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In Brazil, many women are victims of different forms of domestic violence, which can be physical, psychological, moral, sexual and patrimonial. Women victims of domestic violence tend to look for close people to ask for help to get out of the situation, therefore, an informal support network can be an important tool for women to feel protected and ask for help from public organizations. Given that solidarity economic enterprises (SEE) formed only by women are a space for women to strengthen each other, where they socialize and can create bonds, they can also serve as an informal support network for the women who form them, in addition to fostering their financial autonomy. The objective of this article is to identify whether SEE can be part of a support network for women, from the perspective of the women who form them. To this end, three SEE of women were investigated in the brazilian municipality of Araraquara, which has an important history of social movements and public policies aimed at the social and solidarity economy. From the semi-structured interviews carried out with 11 women from three of these SEE, it was possible to obtain results that explain what happens in the empirical field in relation to the theory, such as that women feel comfortable and trust each other, but at the same time At the same time, they do not identify patrimonial violence as violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a larger ethnographic project in San Francisco, this essay illustrates the housing justice work of youth participants in San Francisco's Mission Roots youth organizing program. I introduce the concept of movement vulnerability to describe how developing ideology and political vision was central to their activism. This article draws from abolitionist political thoughtto highlight the carceral dimensions of displacement and gentrification in San Francisco. More importantly, an abolitionist lens allows us to recognize the creative and visionary dimensions of Mission Roots youth organizers' work. Furthermore, this article offers a reminder to youth studies and education scholars that organizing is a method of transforming material conditions and pursuing social justice projects, rather than a mere 'intervention' to promote conventional notions of academic and youth development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows that humour plays a significant role in the formation of a collective identity and 'creates a sense of internal cohesion' based on shared experiences [Fominaya, C. F. (2007). The role of humour in the process of collective identity formation in autonomous social movement groups in contemporary Madrid. International Review of Social History, 52(S15), 243–258. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859007003227]. In this paper, we focus on humour in jihadi English magazines. This study is based on 82 English magazines published by the Taliban, ISIS, Al-Qaeda and Tahrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP). This research takes a mixed method of analysing data both qualitatively and quantitatively. The findings point to a statistically significant difference amongst these groups in the type of humour they utilise. In general, Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and TTP show similar patterns in the types of humour they employ, a pattern that often stands in stark contrast with ISIS. ISIS is more likely than Al-Qaeda, the Taliban or TTP to use dehumanising and mocking humour while less likely than these groups to use situational humour, which is a less negative form of humour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent developmental state research highlights state-society configurations and contentious politics in shaping industrialization. Still, much of this work focuses on East Asia and tends to sidestep racialized labor exploitation, imperialism, and uneven incorporation into the global capitalist system through the trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonialism as important drivers. Through an historical analysis of Trinidad and Tobago, this paper examines how interventionist industrial policies emerged out of such structures and conditions. It highlights the role of anti-imperial and anti-racist struggles exemplified by the Black Power Movement in Trinidad and Tobago – a social movement comprising workers, marginalized youth, and civic leaders, which sought to overturn a colonial economy, reconfigure hierarchical race relations, address economic injustices, promote democratically negotiated industrialization, and chart a new course for a post-independent, multiracial Trinidad and Tobago. Utilizing archival data, this paper argues that Trinidad and Tobago's government shifted from a passive industrial strategy characteristic of the colonial era to a more active approach from 1970 to 1984 largely in response to forceful demands and demonstrations by the Black Power Movement, which, in turn, led to improved social conditions, nationalization of key industries, the creation of state-owned enterprises, new skills and technological investments, and more. These findings advance developmental state theory by specifying the heretofore largely unacknowledged role of racial justice and anti-imperialist social movements in bringing about a different path from the East Asian model toward industrial and social transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Efi Kanner. Men and Women in the Modernization Adventure: Turkish Modernization from a Gender Perspective" is a book by Professor Efi Kanner that explores the gender aspects of Turkish modernization. The book covers various topics such as the women's movement, education, the labor market, family models, politics, and social movements. It provides a historian's perspective on the role of gender in Turkey's modernization process and offers a different approach to understanding the country's political and social history. The book is a valuable resource for those interested in Turkey's development and gender dynamics. [Extracted from the article]

