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By 1989, fascism had long been defeated in Europe, and reforms in the Soviet Union appeared to signify the collapse of communist ideology, prompting Francis Fukuyama to famously declare the 'end of history'. Since then, neoliberalism has been rolled out globally. This paper argues that, with regard to higher education, Fukuyama's claim that the pursuit of knowledge will be replaced by the 'satisfaction of sophisticated consumer demands' is prescient. What, then, prompted Fukuyama to qualify his predictions in 2018? Citing both the turmoil of Brexit and the election of Donald Trump, Fukuyama blames identity politics for the breakdown of consensus over what the nation is, or should be, and suggests that the promotion of creedal identity might rescue Western democracy from populism. This paper disagrees: using the examples of Brexit and the promotion of Fundamental British Values in schools, it argues that creedal identity has become another expression of populism. Rejecting the claim that identity politics are the ultimate source of populism, it argues that populism is the predictable outcome of recession in the market economy.

This paper focuses on the dynamics of education in the interplay of power and seduction as creatively displayed in Takarazuka Revue's performances re-enacting the major players of the Cold War: USA and Russia (rather than former Soviet Union). "Oceans 11" (cosmos troupe, 2019) and "Once Upon a Time in America" (snow troupe, 2020), on the one hand, and "Land of Gods" (cosmos troupe, 2017) and "Anastasia" (cosmos troupe, 2020), on the other hand, lavishly display subtle interactions of longing and belonging, ecstasy and rage, love and betrayal, envy, hatred and passion, while painstakingly building up irresistible tensions between the instances involved in the performative process: actresses, administrators, audiences. The theoretical support is delivered by Robert Greene's pragmatic elaborations in his seminal works "The 48 Laws of Power" (1998) and "The Art of Seduction" (2001): education is never a linear process between a 'master' and a 'disciple', but an interactive game, governed by the pursuit of joy in overcoming challenges and finding ingenious solutions.

In the present paper, we discuss the time before the "age of reports". Besides the Coleman Report in the period of Coleman, the Lady Plowden Report also appeared, while there were important studies in France (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1964; Peyre, 1959) and studies that inaugurated comprehensive education in Nordic countries. We focus on the period after the World War II, which was marked by rising economic nationalism, on the one hand, and by the second wave of mass education, on the other, bearing the promise of more equality and a reduction of several social inequalities, both supposed to be ensured by school. It was a period of great expectations related to the power of education and the rise of educational meritocracy. On this background, in the second part of the paper, the authors attempt to explore the phenomenon of the aforementioned reports, which significantly questioned the power of education and, at the same time, enabled the formation of evidence-based education policies. In this part of the paper, the central place is devoted to the case of socialist Yugoslavia/Slovenia and its striving for more equality and equity through education. Through the socialist ideology of more education for all, socialist Yugoslavia, with its exaggerated stress on the unified school and its overemphasised belief in simple equality, overstepped the line between relying on comprehensive education as an important mechanism for increasing the possibility of more equal and just education, on the one hand, and the myth of the almighty unified school capable of eradicating social inequalities, especially class inequalities, on the other. With this radical approach to the reduction of inequalities, socialist policy in the then Yugoslavia paradoxically reduced the opportunity for greater equality, and even more so for more equitable education.

This paper discusses the evolution of capitalism in British and American literature. The impact of capitalism on the lives of individuals has been well represented in both American and British literature throughout the centuries. The paper will discuss how seminal British authors such as Thomas More, William Shakespeare, Charles Dickens and George Orwell use capitalism as central themes in their writings. In addition, the paper will also discuss how seminal American authors such as Benjamin Franklin, Ernest Hemingway, John Steinbeck and Ayn Rand use capitalism in the development of the characters and themes in their writings. One dominant theme from both streams of literature is how capitalism impacts the lower class citizens in society. Another dominant theme that will be presented is how wealthy capitalists are portrayed in both American and British Literature. The concluding section of the paper will compare and contrast how British and American writers use capitalism in their writings.

