discrimination started in Africa in general and South Africa in particular against the native black population. The racial discrimination became worst in South Africa as the sizeable white settler population also joined hands with colonial administration in pursuing discrimination. When Indians and other Asians were taken to South Africa as labourers they were also subjected to racial discrimination. This was totally against the ethics of civilization and it was: pursued by those people who called themselves as civilized and developed. Lateron racial discrimination was adopted as state policy called Apartheld, to control, marginalise and dehumanise the black majority and Asians so that the whites' could have exclusive control over political power and economic resources. It was against this discrimination that the Indians and India started their movement through all forums. After independence India intensified its struggle at the UN, Commonwealth and Non-aligned Movement. It was first to impose political and economic sanctions against South Africa and even totally boycotted it. It mobilised other countries to boycott the racist regime. India played remarkable leadership role against racialism and colonialism single-handedly at a time when African representation was nil in the UN and other international forums. India's struggle against result as it broke the: economic power of racist regime and put huge international pressure resulting in the abolition of racial discrimination in 1994. It was hoped that after the end of Apartheld India will become the most favoured nation for South African majority. The present irony is that India's past great role is not leading to a very good India- South Africa cooperation even after the passage of fifteen years of democratic rule in South Africa. The black leadership and the people of South Africa, for whom India fought relentlessly, are still giving more favour for trade arid cooperation to the ex-colohial western countries and the United States, who are their past exploiters. Cooperation with India is given a low place in their policies. The present paper undertakes to examine India's struggle against racialism in South Africa and the emergent present relations, with a hope to sensitise for better cooperation and bilateral relation in future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper an open economy New Keynesian model of the South African economy is presented. The model is constructed to provide for incomplete pass-through of exchange rate changes, external habit formation, partial indexation of domestic prices and wages to past inflation, and staggered price and wage setting. Furthermore, the model is estimated using Bayesian techniques on South African domestic and trade partner data for the period 1990Q1 to 2007Q4. The estimated model is analysed by means of impulse response functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the transition to neoliberalism and the HIV/AIDS crisis in South Africa. It is stated that the rise of neoliberal governmentality has come under increasing critique in every sector of society. An examination of the ways in which people have been dealing with the HIV crisis offers a view into how responses to the disease are located within the landscape of neoliberal policies and discussions. The Reconstruction and Development White Paper (RDP) which is referenced as a revolutionary economic program is being shaped by neoliberal attempts to institute the state in the purpose of monitoring service delivery instead of enforcing services.

South Africa celebrated ten years of democracy in 2004. This special issue of Social Indicators Research (SIR) reviews developments that have impacted on the quality of life of ordinary South Africans during the transition period. The issue updates an earlier volume of SIR (Volume 41) published in 1997 and as a stand-alone volume. The earlier volume was initiated following SIR editor Alex Michalos’ first visit to South Africa. This update on quality of life in South Africa follows on his return visit to the country in 2004 to see firsthand the changes that had occured in the meantime. This introductory article outlines major achievements of and setbacks for the new democracy and the challenges facing it in future. It provides the backround for the evaluations of a range of quality of life domains and issues including poverty and inequality, crime, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, migration and housing, religiosity, reconciliation, and optimism for the future which are covered in the eleven articles that follow. The introduction divides the articles under the headings of challenges, achievements, monitoring quality of life, and social capital for the future. The overview article concludes that improvements in quality of life have been uneven but goodwill and a positive outlook bode well for South African quality of life in future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to provide information on the use of a «patriotic campaign», the Proudly South African campaign, to communicate with the domestic South African market. The article commences with background on the effects of country of origin and ethnocentrism. This section is followed by a brief overview of the «Proudly South African» campaign, followed by practical examples of how the campaign has been incorporated in communication programmes. A section describing the cultural diversity of South Africa follows and the final section of the article highlights future research that is planned for the South African market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the essay "Report to the Minister: Review of the Financing, Resourcing, and Costs of Education in Public Schools," which was published by the Department of Education in the Republic of South Africa in 2003. The paper represents the first major self-assessment by the democratic South African government of the postapartheid reforms of funding of public schools since 1994. Background on apartheid and the nature of postapartheid reforms are discussed to put the review into perspective.

The consolidation and sustainability of democracy in South African depends in part on how the new government deals with the legacy of thirty years of war and militarism in the region. The successful integration of ex-combatants is a crucial aspect of this challenge. Demobilization in South Africa was divided into two distinct processes, known as 'demobilization' and 'rationalization'. "Demobilization" narrowly refers to the release of members of APLA and MK who could not or were unwilling to join the SANDF while rationalization refers to the downsizing of the integrated SANDF to levels appropriate to the reduced de fence budget. This paper argues that while rationalization was planned as part of the formation of the SANDF, the demobilization of former APLA and MK soldiers was an afterthought and consequently, there was no planning for the reintegration of former APLA and MK soldiers into society. Further that this poses a threat of social and political disruption by farmer APLA and MK soldiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is argued in this article that many modern-day African states share a set of characteristics in their political ideology and economic doctrines which stem from a shared history of colonialism and forms of foreign occupation and subjugation of indigenous peoples. Policies such as black economic empowerment (BEE) in South Africa and indigenisation and economic empowerment (IEE) in Zimbabwe are archetypes of this policy explicitly aligned with this indigenisation project and designed to promote indigenous people's participation in economic activities. In the context of this political economy of empowerment-oriented political ideology and legislative and policy frameworks in African states, this article seeks to define the features of indigenous entrepreneurship, which is the natural focus of much of the indigenisation project. It is theorised in this article that these factors combine to form a unique type of entrepreneurship, here termed indigenous entrepreneurship in the modern African state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a longitudinal study of two nation-wide surveys in 1994 and 1998 amongst members of the biggest trade union federations in South Africa: Cosatu. It is an attempt to account for similarity and continuity in opinion and attitudes Cosatu members hold on the following issues: Parliamentary democracy, the alliance between the political party in government, the ANC, the SACP and Cosatu, and expectations of electoral promises. In 1994 a team of researchers initiated a longitudinal study to probe Congress of South African Trade Unions members expectations of pariiamentary democracy as distinct from shop-floor and union democracy. In the political arena, opponents of the alliance have also argued that the alliance is undesirable and that the time has arrived for the ANC to shake off its union and communist allies so that it is no longer held hostage by the militants in these for nations. The central concern of this paper is to account for consistency of support among Cosatu members for the alliance between their federation, the ANC and the SACP.

The article offers information on the development of a public administration in South Africa. The development of codes of ethics and conduct for public office by the South African government is a major step in transforming the old autocratic state towards a more professional democracy. The promotion of high level ethical behavior in public office is the basis of codes of conduct and ethics. The themes of the codes include professionalism, impartiality, propriety of personal conduct, private interests and transparency. It is mentioned that monitoring the effectiveness of the codes is important in maintaining and sustaining the state democracy.

The article presents information related to a conference entitled "Paradoxes of the Postcolonial Sphere: South African Democracy at the Crossroads" which was held on January 28-31, 2007 at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa, the papers of which form the content of several sections of this journal. As reported, the conference was designed to promote and encourage high levels of public participation and debate.

The article aims to identify the roots and meaning of the Soviet theory of National Democratic Revolution (NDR) project and to trace its route to South Africa. Topics covered include the NDR as part of the program of the South African Communist Party (SACP), the popularity of the ideological agenda within South African politics, and the role of South African communists in its introduction to the South African political landscape.

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