This article makes a triple intervention into discussions about the relationship between subaltern collective memory, urban historiography and urban social movements. First, and more theoretically, I argue that grassroots urban social movements require a corresponding history to unite people into a collective urban social agent. In short, there are no urban social movements without a shared urban history to bring them together. The cultural struggle over defining a city's urban meaning is waged not only by material political fights, but also over how we represent the past of our cities. Second, I argue that ruling urban classes circulate and popularize their own urban history in order to disrupt autonomous grassroots urban history formation. Third, and lastly, said historiographical struggle manifests itself in how we represent the pasts of Indigenous peoples in the cities of the Americas. I make this argument through a critical reading of Nona Fernández's representation of the Indigenous past of Santiago de Chile in her 2002 novel Mapocho. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pacha: Revista de Estudios Contemporáneos del Sur Global is the property of PACHA REVISTA DE ESTUDIOS CONTEMPORANEOS DEL SUR GLOBAL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The foundations of collective action and agency in large groups remain a challenging theoretical problem. Why are individuals willing to contribute to a common goal, even though their contribution may have little impact? This paper aims to answer this question by explicating the motivational mechanisms that facilitate collective action and elucidating the underlying conditions and processes using social movement mobilization as an example. The mechanisms responsible for modifying motivation and action orientations in large-scale collective action are explicated at the level of individual structures of intentionality and specified as imagination and plural self-awareness. These mechanisms create the mental prerequisites for collective action by modifying two crucial determinants of action orientations: self-efficacy and intentional control. Recurring to the case of the German environmental movement, we demonstrate that collective agency arises when a shared imaginary takes shape, and plural self-awareness gives way to common action orientations through the catalyzing effect of an external synchronizing stimulus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through oral histories read in tandem with previously untapped archival sources, Margot Canaday's Queer Career unearths an entirely new body of evidence that captures the workplace experiences of a generation of gay and lesbian Americans whose stories have never been told. Canaday does so while making crucial interventions in sociolegal history, the history of gender and sexuality, and the history of capitalism, intertwining those often-siloed genres in innovative and generative ways. My aim here is to highlight just a few of Queer Career 's many contributions to the legal history of sex, gender, and sexuality and to the history of social movements and antidiscrimination law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Undocumented youth engage in advocacy efforts to improve their social conditions. Deploying an expanded definition of advocacy communication, this study (a) examined the heterogeneity of undocumented collegestudents' advocacy communication by identifying profiles of undocumented college students based on their participation in various advocacy communication strategies and (b) examined how these advocacy profiles are associated with health (i.e. anxiety, depression, and self-rated health). Latent profile analysis of 1277 California undocumented, mostly Latina/o/x, college students identified four profiles.Frequent advocators had lower levels of self-rated health and higher levels of anxiety and depression than infrequent advocators. Media advocators reported higher levels of anxiety and depression than infrequent advocators. Finally, organizational advocators reported lower levels of anxiety than media advocators and frequent advocators. Our study advances research on the relationship between advocacy communication and health. We provide suggestions that university staff and programs can take to support undocumented students' advocacy efforts and health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objectives of this article are: first, to review the quantitative indicators used in the literature to measure bonding, bridging and linking types of social capital; and, second, to review its operationalization process. It takes into consideration the methodological ambiguity with which these concepts are treated. It is argued that there is a good number of indicators that do not represent the theoretical concepts, based on: (i) the overlapping of chosen indicators between the dimensions of the concept; (ii) the theoretical ambiguity of social capital in its definition (especially from the communitarian approach); (iii) the empirical ambiguity in the choice of indicators; (iv) the lack of an ad hoc design to measure social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses an idea of “hegemonic urbanism” based on emerging approaches and methodologies, perspectives, and drifts coming from feminist epistemology and decolonial thought, among others. In the last quarter of the 20th century, a series of conditions and demands of social movements came together to question the theory and practice of urbanism from the perspective of the right to the city. The pandemic relocates a series of tensions linked to the diversity of the territories, daily life, and care. Initiatives and experiences are presented, which delve into the conceptual and analytical categories of gender and landscape based on critical resources such as the social cartographies that articulate teaching, research, and technological linkage based on the development of thematic experimentation laboratories. Social cartographies become devices that make visible new modes of representation and registers of the territory. We reflect on their contribution to urban planning as a collective practice for generating transversal and situated information. Likewise, the study of violence(s) and care, integrating the perspective of feminist urban planning and of the landscape, contributes to the construction of new interpretative, theoretical, and prospective paradigms of urban development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the concept of peace and hope during challenging times, focusing on the author's personal experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic and reflections on broader societal issues. Topics include the impact of the pandemic on daily life, the erosion of faith in institutions during Donald Trump's presidency, and economic challenges such as student debt and wealth disparity.

