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JOHN BAXTER AND JOSEPH STANLEY, "The Time Draws Nigh, It Is Close at Hand": The Road to Insurrection in the Industrial West Riding 1819-1820: Borthwick Paper 131 (YORK: BORTHWICK INSTITUTE FOR ARCHIVES 2020. In the year 1820 Britain experienced a political crisis at the top, with the Queen Caroline affair, and turbulence from below, with insurrections in London, west Scotland, and the West Riding. When is a riot more than a temporary threat to law and order; when does an armed demonstration become an uprising or an insurrection; and how do these relate to elite political polarisation?. [Extracted from the article]

The British press, public and parliament are not generally thought to have played a significant role in the process of Britain’s decolonisation in Africa. Neither do most studies of the broad British metropolitan experience foreground the importance of African nationalism. This article begins to challenge both of these views by providing an assessment of the significance of the British press’s rather sensational treatment of an incident of late-colonial violence in the context of an African demonstration in Blantyre, Nyasaland, in 1960. African activists exploited the British press presence in Blantyre as a means of advancing the nationalist cause and fighting the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. British correspondents responded positively for a variety of ideological, political, personal, situational and institutional reasons. In addition, by 1960, the British press recognised the strength of African nationalism in the context of African violence and agitation across that continent in preceding months and years. Its critical articles, which interlocked with British parliamentary proceedings and specific sets of historical concerns, had important effects among two core readerships: sections of the white settler communities of the Federation, and the British Government. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article informs that a school-year research experiment using primary resources to teach an important national issue--protest movements against the Vietnam War at the local level--is an excellent way to motivate students and energize classroom teaching. In the author's case, it is just the charge the author need to jumpstart his intellectual battery. As a teacher for over thirty years, the author constantly look for new pedagogical challenges. The author teach in the small suburban school district of Amityville, New York. Amityville is approximately thirty miles east of New York City, on Long Island. It is a culturally diverse community best known for a famous incident later made into a movie trilogy--"The Amityville Horror." Unfortunately, Amityville Memorial High School is often sarcastically referred to as the "real horror." Indeed, because the school has almost ninety percent minority students, many with low reading and writing levels, its academic reputation has been less than stellar. However, this has not deferred the author from challenging his own students to undertake serious scholarly research and apply it to the study of American history.

In his work on art and politics, Jacques Rancière contends that artwork can democratize the police state. For Rancière, the 'police' refers to those architectures of social formation that shape 'the sensible', a societal agreement regarding who can be seen and heard in the public sphere. Artworks, in his view, can function as visible sites of resistance to societal strictures and act as catalysts for reshaping dominant public discourses. Building on Rancière's attention to art as an important avenue through which resistant narratives break into the sensible, we might regard the recent removal of four Confederate monuments in New Orleans as a triumph of resistant narratives. While it is imperative to expose the racist discourses that these sculptures visualize, we must also answer the question, 'What's next?' In this article, I analyse the Paper Monuments project (2017–19), a creative response to the question of what should replace New Orleans' Confederate statues. This two-year public art and history project, which is consistent with Rancière's definition of art as a catalyst for structural change, represents – as I argue –a model for how other urban centres might respond to the removal of offensive public art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban spaces, often emerging outside formal, recognized boundaries, underscore the pivotal role women play in shaping these environments. Despite the enduring influence of patriarchal and hierarchical structures that render these spaces overtly gendered, it is within these contexts that women's actions become particularly transformative. Drawing from feminist urban theories of the global south, this paper investigates informal placemaking, feminist urban activism, revolutionary placemaking, online protest movements, and the networks that support women's solidarity groups. Employing a mixed-methods approach that includes case studies, interviews with activists, and social media analysis, this research focuses on Iran, with a specific emphasis on the recent 'Women, Life, Freedom' movement. This study not only highlights how women navigate, contest, and reshape urban spaces through feminist urban activism and informal revolutionary placemaking but also anticipates the broader implications of these actions for urban planning and policy. By analyzing and comparing these case studies, we aim to uncover the commonalities, differences, challenges, and opportunities between informal/formal, state-led/bottom-up, and revolutionary feminist placemaking practices in Iran. The findings of this paper are expected to contribute valuable insights into the dynamics of feminist urbanism and suggest avenues for future research in enhancing the inclusivity and responsiveness of urban spaces to gendered needs and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines protest language from the late Arab Spring uprisings, more specifically in Tunisia, Egypt and Iraq – identified as the "Facebook Upheavals". It explores the discursive aspects of these processes through which social protest and dissent are constructed and different forms of communication and expression are mobilized. It also examines how the various modes of representation and dissemination contribute to shaping and influencing social movements and resistance within the Arab political context, individually and collectively. On the collective level, the paper explores the discursive construction of collective identities, the formation of