This article introduces a collection of papers comprising the special issue, "Competing interests: Parents, Schools and Nation States." Drawing on the seven papers in the collection, and situating them in recent developments in the sociological field, the article discusses globally shifting relations between families, schools and the state across a range of nations in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries (Australia, Germany, India, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, USA). The article proposes that the school is a crucial site for relations between family and state, and argues that a significant focus of the material and occupational investment of contemporary parents is the formal education of their children, re-shaping not only the relationship between parents and schools but also the nature of parenthood itself. In the contemporary context of global neoliberal education reform, parents are analysed both as local actors in schools and as subjects of national and international policy regimes.

Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis's "Schooling in Capitalist America," a classic book in the field of education, has become more influential in the last twenty years than it was during the first several years following its publication. Interestingly, however, there are some widespread misconceptions about the book. In this paper, Jianguo Zhang investigates four of the primary critiques of "Schooling in Capitalist America" and then offers a critical defense of the book. He argues further that for Chinese scholars in education, this book is not only a classic, but it is also an outstanding model for how to apply Marxism to the field of education. It is particularly significant in the context of recent calls in China for a return to class analysis in the social sciences. On a worldwide scale, "Schooling" depicts the strong link between Karl Marx and education, which may benefit critical analysis of Marx's legacy to the field of education. Finally, the book may also serve to draw our imagination of education back to theoretical resources of socialism.

Using a theoretical-critical and historical approach, this paper analyses the implications of the Cold War in national curricula and educational reforms of the second half of the 20th century with emphasis on the 21st century. The context of the time after the Second World War and the beginning of the Cold War is shown, as well as the social and political changes that are significant for education and were prompted by the wars. The emergence of the international Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (whose focus is not educational but economic) and the role of behavioural psychology were also analysed, which explained their significance in later educational reforms. The role of the Cold War in reducing socio-humanistic teaching contents and the implementation of natural sciences and mathematics has also been explained. The synthesis of the analysed aspects suggests that the Cold War military and technological race resulted in the implementation of the STEM area, thus the measurability of learning outcomes, which influenced the psychologisation, standardisation, economisation, and globalisation of education. Most of the current (un)successful national educational and curricular reforms were initiated in that direction without respect for the social, cultural, and historical features of individual countries. These changes have left a mark in pedagogy, in which the humanistic approach appears to counteract other approaches. Some educational systems demonstrate a shift from such trends, from the technical-scientific curriculum towards the didactic tradition of Bildung and the philosophy of education. The reasons can be found in the above-average results on international standardised evaluations of those countries that have national curricula, in contrast to what is recommended by the globalisation and standardisation of education as some of the elements of the Cold War heritage.

As of late, it would seem that the commonly sought after concept of collaboration has lost its appeal and, arising in its aftermath, is a reconfigured front of conflict between the public and private spheres of American life. In this current attack on the public, the stage is ripe for disobedience in all its various forms and functions to stand up against what privatization advocates have so strategically constructed as COMMONSENSE. This COMMONSENSE has evolved into a seemingly natural state that has captured the allegiance of folks who full-heartedly agree, without substantiated expertise, that systems of commodification and privatization will serve as simple solutions to the failures of society. Without forgetting acts of protest in all its forms and fashions, this paper follows the lead of Howard Zinn and revisits the meaning of disobedience as both an intellectual and political project within a world that for many seems stuck at a moral and ethical impasse. Surely, immediate reactions to human indignity are wholly necessary, but this cannot distract an individual from dismantling the symbolic field that systemically sustains this indignity--that of global capitalism and its discontents.

Presents observations on the conference papers on cultural systems and organizational processes in the U.S. Basis for descriptive precision; Identification of the most basic empirical questions regarding culture; Distinct formalization of social systems.

This paper examines United States-Indonesian cooperation in the training of Indonesian teachers during the early decades of the Cold War. Indonesia badly needed teachers but the government's efforts to train new teachers were hampered by the tremendous lack of teachers who could train new teachers. The aid provided by the United States enabled the Indonesian government to send its prospective teachers to study in the United States and to have American educationists help develop teachers' colleges in Indonesia. How far did the decolonisation of teacher training and the making of a new education standard in postcolonial Indonesia reflect the conflicting ideological undertones and the US strategy of the Cold War? This paper argues that the US-Indonesian cooperation in teacher training marked a significant stage in the decolonisation of Indonesia. Yet, it also fostered the US cultural strategy of the Cold War in Southeast Asia.