The article offers information on the concept of hoping together for a better collective future, especially in times of crisis, as a form of relating to others. Topics include the role of social movements in fostering collective hope, reflections on hope and peace in times of struggle, and the urgency of rethinking hope and peace in response to present socio-political struggles.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses several articles published within issue on topics including the relevance of the Movement for Black Lives' intersectional approach and rejection of state punishment.

The paper aims at contributing to our understanding of the role of emotions in the protest movements’ demobilization by drawing on the prochoice protest movement activity in Poland. The two most significant waves of social mobilization in the history of democratic Poland were an expression of opposition to the tightening of anti-abortion laws. Although those populist movements failed to achieve their goals, their mass activity ended. Charles Tilly’s and Sidney Tarrow’s theoretical framework of demobilization explains the dynamics of contention only to some extent. Accordingly, demobilization began when most protesters became discouraged due to repression, boredom, and the desire to return to their everyday life. However, it is a puzzle under what conditions these cognitive factors translate into demobilization in a way that shapes and finishes the trajectory of movement activity. The study contributes theoretically to social movement studies and contentious politics by developing the theory of demobilization. It also sheds light on the role of emotions in orienting and shaping mass mobilization. Furthermore, it contributes empirically to studies on pro-choice activism in Poland by explaining the dynamics of the two great waves of mass mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Thematic Scientific Conference Fundamental Researches is the property of International Association of Social Science Methodologists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This special edition introduces eight papers at the intersection of design, oppression, and liberation. These papers refer to social structure as a common leverage point to criticize and transform different oppression relations, namely racism, gender, marginalization, epistemic injustice, and colonization. The contributions follow recent moves in social movements and social sciences that recognize that tackling different oppression relations enables seeing oppressive structures more clearly. Nurturing solidarity bonds across different oppression struggles becomes an urgent task in this new field of research we call Oppression Studies of Design. Building upon anti-colonial views on oppression, this field connects design research with the history of changing social structures through liberation struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the spring of 2020, the Black Lives Matter protests shook the Western world. Spreading from the USA, demonstrations diffused globally, especially to Europe, calling out racism in its different forms. Emotions ran high and were pivotal in igniting protests. The role of emotion in social movements has received renewed scholarly attention during the last decades. It plays an important role at every stage of protest, but few studies have traced its part in individuals' shifting engagement over time. This study examines the role of emotion during the global wave of Black Lives Matter protests. Based on retrospective interviews with 38 participants in Black Lives Matter demonstrations in Norway, we identify the role of emotion before, during and after their participation. Our findings help explain how individual patterns of participation develop in the course of a wave of protest, and also provide insights into the consequences of the recent Black Lives Matter protests in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I Global Struggles and Social Change: A Prehistory to World Revolution in the Twenty-First Century i 295 I Manjot Multani i Volume 25, No. 3 B ARTICLES b Self-Organization Among Delivery Platforms Workers in Neoliberal Latin American Countries. B Contents b Volume 25, No. 1 B ARTICLES b Mexico City, Montevideo, and São Paulo: Collective Action by Delivery Platform Workers in Three Different Scenarios 1 I Clara Márquez, Ana Escoto, Marco Gonsales and Alejandro Mariatti i Technolegal Expulsions: Platform Food Delivery Workers and Work Regulations in Colombia 33 I Derly Yohanna Sanchez Vargas, Oscar Javier, Maldonado Castañeda and Mabel Rocío Hernández i The Collective Organization of Delivery Workers in Brazil during the covid-19 Pandemic: A View Based on Social Media 60 I Helena Strecker, Ana Luiza Sampaio, Juan Buriticá, Laura Aroso, Karina Rubin, Cirlene Christo and Letícia Masson i Multi-Level Marketing as "Gig" Work: Worker Motivations, Characteristics, and Outcomes in the U.S 83 I Marguerite DeLiema, Stacie Bosle and