alliances, and the negotiation of power relations within and between different protest movements. This is done by reporting how discourses are used to challenge dominant narratives, contest oppressive structures, and then to shape the political landscape in the Arab region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discursive experiences can contribute to shaping lives and their identities. For minoritized youth in Hong Kong, the 2019 protest movement provided many such experiences, although very little has been heard about them. Instead, reporting has focused on the experiences of the dominant Chinese population. This paper aims to highlight the voices of minoritized youth in relation to the social movement that dominated Hong Kong in the second half of 2019. It is well recognized that identity is not fixed and that there are more likely multiple identities that transition from one to the other. Yet little is known about the influences on identity formation and the processes that underlie them. This was the issue addressed here. The paper draws on Lacan's theory of identity in examining interviews involving minoritized youth and their engagement in Hong Kong's 2019 protest movement. It shows how individual responses to the movement differed, how the movement challenged identities, and how these challenges were resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shopping malls have replaced traditional public spaces and become an integral part of urban life in many cities. This paper seeks to explore the role of shopping malls as protest sites in Hong Kong during the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill protest movement in 2019. As the protests decentralised and filtered throughout the city, shopping malls became sites of protest and battlegrounds between riot police and protesters. In addition to singing and chanting, organising sit-ins, and exhibiting protest art inside shopping malls, protesters also confronted mall employees as well as disrupted businesses. Based on information gathered through media reports, planning and policy documents, as well as ethnographic observations, this paper aims to examine the role of shopping malls in the urban development of Hong Kong, their function as public spaces during the protest movement, and how the politicisation of shopping malls shaped and sustained the protest movement. This paper contends that the protesters' appropriation of shopping malls not only represented an important first step of reclaiming the right to the city, but also exemplified how such struggle and resistance can be extended beyond traditional protest sites and into different everyday spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In particular, the special issue contributes to the field of social and political movements by offering papers that ask (1) how can contemporary collective action critically advance social theoretical ideas, and (2) what new tools of inquiry can build on existing theoretical approaches to enhance our critical understanding of social movements. Keywords: protest; political contention; social movements; social theory EN protest political contention social movements social theory 3 6 4 02/23/23 20230301 NES 230301 Since its establishment in 1977, I Capital and Class i has provided a critical space for scholars and activists to explore existing and new forms of socio-political struggles and movements in and against capital. His areas of interest include social movement activism on the public sphere, public space and free speech, work and global political economy, voluntary activity, and Marxist theory. [Extracted from the article]

Fujikane shows that Hawaiian mythological chants contain specific and reliable geographical descriptions and thus constitute legitimate forms of "cartographies" or "geographies" as she labels them. It was not until the 1830s that any Western-based mapping was done by Hawaiians themselves, and earlier mapping by non-Hawaiians was not undertaken for the benefit of the people of Hawaii (Fitzpatrick, I Early Mapping of Hawaii, i 1986). Mapping Abundance for a Planetary Future: Kanaka Maoli and Critical Settler Cartographies in Hawai'i: By Candace Fujikane. [Extracted from the article]

This paper focuses on the global protests that condemn the war on Gaza following the Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023. These protests were unprecedented in their broad scope and innovative forms. The paper argues that this protest movement is fundamentally memorydriven, as it represents an extension of the 2019-2020 demonstrations against racism and colonialism, utilizing and reusing mnemonic media and symbols. In contrast, this global surge of memory is facing official suppression of protest dynamics, employing mnemonic strategies used by authorities within memory policies. This is prominently illustrated through the German model, characterized by practices of silence, forgetting, and accompanying repressive measures falling under a culture of cancellation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Climate Strike Movement (or Fridays for Future) is one of the most prominent transnational protest movements nowadays. In this paper, I examine the reactions of politicians to this movement to answer the research question: To what extent have German Members of Parliament (MPs) been responsive to local environmentalist street protests by focusing their attention on the Climate Strike Movement and Environmental Policy? To this end, I apply dictionary-based quantitative text-analytical tools to study German MPs' political communication through 292,949 Facebook posts and 43,644 parliamentary debates between September 2017 and February 2020. Focussing on the effect of the first global climate strike in March 2019 and leveraging varying protest frequencies between the electoral districts, I show that MPs are responsive to protest events in their districts. More local street protest events in an electoral district led to more attention to the Climate Strike Movement and Environmental Policies by political representatives associated with that district. Comparing different discursive arenas, I show how politicians adjust their communication according to the arena's audience, with protests affecting the political attention to environmental policies more in parliamentary debates than on social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical-right populist parties will often try to exploit and ride a wave of popular discontent for their own electoral gain. This paper studies the online populist communication of the leaders of the Rassemblement National (RN) in France in the