This is a panoptic paper in five parts. In Part One, Immiseration Capitalism, I examine the current neoliberal cum neoconservative austerity capitalism and its "class war from above", in particular its resultant relative immiseration and its absolute immiseration, with particular reference to Greece, Ireland, Britain and the USA. In Part Two, Anger at, Analysis of and Activism within/ against Immiseration Capitalism, I argue that there is a necessity for Anger, (Marxist class-based) Analysis, and Activism, with Programme, Organisation and Strategy. Activism, Analysis and Strategy are then addressed in terms both of electoralism and in terms of direct, extra-Parliamentary activism, both being deemed necessary, but with the former having limitations and the latter being deemed essential. Here, I lay a stress on the importance of revolutionary Marxist party. In Part Three, I identify the main features of Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism and Education for Austerity Capitalism and Immiseration, contrasting this, in Part Four, with Activism in the Education Arena: Critical Pedagogies, Socialist Education. Here, I summarise key aspects of critical pedagogy and socialist education, and also summarise Marxist critiques of theories that serve to disable class based analysis and activism in education and society: postmodernism, identity politics, and revisionist/ reformist socialism. In Part Five, Resistance: Revolt, Revenge and Strategic Activism, I return to Resistance and Revenge and call for them to be strategically focused. The paper is also slightly autobiographical, referencing some of my own relevant experiences, blogs and writing. As a panoptic paper it is therefore, inevitable a summary paper, in places, an extended annotated bibliography.

From the vantage point of present educational policy, it appears fairly straightforward to seek the solution to felt social and societal crises in education. Hence, on the basis of this statement, education can be considered as the most suitable tool to repair a perceived damage or the most effective medicine to cure a diagnosed sickness. Through the lens of "crisis narrations" and their alleged call for more (or a different) structure, the paper seeks to trace the perception of education as a remedy back to the origins of Western (more precisely Austrian and US) mass public schooling. Hence, two case studies, namely the Silesian reformer Johann Ignaz Felbiger and the leader of the later US common school movement, Horace Mann, are used to undermine the thesis of a common pattern of education as a way to cure the alleged weaknesses and consequently to order the (perceived) mess. It is argued that in both, the eighteenth-century Habsburg Empire and the nineteenth-century US, constitutional mindsets, described as "deeply engrained ways of understanding the relation between the public and its institutions", (re-)defined public schooling as a remedy aiming to provide a better future for all the members of the society, independent of their social class.

Alternative teacher education programmes associated with the Teach For All network are emerging worldwide. Largely inspired by Teach For America, these programmes draw on the meritocratic vision that 'one day' all children will receive a high-quality education and fulfil their potential. This paper questions the underlying ideology of meritocracy as evident in two Teach For All affiliate programmes -- Teach for America and Ako Matatupu: Teach First New Zealand. By drawing on qualitative data collected from across both programmes including interviews with participants and stakeholders, this article explores the ways in which meritocratic discourses undergird each programme's mission and are subsequently voiced by participant teachers. Findings suggest that, despite significant differences in socio-political and economic contexts, strikingly similar discourses surface. We argue that the meritocratic ideologies evident in both contexts promote narrow definitions of 'achievement', disillusionment among teachers, and a general obfuscation of inequality.

The expansion process of Latin American higher education systems experienced in recent decades has drawn the attention of many scholars. Its impact has been assessed in relation to the broadening of access to education for the low-income sectors and the reduction of social inequality; likewise, the market's capacity to absorb a greater number of qualified workers has also been analysed. Therefore, it has been suggested that the consolidation of a process of 'credentialism' may be gaining momentum whereby: despite a moderate success rate in the expansion of access to higher education, inequalities would not have been reduced; rather, only a deterioration in the value of degrees would have taken place. This paper centres around the expansion process in the Argentine public university system and addresses these topics. We will argue that, despite taking a distinct course of its own, this expansion process falls within the phenomenon of institutional diversification which swept Latin America in the 1960s. The diversification of the Argentine higher education system developed with particular intensity within the university system, where the characteristics and performance of the different universities vary greatly. This, in turn, facilitated the advancement of labour-power differentiation.