Doug Shadel i B COMMENTARY b "Solidarity is Something you can Hold in your Hand" 123 I Torkil Lauesen i B BOOK REVIEWS b Donald Cohen and Allen Mikaelian, I The Privatization of Everything: How the plunder of public goods transformed America and how we can fight back i 149 I Amiya Kumar Bagchi i Jack Saunders, I Assembling Cultures: Workplace Activism, Labour Militancy and Culture Change in Britain's Car Factories i 154 I Alan Tuckman i V. Wallis, I Socialist Practice: Histories and Theories i 159 I Peter Ranis i W. Bello. I The Digital Factory: The Human Labor of Automation i 627 I Isabel Roque i Trevor Ngwane, I Amakomiti: Grassroots Democracy in South African Shack Settlements i 633 I Marcel Paret i Ellerman, D. I Neo-abolitionism i (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021). [Extracted from the article]

The editorial discusses the current state of the world, highlighting various instances of violence, repression, and injustice. It emphasizes the sense of unbelonging experienced by racialized groups and those aligned with social justice, attributing this precarity to historical structures of colonialism and racism. The editorial calls for adult education to play a critical role in addressing these issues, drawing on its history of social justice activism. It also emphasizes the importance of documenting injustices and working towards healing, humanity, and equity. [Extracted from the article]

From 1979 to 1991, Modern China , a landmark journal of Chinese studies, published a large number of articles in the field of peasant studies. These articles are of two types: studies of peasants in premodern China, which focus on the rural economy, politics, and ideology; and studies on the history of "peasant studies" itself, which focus on the problems, paradigms and directions of the field. Taken together, all these articles reveal the influence of three major approaches to history: the longue durée perspective of the French Annales school, the "bottom-up" approach to lived experience of the British new social history movement, and the time, space, and demography frame of reference of G. William Skinner. 摘要: 20世纪中后期西方新兴的农民学学科与区域研究具有内在的关联。在中美学术交流正常化时期，《近代中国》(1979–1991年) 作为中国学研究的标志性刊物，集中刊发了大量农民学领域的学术成果。这些成果可分为两类: 其一是农民问题研究，从乡村经济、政治与思想等方面探讨中国前现代社会时期农民的具体问题；其二是农民学学术史研究，讨论农民学研究本身面临的问题、范式与方向。《近代中国》的农民学研究延续了法国年鉴学派的"长时段"视域和社会史学派"自下而上"的材料意识，以及"施坚雅模式"区域细分的方法，这些学术成果展现了西方农民学发展历程以及美国的中国史研究思路与方法。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For many political activists in the long 1970s, identifying with a 'transnational' or 'global' protest movement provided both legitimacy for their claims and stood for the promise of sweeping change. This special issue argues that research focusing on processes of 'transnationalization' has often tended to reproduce such perceptions. Building upon a recently emerging trend to diversify the methodological repertoire of transnational history, the authors propose that it is time to take clear analytical distance from the perspectives of contemporary activists and go beyond examining the sheer act and fact of border crossing. Instead, we need to analyse competing transnational spaces of the long 1970s, of which they propose to distinguish three: imagined spaces of belonging and solidarity; spaces of knowledge circulation; and spaces of social experience and political action. Seeing them in their physical, geographical dimension and relating them to each other allows us to ask new questions and to develop a more precise picture of the spatial transformations of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the childhood of a Mexican Indigenous activist, Raúl Javier Gatica Bautista, who was born in 1963 in the Oaxacan market town of Tlaxiaco. Growing up in poor circumstances, Gatica would become a leader in the social movements that between the 1980s and early 2000s pushed Mexico toward gradual democratic reform. The article seeks to describe what it was like to grow up poor and Indigenous at a time (later dubbed the Mexican Miracle) of impressive social and economic advances. Paying special attention to the experience of racial abuse, the article also asks how Gatica's childhood came to inform his political militancy. While other historians have linked the phenomenon of political radicalism in twentieth-century Latin America to particular social conditions, or to the influence and adaptation of global ideologies, this article seeks the origins of Gatica's radicalism in the experience of a racialised childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that community empowerment is essential for improving the opportunities of individuals and groups in precarious situations. It proposes the creation of inclusion projects through community organization, especially in contexts where it is weak or nonexistent. The text defines the concept of community, highlights the importance of community dynamics in social interactions and the production of common goods, and discusses professional activity