context of the Gilets Jaunes (GJ) protests and the 2019 European election. It analyses the Twitter activity of these leaders to determine whether they temporarily softened their nativist and exclusionary stances to align their communications with the anti-elitist discourse of the protest movement. We explored this question by employing a quantitative text analysis using R Studio tools of their tweets over a 12-month period in combination with a more qualitative analysis of their output on this social media platform. We carried out tests on bigram frequency, network structure, as well as qualitative analysis of posts on the GJ protests and then compared this data with existing works on the GJ, to identify whether and how the RN adapted its social media discourse at strategic times in the election cycle to better suit the Gilets Jaunes' demands and themes. The results provide support for the expectation of a strategic modification and moderation of exclusionary populist discourse online with both politicians returning to nativist themes after the European election campaign was over and the GJ mobilisation lost momentum. We therefore suggest that the change in output is part of a strategic moderation or 'de-demonisation' in order to gain a wider pool of potential voters and in particular those sympathetic to the protest movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, there has been increasing academic interest in examining the governance of international and Olympic sport (IOS). Common governance approaches applied to sport include federal/unitary governance, systemic governance, collaborative governance, stakeholder governance, and network governance. Despite its attention to system-level governance including multiple decision centres with overlapping jurisdictions, polycentric governance has yet to be applied to sport. This paper examines the IOC's Rule 50 as an empirical case to evaluate the potential of the theory, and more specifically, to analyse how the multiple governing authorities in IOS create and maintain regulatory control. In considering the conceptual characteristics of polycentric governance, the paper finds that it has value in illuminating several key features of IOS and has the potential to add conceptual rigour to the study of a number of different sport systems. The paper finishes with ideas for future research where polycentric governance could be used to garner further insights in IOS and other sport sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a unit of the Nigerian police Force has been described as a lawless police outfit that inflict crude brutality on its suspects and carries out execution at will without restraints. It was the excesses of this police outfit that precipitated the #EndSARS protest of October 2020. This paper appraises the causes, course and collapse of the #EndSARS movement with a view to providing detailed explanation of the October events. The study adopted a combination of ethnographical research approach and content analysis of documents. The study also deployed the Herber Blumer's four stage model of social movement life cycle as its main theoretical cleavage. The paper from its findings posits that through the #EndSARS protests, the Nigerian youth whose voice had in the past been silenced found back and asserted their collective voice demanding for an end to police brutality. Despite violent repressions by the political class through their agents the protesters carried on with the protests until the black Tuesday when a section of the protesters were brutality attacked by men of the Nigerian army which left about 12 protesters dead and many injured. The protest though conveyed its message but died prematurely as a result of overwhelming brutality that it met. Also, the protest through its lack of leadership and non-articulation of its programme and lack of discipline could not be sustained. Having been silence on October 20, the youth once again relapsed into silent status. The paper also noted that the widespread looting spree that swept across Nigeria is an omen that the growing poverty in Nigeria may trigger a more chaotic revolution that the political class cannot withstand. The paper recommends for an effective police reform, better remuneration for the police, good and accountable governance and far reaching poverty alleviation programmes that will mitigate the spate of human suffering in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wake of the 2008 financial crisis wrought economic havoc in Spain, resulting in the widespread protest of the indignados movement. Catalonia in particular saw a flourishing of various new forms of activism and socio‐economic collaboration, such as cooperative networks, eco‐villages and alternative currencies. This paper explores emerging forms of alternative currencies and commoning practices in Catalonia, Spain. It is based on ethnographic research to explore emergent grassroots innovations that theorise and practice degrowth proposals in diverse ways. In particular, it investigates developing forms of social currency and social debt, most of which are associated with the Catalan Integral Cooperative and FairCoop. This latter organisation is a network of cooperatives developing tools around Faircoin, a cryptocurrency based on social and ecological principles. In doing so, it contributes to alternative currencies scholarship. This paper shows how these self‐organised grassroots innovations are making use of technological and digital elements in order to build an alternative financial infrastructure. Furthermore, it demonstrates how these alternative social currencies and blockchain initiatives clearly show that non‐capitalist and degrowth oriented technological innovation can generate economies in more progressive and community‐led ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diasporas are often viewed as mirrors for their homeland's politics. The Lebanese diaspora's involvement in the 2019 Thawra , however, established the diaspora as a locus for autonomous and disruptive political action. Through an analysis of the spatialities of protest, this paper analyses the diaspora's involvement in the Thawra , its implications for the protest movement, and for the diaspora itself. It argues that diaspora protests gave rise to new tactics and protest repertoires. These mirrored protest activity on the ground, supported protestors in Lebanon, and constituted the diaspora as a locus for contestation and claims-making. Moreover, the diaspora's mobilization in the Thawra contributed to the consolidation of diasporic identity and the construction of alternative societal imaginaries