"Race Traitor", a movement founded by Noel Ignatiev and John Garvey, has been given a boost in recent months in three different arenas: the Occupy movement; an antiracist advertising campaign; and in an academic journal. With respect to the last, which is the main focus of this paper, Critical Race Theorists John Preston and Charlotte Chadderton, in "Race, Ethnicity and Education," argue that the "Race Traitor" movement is "a political form with resonance for contemporary Marxists" and Anarchists. Their intention, they state, is to try to counter the arguments of what they refer to "a left Marxist critique" that considers "Race Traitor" misguided and politically untenable. In this paper, I suggest that while "Race Traitor" has strengths in its depiction of the horrors of racism in the US in the 1990s and before, and in a few practical suggestions for combating racism at an individual level, as a campaigning movement, it is misguided and politically untenable. I identify three major problems with "Race Traitor": its vulnerability to being misunderstood; its almost exclusive focus on the "black/white" binary; and its tactics and the lack of clarity in its vision of a just society. I argue that twenty-first century "multicultural" socialism provides a more viable and credible alternative to neoliberal capitalism than does "Race Traitor". In so doing, I consider some implications for educational practice of "Race Traitor" and twenty-first century socialism respectively. I conclude with a Postscript, updating the politics of Noel Ignatiev. (Contains 17 notes.)

In this paper, the author focuses specifically on how the current crisis regarding teacher layoffs in the United States is being analyzed and addressed through weak reformist discourses and how the hidden order of these discourses is revealed through current policies being implemented to reform existing programs and colleges of education charged with the significant task of preparing prospective teachers. His argument is organized around the assumption that at the heart of such reforms is an attempt to create colleges of education that will largely train teachers rather than give them a rigorous critical education. The dire effects of the reform measures will include turning colleges of education and alternative routes to certification into gatekeepers for a new kind of pedagogical culture and learning environment in which teachers are dumbed down. If left to proceed unchecked, reform will mean the advancement of a formative pedagogical culture that promotes political and cultural illiteracy while making teachers and students more receptive to the disempowering disciplinary practices of neoliberal policies, values, and social relations. (Contains 83 notes.)

The changing demographic landscape of the United States calls for a reassessment of the societal impacts and consequences of so called "natural" and technological disasters. An increasing trend towards greater demographic and socio-economic diversity (in part due to high rates of international immigration), combined with mounting disaster losses, have brought about a more serious focus among scholars on how changing population patterns shape the vulnerability and resiliency of social systems. Recent disasters, such as the Indian Ocean Tsunami (2004) and Hurricane Katrina (2005), point to the differential impacts of disasters on certain communities, particularly those that do not have the necessary resources to cope with and recover from such events. This paper interprets these impacts within the context of economic, cultural, and social capital, as well as broader human ecological forces. The paper also makes important contributions to the social science disaster research literature by examining population growth, composition, and distribution in the context of disaster risk and vulnerability. Population dynamics (e.g., population growth, migration, and urbanization) are perhaps one of the most important factors that have increased our exposure to disasters and have contributed to the devastating impacts of these events, as the case of Hurricane Katrina illustrates. Nevertheless, the scientific literature exploring these issues is quite limited. We argue that if we fail to acknowledge and act on the mounting evidence regarding population composition, migration, inequality, and disaster vulnerability, we will continue to experience disasters with greater regularity and intensity. (Contains 8 figures and 2 notes.)

With the emergence of a global economy, it is imperative that faculty have an increased understanding of variables or factors affecting the welfare and health care systems of different countries. In addition, they must become knowledgeable about how the European Union plays a part in the evolution of these systems and be aware of the business implications of them. This paper discusses and highlights how two countries, Sweden and Denmark, are dealing with these challenges. Based on two professors' travel experiences, personal reflections are shared and contrasted with similar issues in the United States. The paper should be applicable for both business and health care professionals in academia. (Contains 2 tables.)