focused on enabling and promoting personal and collective capacities. The reference scope of the text is Catalonia, specifically the metropolitan region of Barcelona. The text analyzes the relationship between capitalist development, individualism, and the formation of the contemporary state. It suggests that leaving communities without the personal capacity to exercise freedom can lead to the lack of protection for individuals. The importance of communities as spaces of solidarity and emancipation is emphasized. However, it is warned that not all communities are beneficial, as some can be hierarchical, coercive, or aggressive. It argues that integration into a "we" is fundamental to achieve individuality and that communities are the necessary social basis for personal autonomy and collective prosperity. The text discusses the importance of permanent residence in a territory to generate community but points out that this is not enough. For there to be a community, there must be meaningful social interaction that connects people. Different types of community structures are mentioned, such as neighborhood communities, mutual aid networks, associative frameworks for people with disabilities, spaces for women's relationships and promotion, cultural grouping and recreation entities for people of immigrant origin, and youth groups. In addition, community-based networks are mentioned, which are communities oriented towards action with a willingness for public intervention. Three types of community-based collective action organization are mentioned: traditional neighborhood movements, new experiences of social innovation, and urban social movements focused on the housing problem. It is also highlighted that associative experiences tend to take root in territories with a density of associations and a history of collective action, and that the territorial permanence of community-based networks depends on the population's attachment to the territory, urban morphology, and unmet primary needs. Finally, the importance of strengthening or producing communities in their absence is mentioned, and social action and community empowerment are discussed. The article highlights the importance of community action in social services to address social exclusion. It is mentioned that social services have historically been conceived as a last resort and focus on containing situations of exclusion. However, it is proposed that social services should shift from containing vulnerabilities to enabling personal and collective capacities. The need to strengthen the link between communities and the professional activity of social services is mentioned, as well as the importance of public facilities as spaces for social connectivity. The importance of acquiring appropriate professional qualifications for community work is emphasized, and the necessary capacities and skills for the implementation of social action projects aimed at community organization are listed. The article concludes by highlighting the importance of social protection systems and the need to combine public leadership with cooperation with other organizations and empowered citizens. The article discusses the importance of creating favorable conditions for social change and inclusion, especially through social services and community networks. The responsibility of municipalities to provide resources and promote cooperation with the social sector is emphasized. The need to reorient and strengthen the professional system of social action to promote autonomy and social inclusion is also emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

The theme of the 2021 National Academy of Kinesiology meeting and this special issue, "Kinesiology's Social Justice Imperative," suggests we are moving toward social justice. In this paper, I look at kinesiology's social justice movement over the nearly 100 years of the Academy. More specifically, I consider the representation of women and racial minorities (specifically Black/African Americans) in kinesiology and the Academy throughout our history and social factors related to the changes (or lack thereof) in representation. To move toward social justice, we must learn from that history, highlight the social, and connect with our communities and professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the latest social movements cannot be exclusively understood as "next generation" movements with their multifaceted digital forms. Without denying the social, emotional and political impact of the new information and communication technologies, it is necessary to understand to what extent these movements are rooted in --and are faced by-- materialities, artifacts and networks with a long historical trajectory. Through four sections, in the manner of "displacements", the article delves into the permeability between the digital and the material world, on the one hand, and between the civil and the military sphere, on the other. Drawing on fresh approaches from the history