and conceptions of citizenship that challenge Lebanon's state-centric and sectarian citizenship regime. This paper thus makes the case for reassessing the autonomous political role of diasporas to gain a fuller understanding of transnational protest dynamics, solidarities, and citizenship beyond the boundaries of the nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2020 #EndSARS is a youth-enthusiastic social movement in Nigeria against brutality and inhuman excesses of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad unit of the Nigerian Police Force. The protest movement started on social media and transmited to spatio-temporal platforms as numerous Nigerian youths were scattered on major streets and landmarks of the country to express their dissatisfaction with the operations and methods of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). The protest was held by youths across different tribes, races and religions (with Muslims inclusive.) Just as the movement continued to increase, the participation of Nigerian Muslim youths in the protest became entwined in controversies as young Nigerian Muslim intellectuals debated the permissibility and impermissibility of protest for an ideal Muslim regardless of the circumstances. Numerous studies have examined protests, rebellions, uprisings, and coup d’états amongst other political issues affecting democracy, but they hardly study protests in the light of Islam and Muslims. This paper therefore seeks to explore this gap with a qualitative research by revisiting the history of Islamic civilization in the first few decades of Islam, approaching some Sharī‘ah principles and rereading the sensitive Islamic texts on obedience to authority in the context of contemporary realities surrounding the Nigerian Muslim ’Ummah. The paper concludes that while a protest is typically detestable under Islamic polity, it may rob Islam of its essence if such an opinion is upheld for Nigerian Muslims on 2020 #EndSARS, without considering the social, political, and constitutional factors influencing the movement in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conceptual paper wishes to contribute to the debate on digitally mediated movements by developing the perspective of 'contentious branding'. The empirical research has followed the #Occupy and #Anonymous hashtags around popular social media, reconstructing their highly heterogeneous adoption. A branding perspective on contentious politics is aimed at highlighting the diverse and sometimes contradictory appropriations of the 'semiotic repertoires' of protest movements, particularly apparent within digital networks of communication. A contentious branding perspective on social movements not only tries to fit these specific cases better: it intends to provide an epistemological and methodological device to sustain a non-essentialist understanding of social movements in general, and to face the challenges and opportunities of digital social movement research in particular. The first section of the paper briefly discusses the concepts 'social movement' and 'branding', characterizing the proposed idea of 'contentious branding'. Some insights derived from a broader digital exploration on the uses of the hashtags #Occupy and #Anonymous then serve to emphasize their variable, incoherent and at times contradictory utilization: few of the several reiterations of the brand Occupy, deviating from its original use, are presented, and a heuristic categorization of Anonymous' diverse issues of involvement is proposed. Based on this, the discussion further develops the concept of contentious branding, clarifying its analytical boundaries vis a vis neighboring approaches in social movement theory. The conclusion discusses some of the epistemological and methodological implications that contentious branding bears for the study of social movements in the digital age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various papers published in this issue including one by Nicola Montagna on protests that were organized by undocumented migrants in Italy, one by Maria Valentova and Aigul Alieva on voluntary associations and one by Magdelan Nowicka on racism.

Digital technologies have transformed advertising markets causing disruption to the funding of traditional media. Yet, paradoxically, the digital age also provides new opportunities for journalism, enabling innovations in investigative reporting on a global scale. However, the transition of investigative journalism from a single newsroom to a multi-newsroom model—involving large-scale transnational collaboration, use of social media networks to extend audience reach and impact, and data journalism to analyze mass data leaks—is understudied. This paper adapts a conceptual framework usually applied to large-scale political protest movements to large-scale collaborative investigative journalism. It aims to show how Lance Bennett and Alexandra Segerberg's "logic of connective action" can be adapted to understand different forms of networked action such as global collaborative watchdog reporting. Bennett and Segerberg identify three distinct types of large-scale protest formations and this paper contends that these can be approximated to fit different types of large-scale transnational collaborative investigative journalism. Using a case study methodology and interviews with investigative journalists, the article develops a framework to differentiate between types of large-scale investigative collaborations. The framework helps to understand differences between the collaborative investigative reporting efforts of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), WikiLeaks, and Edward Snowden's National Security Agency (NSA) leaks. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, this article seeks to advance theoretical understandings of global watchdog reporting in the digital age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the development and international transfer of tear gas dispersers between the United States and South Korea during the 1960s. It outlines how these devices, originally justified as humanitarian tools for war and riot control, increasingly facilitated large-scale and violent suppression. The focus is particularly on the development and effects of “Pepper Fog” during the U.S. civil rights movements and the Vietnam War, as well as its adoption by the South Korean police to be utilized against student demonstrations. The transnational movement of Pepper Fog reveals the process through which tear gas technology was developed and deployed in different parts of the world. In 1968, the deployment of Pepper Fog in South Korea was facilitated by American commercial loans and police aid, becoming a critical tool against the democratic movements dominated by student protests during the 1960s and 70s. Despite its intended humane aspects, the actual use of such devices often resulted in injuries due to indiscriminate deployment in confined spaces like buses and buildings. The emergence of gas dispersing vehicles eventually replaced Pepper Fog at protest sites, but the term “Pepper Fog car” became a colloquial symbol of mass gas dispersal and the inherent violence in crowd control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the European Union (EU) response to three conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa region and shines a spotlight on the degree of division among its member states and on the management of these divisions. It concludes that the EU's desire to be seen as an international actor varies according to the confrontation; it is stronger in the Arab-Israeli conflict, but weaker in the Sahara. Domestic protest and politicisation in the EU affect the fragmentation of positions and the frequency of obstructionist stances. The EU manages the divisions differently in each conflict, with strategies that vary according to the level of ambition or the desire to ensure the sides note the existence of a European position. The paper highlights the growing interaction between the different regional flashpoints and makes the case for a systemic and multilevel approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows that social change at the end of the 1960s cannot be understood only in terms of large protest movements, but also on a small scale, as in the case studies analysed here, where the mostly unspoken "moral force of the ideal of authenticity" (Taylor, 1991, p. 17) is expressed by a wide variety of actors. Using two case studies from the school context and with pop culture references, the paper examines how the rebellious practices often described as typical of teenagers around 1968 were present not only among adolescents, but also among young adults - and among young teachers. The boundaries and transitions between young and old, between rejection and acceptance of different practices and forms of life (Jaeggi, 2014) seem to be fluid. Practices in the school context and the forms of life of young people are not always clearly distinguishable from the forms of life of young adults. Forms of life and everyday practices - based on insignia from music, from the world of comics, from fashion - were just as influential for the individual as loud protest movements against the "establishment". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protest campaign movements are often carried out by coalitions rather than by homogeneous groups. Accordingly, an opposition member has both a narrow partisan identity and a broad all-opposition identity. Seeking to prevent mass political participation, autocracies can repress protesters regardless of their group membership or apply the "divide and conquer" principle, targeting specific groups. Any strategy of repression drives some dynamics of identity. For instance, broad repression may rally the opposition by increasing broad identity at the expense of narrow identity. This dynamic of identity causes complex dynamics of motivation for participation in the protest, which affects the turnout. The paper introduces a computational model to describe the dynamics of the turnout. The model employs the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and accounts for the dual protest identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Artikel analysiert die öffentlichen Debatten während der Pandemie und konzentriert sich dabei auf drei Facetten der Gesundheitskrise: (i) die Kriegsmetaphorik und die Heroisierungsrituale, die in den ersten Monaten der Pandemie von der Exekutive eingesetzt wurden, (ii) die Polarisierung um die umstrittene Figur des Didier Raoult und sein Therapieprotokoll gegen das Virus, und (iii) die Geographien des Protestes, die sich im Widerstand gegen die Impfkampagne und die Einführung des Gesundheitspasses formierten. Wenngleich die öffentlichen Reaktionen auf die Pandemie sich in den meisten europäischen Ländern ähnelten, weist Frankreich bestimmte Besonderheiten auf. Diese finden sich unter anderem in der starken zentralistischen Lenkung der Pandemiebekämpfung, im Einsatz von ad-hoc-Expertenkommissionen oder in der Morphologie des Protestes. Der Aufsatz zeigt, wie die Handhabung der Pandemie in vielerlei Hinsicht die kulturellen und politischen Spezifitäten Frankreichs widerspiegelt. Le présent article se propose d'analyser les débats publics pendant la pandémie en se concentrant sur trois facettes de la crise sanitaire : (i) la métaphore guerrière et les dispositifs d'héroïsation déployés dans les premiers mois de la pandémie par l'exécutif, (ii) la polarisation survenue autour de la figure controversée de Didier Raoult et de son protocole thérapeutique contre le virus, et (iii) les geographies des mouvements contestataires formés en opposition à la campagne de vaccination et à l'instauration du passe sanitaire. Bien que les réactions publiques à la pandémie aient été similaires dans la plupart des pays européens, la France présente certaines spécificités. Celles-ci se retrouvent notamment dans la forte centralisation de la lutte contre la pandémie, dans le recours immodéré à des commissions ad hoc d'experts ou dans la morphologie de la protestation. L'article montre comment la gestion de la pandémie reflète à bien des égards les spécificités culturelles et politiques de la France. This article analyses the public debates during the pandemic by focusing on three facets of the health crisis: (i) the war metaphor and the devices of heroisation deployed in the first months of the pandemic by the executive, (ii) the polarisation that arose around the controversial figure of Didier Raoult and his therapeutic protocol against the virus, and (iii) the geographies of the protest movements formed in opposition to the vaccination campaign and the establishment of a health pass. Although public reactions to the pandemic were similar in most European countries, France exhibits certain specific patterns. These can be identified among others in the strong centralized response to the pandemic, in the immoderate use of ad hoc expert commissions or in the morphology of protest. The paper shows how the handling of the pandemic in many ways reflects the cultural and political idiosyncrasies of France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of post‐war Sri Lanka has seen an escalation of nationalisms that