Public schools are part and parcel of socialism. This system of economics does not function well. Not in the Soviet Union, and not in any industry in the United States, certainly including education. The present paper attempts to show that education is no exception to this general rule. (Contains 6 notes.)

At the location of alter-native researcher in US higher education, the author interweaves two Korean women's transnational narratives that intersect with her autobiographical route. Through this re-narrativization, the paper discusses the material and ideological specificities that place each individual differently in engagements with various institutions yet simultaneously constitute them/us as Korean women in US higher education. The purpose is to enunciate these particular transnational existences that map out the unequal connections of seemingly distant geographies, histories and educations between Korea and the US. In doing so, the paper highlights how these women ambivalently appropriate and subvert their gendered, racialized and nationalized locations in order to free themselves and to rework the worlds in which they/we are living. By enacting this specific re-narrativization, this paper argues for the proliferation of testimonies from and of particular history and geography as a way to decolonize global/local knowledge regimes. (Contains 8 notes.)

Recent works that assess whether development has been well-served, or served at all, by international aid, are overwhelmingly pessimistic in their assessment and in favor of the market as the antidote to international aid (Klees, 2010). The author finds that Steve Klees' essay focuses on the neoliberal and liberal frameworks that represent the mainstream view on aid, but offers very little elaboration of the progressive perspective that Klees endorses. In this article, the author extricates the progressive perspective (as defined by Klees) from its premature burial and elaborates on progressive analysis on the future of aid and development. This is done by first parsing the very category of "progressive" and contending that its typical usage within U.S. political discourse obfuscates rather than clarifies political analysis. Building on this point, this author argues that the ways in which the "progressive" perspective is circumscribed in Klees' essay and within general U.S. political debate rules out Left critiques of international aid and the alternatives proposed from within this framework. Finally, Kamat outlines some recent policy actions and people's struggles in different parts of the Third World that illustrate a Left perspective on aid and development quite distinct from the liberal progressive critiques that are on the table thus far. (Contains 10 endnotes.)

Historically, the cold war was a watershed that separated two epochs: the time of abnormal, although compelled, partnership of two political systems and the period of peaceful coexistence with barely hidden hostility. The peacefulness of the latter, however elusive and vulnerable it was from time to time, has to be credited to the cold war, a relatively short period of time in world history, when humankind, and most importantly its leaders, realized how close our world was to self-destruction. The purpose of this article is to trace educators' rationale or motivation for teaching about the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1940s through the1950s, and how their motivation changed during that period. It is argued that although there existed a general tendency and interest among social studies teachers to teach about the Soviet Union these motivations and interests were conditioned by different circumstances and, consequently, pursued different goals. People who are in political power in the United States and Russia now belong to the post-World War II generation. They learned about the Soviet Union/Russia and the United States from their parents, from the media, and in school. The analysis of teachers' motivations in this controversial period of the cold war points out a general attitude toward the Soviet Union among many educators. This attitude can be expressed by the following triad: hopeful curiosity; confrontational hostility; and confrontation and interest.

This paper investigates the influence of cultural and historical factors on educational policy transfer, drawing on an analysis of the curricular reforms made during the Soviet and US military occupation of the two Koreas. In South Korea, curricular changes were made, such as the introduction of the subject of social studies, in order to teach democratic procedures and concepts. In North Korea, a socialist-communist ideology was extensively promoted, along with an attraction to the Soviet Union as a model state to follow. In both contexts, the localization of the reforms was influenced by the authoritarian legacy of Confucianism and Japanese colonization, and the nationalism that had been fostered for the purpose of state formation. The Korean case indicates that while investigating the influence of culture on educational policy transfer, it is important to identify the unique characteristics of educational traditions and nationalism of a country, and to analyze how the newly transferred policies and ideas are received by local actors in their searches for meaning and power.

Drawing on data collected in South Korea, Jordan and the USA, this paper examines the degree to which security concerns impact the schooling of North Korean refugees in South Korea and Iraqi refugees in Jordan. Operating from a framework examining the intersection of migration and securitisation, the authors find that accounts of negative images of and identity concealment among North Korean students present the most compelling linkages to a larger phenomenon of societal securitisation. At the same time, South Korean perceptions of North Koreans' level of preparedness for working in a capitalist society present the most compelling linkages to economic securitisation. With respect to Christian Iraqi refugees in Jordan, plausible connections can be drawn between societal security and an Iraqi identity generally. With respect to economic concerns in Jordan, measures taken to restrict Iraqi integration into the labour force can be seen as security actions.