and sociology of technology, the authors aim to contribute with some "emergency thoughts" to think about the entanglement between technology, politics and violence in the latest protests in the streets of Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the relationship between counterculture, protest songs, and revolutionary political violence in Latin America and Western Europe. Cases such as the Socialist Republic of Albania, the political movement American Revolutionary Popular Alliance in Peru, the October Revolution in Guatemala, and the Cuban Revolution of 1959 are explored. The Tupamaro Movement in Uruguay and the character of Ilich Ramírez Sánchez, known as Carlos the Jackal, are also studied. The article highlights the importance of these movements in the political and social history of Latin America. The role of international terrorism and the relationship between culture and revolution are discussed through examples such as "the Jackal" and the Zapatista movement in Chiapas. The article also analyzes music as a reflection of student movements and the fight against the establishment, as well as the relationship between the hippie movement and the climate emergency. Lastly, it examines political violence in the bipolar era and its transformation into global terrorism after September 11, 2001. In summary, the article offers a broad and valuable insight into the historical processes and revolutionary political cultures of the 20th century. [Extracted from the article]

This article is a review of Student Movements for the Republic of Kosovo: 1968,1981 and 1997, byAtdhe Hetemi, Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements; Cham: Springer International Publishing; Imprint: Palgrave Macmillan: 1st ed. 2020 ISBN 978-3-030-54951-0. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

»Die methodische Relevanz einer gesellschaftstheoretischen Perspektive für die empirische Gewaltforschung«. The methodology of video data analysis (VDA) places a clear focus on the depicted immediate violent event. Herewith VDA takes a position in the long-standing controversy within violence research over narrow versus broad concepts of violence. A broad concept of violence was prominently proposed by Galtung, who introduced the notion of structural and cultural violence, which has been criticized as being a political and ideological concept. VDA argues for a narrow understanding of violence that includes only physical violence. The claim is that this avoids politicization and considers only the facts. A closer look reveals, however, that the situationist approach fails in this regard. The narrow and broad concepts of violence have two important things in common. Both of them define violence from the observer's perspective and thus both prove to be politically and ideologically charged. In order to avoid these problems, we propose a reflexive conceptualization of violence, which brings together a socio-theoretical understanding of how violence is institutionalized with a theory-of-society perspective. Finally, we illustrate the consequences of a reflexive understanding of violence using the example of the events surrounding the 2007 G8 summit in Rostock/Heiligendamm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many left organizations pride themselves on their commitment to women's liberation, and socialist feminism is a significant and important current of left praxis. Socialist feminists, for instance, have been central to the long history of social movement organizing to defend abortion rights in Canada. This record of feminist engagement and support of women's rights is not, however, a consistent pattern in the Left. There is also a long history that demonstrates a persistence of sexist practices within socialist organizations. This article suggests that sexist practices, as well as feminist analyses of and responses to sexism, have been too often epistemologically minimized, dismissed, distorted and ultimately forgotten, enabling a normalization of patriarchal hegemony on the Left, producing what the late Charles Mills termed an epistemology of ignorance. To demonstrate this, the article draws on three case studies, spanning recent and distant history of socialist organizing. These are: the crisis of the International Socialist Tendency and Socialist Workers' Party UK (2010-13); the founding period of the International Socialists in Canada (1975-6); and the Bolshevik-Menshevik division in Tsarist Russia (1902-3). The argument is based on extensive original research addressing the history of socialist practices internationally, and four decades of personal archives from socialist and feminist praxis relevant to these case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie V, Historia Contemporánea is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (0797-5538) is the property of Universidad de la Republica, Faculdad de Ciencias Sociales, Departmento de Sociologica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)