constantly collide. Post‐2009, with the end of the war, the reproduction of narratives around nationalisms has become intense, with home‐grown protests for accountability of minority injustices continuing to sustain its fervour over time. Within the context of Switzerland these events in Sri Lanka are invariably aligned with diasporic engagement. Dominant spaces such as the United Nations (UN) in Geneva, Switzerland become transnational sites for the performance of long‐distance nationalism by Tamil diaspora groups, raising questions around legitimacy and claims‐making. This paper presents empirical insights as to how long‐distance Tamil nationalism is manifested as political engagement, by groups, and/ or individuals, in formal and informal transnational sites within the socio‐political landscape of Switzerland. It argues that modes of political engagement are manifested through rituals of performance and performativity such as scripting and iteration of claims‐making processes that enable legitimacy in transnational sites of lobby and protest within the UN arena in Geneva during the Human Rights Council (HRC) sessions. The paper situates its analysis within a shift in post‐war Tamil diaspora claims‐making narratives from a separatist stance to that of victimhood and human rights producing narratives that present the Tamil diaspora as a singular actor albeit with complex heterogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on urban squares on Beijing's central axis in the 1910s, when the city, as the capital, was under the rule of the Beiyang government. The paper first analyses how the government transformed these physical urban spaces, and subsequently endowed them with new social meanings. It then explores the dual political position of these urban squares as sites of both state representation and protest movements, and analyzes the contest between spatial regularization by the state and the mass fight for living space. Two types of crowds, the political crowd and the politicized crowd, are examined. As an arena of conflict, Beijing's central axis represented the process of nation-state building and incomplete urban modernity. Through study of the relationship between the Chinese state and crowds, and their spatial praxes enacted in urban squares, this paper suggests an alternative perspective on crowd theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011, Egypt saw one of the largest protest movements in its modern history: the 25th of January revolution. One of its major demands was the call for democracy and end of dictatorship after 30 years of Mubarak's rule. After ousting Mubarak, the Egyptian public sphere witnessed an openness. Even with increasing levels of oppression and violence, there were open spaces for freedom of association, expression, and demonstration, etc. Yet, in 2013 and with the intense protests against the elected Muslim Brotherhood (MB) president, the military interfered and ousted the elected president. In light of these events, Egypt witnessed a backlash against democracy under the pretext of fighting 'terrorism'. Since then, Egypt has been seeing manifestations of this relapse on almost all levels, in terms of legislations, decrees, practices that closed the public space to any protesting voices, with higher levels of oppression and violence against the opposition and not only the so-called 'terrorists'. In this context, this paper proposes to dissect the Egyptian stumbling road to democratisation since 2011. It examines internal factors as well as the role of regional and international actors in orchestrating developments in Egypt. The paper proposes that the process of democratisation in Egypt has faced multiple drawbacks, not only related to regime type (military rule) but also with respect to social movements, the involvement of regional actors, etc.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine the phenomenon of protest and the dynamic of societal act in the environment and contexts of the Arab region, most of which are produced under the conditions of protest, and the growing sense of indignation and dissatisfaction, and in the context of authoritarian and violent political and cultural structures and low civic values. The research aims to dismantle the growing phenomenon of protest movements in the Arab world (2010-2020), from where the structure of their formation and their mobility frameworks, and to increase the role of new social forces as agencies and mediators in the conflict between society and power, seeking to express themselves and raise their demands through protest and demonstration, beyond the limitations of traditional media such as political parties and trade unions. The paper theoretically approaches the topic from the perspective of social movements frameworks and developments in public space entrances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the increasing number of natural disasters has raised concerns about the sustainability of our planet's future. As young people comprise the generation that will suffer from the negative effects of climate change, they have become involved in a new climate activism that is also gaining interest in the public debate thanks to the Fridays for Future (FFF) movement. This paper analyses the results of a survey of 1,138 young people in a southern Italian region to explore their perceptions of the extent of environmental problems and their participation in protests of green movements such as the FFF. The statistical analyses perform an ordinal classification tree using an original impurity measure considering both the ordinal nature of the response variable and the heterogeneity of its ordered categories. The results show that respondents are concerned about the threat of climate change and participate in the FFF to claim their right to a healthier planet and encourage people to adopt environmentally friendly practices in their lifestyles. Young people feel they are global citizens, connected through the Internet and social media, and show greater sensitivity to the planet's environmental problems, so they are willing to take effective action to demand sustainable policies from decision-makers. When planning public policies that will affect future generations, it is important for policymakers to know the demands and opinions of key stakeholders, especially young people, in order to plan the most appropriate measures, such as climate change mitigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a series of refusals to admit Indian immigrants into North America in the early twentieth century and the resulting protest movements in Canada, the US mainland and the