At first glance, creativity in the classroom and global capitalism have little in common, yet scratch beneath the surface of "creativity" and we find a discourse of economic and cultural freedom that was used as a bulwark against communism during the Cold War, and more recently to reconcile individuals to neoliberalism in the post-Cold War era. This discourse of economic and cultural freedom is evident in various UK government reports and political speeches from the late twentieth century onwards, in which politicians aligned creativity with personal autonomy and cautioned against government interference in the operation of the free market (see for example Blair, 1998; Morris, 2003). The UK's fascination with creativity at the dawn of the new millennium was part of a worldwide interest in innovation and free enterprise. In the words of the Director-General of UNESCO, "Creativity is our hope" (UNESCO, 2006: 5), and faith in creativity as a means to equip individuals for life under global capitalism is a striking feature of contemporary international debate. The aim of this paper is to explore the genesis of the account of creativity as economic and cultural freedom, and to consider how this discourse informed education policy prior to the "Great Recession" (Streeck, 2011), and how the discourse of employability may come to replace it.

Using virtual worlds as media for learning and teaching gives rise to the potential for many unique ethical problems. Some of these arise due to the nature of the engagement with these virtual worlds, in which the students create a virtual representation, called an avatar, which may enable a sense of embodiment, and hence exposure, within the world. Many of these environments are also not dedicated to learning and teaching but are social worlds inhabited by communities of users; learning and teaching activities may therefore more resemble those of a field trip than a classroom experience and consequently the potential for conflict and anxiety between students and this wider community. This article explores the various ethical issues of learning and teaching in virtual worlds, and draws on the examples of two case studies to illustrate these issues with students' comments. The authors then offer their own personal responses to the ethical issues raised; rather than offering solutions the paper acknowledges that these issues are ones that need further reflection and consensus-building for the educational community. (Contains 5 notes.)

It is a special characteristic of all modern societies that people consciously decide on and plan projects designed to improve their social systems. It is their universal predicament that their projects do not always have their intended effects. It seems inevitable that in most countries this common set of problems, combined with the obvious relevance of social science research procedures, will have generated a methodology and methodological specialists focused on the problem of assessing the impact of planned social change. It is an assumption of this paper that, in spite of differences in forms of government and approaches to social planning and problem-solving, much of this methodology can be usefully shared--that social project evaluation methodology is one of the fields of science that has enough universality to make scientific sharing mutually beneficial. As a part of this sharing, the author reports on program impact assessment methodology as it is developing in the United States today. He focuses on some problems encountered in the U.S. experience with assessing the impact of planned social change. He has grouped the problems under three general headings. First comes issues that are internal to scientific community and would be present even if scientist program evaluators were running society solely for the purpose of unambiguous program evaluation. These are: (1) Metascientific issues; and (2) Statistical issues. The remaining heading involves interaction with the societal context. Under (3) Political system problems, the author deals with issues that specifically involve political processes and governmental institutions, some of which are perhaps common to all large, bureaucratic nations, other unique to the U.S. setting. (Contains 9 figures.)

In this article, the author reflects on her continual journal in regard to improving her teaching skills. She opines that this journey is a story that could resonate with other colleagues to whom teaching is also critically important but to whom it does not come naturally. She describes lessons she learned in her early years of teaching, and she stresses that, while educators cannot all be "born teachers," those who care about the teaching mission can, with effort and dedication, be successful teachers who make a difference in the education and the lives of students. (Contains 2 footnotes.)