Philippines. By examining these events, the study aims to enhance our comprehension of Indian immigrants' agency in shaping their interregional mobility and connectivity. Indians repeatedly faced de facto exclusion from these places, but they devised strategies to facilitate migration, and in response, Canadian and US authorities tightened control, leading to further resistance. Throughout these cycles of restriction and resistance, Indian migrants combined the knowledge and experiences acquired in Manila and North America, countering immigration policies and strengthening interregional connectivity. Understanding the interregional connectivity among Indian immigrants is key to understanding why Indians from different regions were actively involved in the anti-British Ghadar movement and the Komagata Maru incident. This paper focuses on the agency of Indians in Manila and examines the reasons behind their engagement in these events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines how protests spread across countries in the 2011 Arab Spring. Based on the diffusion literature, we form hypotheses about the factors that influence the transmission of protests across borders. To test the hypotheses, we use an events data set measuring media reports of protests, government reforms, and acts of repression on a daily basis by country. We show that the strength of the protest movement in one country is significantly affected by protest activities in other countries over the previous 1 or 2 weeks and that protests were more likely to spread between countries that had high levels of bilateral trade. When we examine periods longer than 2 weeks, we find that protests spread across borders only when they were successful in pressuring Arab governments into enacting reforms and when the protests did not lead to government reprisals. In all our models, government repression in one country significantly stifled protests in other countries. Each country was thus significantly affected by the choices that governments in other Arab League nations made, and this interdependence meant that governments had incentives to cooperate with each other in their responses to the Arab Spring protests. Este artículo analiza cómo se extendieron las protestas a través de distintos países durante la Primavera Árabe de 2011. Basándonos en la literatura sobre difusión, formulamos hipótesis sobre los factores que influyen en la transmisión de las protestas a través de fronteras. Para comprobar nuestras hipótesis, utilizamos un conjunto de datos de eventos que miden la información de los medios de comunicación sobre las protestas, las reformas gubernamentales y los actos de represión a diario por país. Demostramos que la fuerza del movimiento de protesta en un país se ve significativamente afectada por las actividades de protesta en otros países durante la semana o las dos semanas anteriores y que las protestas eran más propensas a extenderse entre los países que tenían altos niveles de comercio bilateral. Cuando examinamos periodos superiores a dos semanas, comprobamos que las protestas se extienden a través de las fronteras solo cuando estas consiguen presionar a los gobiernos árabes para que promulguen reformas y cuando las protestas no provocan represalias por parte del gobierno. En todos nuestros modelos, la represión gubernamental en un país frenó significativamente las protestas en otros países. Por lo tanto, cada país se vio significativamente afectado por las decisiones que tomaron los gobiernos de otras naciones de la Liga Árabe, y esta interdependencia significó que los gobiernos tenían incentivos para cooperar entre sí en sus respuestas a las protestas de la Primavera Árabe. Le présent article analyse la manière dont les protestations se sont propagées à travers les pays lors du Printemps arabe de 2011. Sur la base de la documentation diffusée, nous émettons des hypothèses sur les facteurs ayant influencé la transmission des protestations à travers les frontières. Afin de vérifier les hypothèses, nous utilisons un ensemble de données d'événements évaluant les comptes-rendus que les médias ont fait des protestations, des réformes du gouvernement et des actes de répression, jour après jour et par pays. Nous montrons que la force du mouvement de protestation dans un pays est affectée de manière significative par les actes de protestation dans d'autres pays au cours de la ou des deux semaines précédentes, et que les protestations avaient beaucoup plus de chance de s'étendre entre des pays ayant des niveaux élevés de commerce bilatéral. Lorsqu'on examine des périodes supérieures à deux semaines, on observe que les protestations se propagent à travers les frontières uniquement lorsqu'elles ont réussi à faire pression sur les gouvernements arabes pour qu'ils adoptent des réformes et lorsque ces protestations n'ont pas entraîné de représailles de la part du gouvernement. Dans tous nos modèles, la répression du gouvernement dans un pays a sensiblement étouffé les protestations dans les autres pays. Chaque pays était donc affecté de manière significative par les choix effectués par les gouvernements dans les autres nations de la Ligue arabe, et cette interdépendance signifiait que les gouvernements avaient intérêt à coopérer les uns avec les autres quant à leur réponse face aux protestations du Printemps arabe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While antiracist protest has gained increasing prominence in Europe in recent years, the lack of representative data has so far prevented an assessment of the scope and drivers of antiracist protest outside of the United States. This paper addresses this gap drawing from a unique survey (N = 5003) on racism in Germany. Building upon sociological and social psychological theories of protest, the article explores the scope and role of key demographic, cognitive, and emotional factors for protest practice and protest potential. Our data suggests that antiracist protest is supported by considerable parts of German society and finds that mediated experiences of racism and emotional reactions matter as drivers of mobilization: those with and without a personal experience of racism are more likely to protest if they were told of racist experiences by others. This effect is even more pronounced if participants are emotionally affected by personal and mediated experiences of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores three protest movements differing in scale and scope in two regions in the world. #feesmustfall (2015-2016) was a social media movement in South Africa to protest against prohibitive hikes in university fees. #Jallikattu (2017) was a social media movement in Tamil Nadu (India) to lift a ban imposed by the Supreme Court of India against an ancient cultural sport with bulls. Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) is a South African social media movement to raise issues related to shack dwellers. While there is literature focusing on these movements individually (Bosch 2016, Kalaiyarasan 2017, Mdlalose 2014), a comparative approach offers some alternate insights into how state power manifests in the age of digital capitalism. Habermas (1987, 1989) theorised the transformation of the public sphere and key to understanding how these publics contest existing power structures is his explication of authentic communicative action. Using Fuchs's (2016) and Zuboff's (2019) analyses of social media activism, we examine police brutality and su rveillance in these three movements. The classical model of diaspora (Harutyunyan 2012) is introduced to show how it manifests in two of the protest movements, and contemporary notions of diaspora (Grossman 2019: 1265) are explored to see what they could offer to diverse protest cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Omran for Social Sciences is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Punjabi singers produced music in support of the farmers and took on-the-ground initiatives to join the protests alongside protesters at the Delhi border and in local protests. This paper analyzes Punjabi Sikh uses of music throughout history and compares them to the music that emerged in the Farmers' Protests. This paper uses Serge Denisoff's criteria for protest music to cross-examine Punjabi protest music produced in various time periods. The Farmers' protest music and musician involvement in the protests is then scrutinized to understand its significance to the protests and to understand the relationship between Punjabi singers and their audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to look at the ongoing farmers protest movement in North India and focuses on their cultural dimension, particularly so on the creative response generated. This paper is divided into three parts: (1) the genesis of the movement (2) the cultural and creative response to the protest movement and (3) a focus on the newly emerging popular protest music as a symbol of dissent and hope. Through the prism of the protest music changing dimensions and evolution of the farmers participation in the protest movement is chronicled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how leadership is practiced in social movement organizations (SMO). Drawing arguments from Critical Leadership Studies, and based on qualitative empirical research conducted within the organizations of the Spanish protest movement 15M, this paper analyzes the perceptions of leadership, fields of tension and practices for dealing with these tensions. By empirically investigating a rather unexplored area of research, the paper makes three contributions. First, it offers in-depth investigations of leadership-practices in SMO, showing that activists are highly aware of the importance of leadership. Second, it contributes to leadership theory by confronting views of critical leadership studies with the empirical results. Activists share quite precise views on what good leadership means for them, which we propose to characterize as autonomous, reflexive and rule-based. Third, with the emphasis on collective reflection and rules, it highlights two aspects of leadership in SMO that have been widely ignored in discourses, but turn out as important means of dealing with challenges of autonomous leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the importance of leadership in the organisation of social movements in Nigeria and examines how the leadership style adopted impacted the organisation of two social movements in Nigeria. Using response from 34 semi-structured interviews from university students in Nigeria that participated in the protests, the paper finds that Leadership remains crucial to the organisation of social movements in Nigeria. Results further indicate that the leadership style adopted impacts the organisation of social movements in Nigeria, more so, than the media platform. Results also show that Techno-Enthusiasts in 2012 unlike the Nigeria Labour Congress in 2016 used their technological skills to rouse a passive generation into action. This paper concludes with a proposed leadership typology for social movement organisation in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the literature regarding the role of the Internet in mobilizing people in protest participation and the link between online activism and offline activism. First, the paper shows the emergence of the media communications as instruments of mobilizing people in social movements. Then, the article reveals a discussion upon the literature reviewed, examining critically the research analysis. The paper is important to promote the relevance of the social movement’s studies through the online networks and to show the role of the Internet in mobilizing people. Studying the online networks and their members, how they are recruited and interact online with other members and their participation in offline actions, it is a new way for studies concerning the nature of the protests, how can they emerge and how can they be conducted, if people are participating on these protests guided by masses beliefs and opinions, or being conducted by their interests. Synthesizing the literature regarding social movements, the study opens the way to new researches that can explain better the collective actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an application of Identity Economics. Since the literature in this field is recent, the paper begins with an extensive review of the key contributions. The current paper analyses the process and psychological costs of social polarization arising from economic inequalities. It may have some application to the current social divisions evident in the votes for Brexit and Donald Trump, and protest movements such as the gilets jaunes. In a simple model, people rationally maximize their utility from esteem, by selecting a subjective salient identity from two objective identities: nationality and job. The model shows how an increase in wages for the upper half of the population can lead those with high incomes to drop nationality as their salient identity, forming a new 'elite' class. This rational switch in the identity of high-income workers has efficiency and redistributive effects, reducing aggregate utility and generating regressive transfers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]