This study aims to understand Korean students' motivations for studying in US graduate schools. For this purpose, I conducted in-depth interviews with 50 Korean graduate students who were enrolled in a research-centered US university at the time of the interview. In these interviews, I sought to understand how their motivations are connected not only with their family, school, and occupational backgrounds, but also with the stratification of global higher education. Theoretically, this paper attempts to combine the concept of global positional competition with Pierre Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital in the field of global education. By critically examining a push-pull model of transnational higher education choice-making, this study situates Korean students' aspirations in the contexts of global power and the hierarchy of knowledge-degree production and consumption. After analyzing the students' qualitative interviews, I classify their motivations for earning US degrees within four categories: enhancing their class positions and enlarging their job opportunities; pursuing learning in the global center of learning; escaping the undemocratic system and culture in Korean universities; and fulfilling desires to become cosmopolitan elites armed with English communication skills and connections within the global professional network. Based on this analysis, I argue that Korean students pursue advanced degrees in the United States in order to succeed in the global positional competition within Korea as well as in the global job marketplace. As they pursue advanced US degrees, Korean students internalize US hegemony as it reproduces the global hierarchy of higher education, but at the same time Korean students see US higher education as a means of liberation that resolves some of the inner contradictions of Korean higher education, including gender discrimination, a degree caste system, and an authoritarian learning culture. Therefore, this study links Korean students' aspiration for global cultural capital to complex and irregular structures and relations of class, gender, nationality, and higher education that extend across local, national, and global dimensions simultaneously. (Contains 8 notes.)

Taking an international comparative perspective, the paper seeks to identify conditions that favour or impede participation in continuing higher education (CHE), and to answer the question what lessons can be learned from other countries. To this end we present selected findings of a secondary analysis of data from seven countries and systematically relate them to the country-specific institutional context. Our analysis suggests that the present situation and the future development of CHE are strongly path-dependent and context-bound. This systemic character of CHE restricts the transferability of particular features of a country's CHE system. Nonetheless, there remain several lessons to be learned from other countries.

The American economy has had the fastest and most dramatic development of all the world's major economies. Four hundred years ago, the economic output of the area that became the United States was negligible by world standards. Yet only 250 years later, the U.S. economy had become the largest in the world, surpassing all other countries, including those that had a head start of thousands of years, such as China and Britain. The critical factor that explains America's exceptional growth is human creativity. The only force that could have enabled people to find productive uses for resources that had previously lain idle is knowledge. And knowledge has to be created by people--people known, in this role, as entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurs are the specialists who focus on innovation, developing new products and services and expanding the supply of resources that people can use to produce more of what they value. While it is not difficult to understand that entrepreneurs have created many improvements in the course of American history, it can be surprising to learn that they actually "founded" the U.S. economy. In this article, the author discusses the significant contributions of American entrepreneurs to the growth of the U.S. economy. (Contains 1 note.)

The 1950s and 1960s were formative years for comparative education societies in different parts of the world, including the United States and Soviet Union. In need of finding a noncapitalist source of inspiration, socialist authors resorted to N. K. Krupskaia (Lenin's wife) as a discursive founder of Marxist-Leninist comparative education. Until the late 1950s, Marxist-Leninist comparative education placed the emphasis exclusively on education in capitalist and socialist countries. For comparative education researchers in the United States, Soviet education was first an object of admiration, and in the following two decades a counterreference for all that U.S. education was not supposed to be or never wished to become. Soviet accounts of U.S. education were extremely critical in the 1950s, and became somewhat more positive in the mid-1980s. In the mid-1980s the Soviet negative perceptions on U.S. education finally gave way to a genuine interest in understanding education in capitalist countries, including in the United States. In this article, the author compares the world-systems of U.S. comparative education with the geopolitical distinctions made by Marxist-Leninist comparative education in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). The analysis covers the cold war period from 1956 to 1983. The author argues in her broader research on the history of the comparative method that the influence of the cold war is evident in several contemporary features of U.S. and German comparative and international education. Prominent among these is the dominance of development and area studies in U.S. comparative and international education, as well as the absence of development studies in contemporary German comparative education. Finally, the author observes a varied interest in studying various educational systems that are perceived as similar or comparable to a country's own. This article focuses exclusively on the emergence of development and area studies in U.S. and GDR comparative education during the cold war period. (Contains 15 notes.)

This article examines the relationship between globalization and postmodern multicultural art education. The questions that drive my investigation are: What is the role of postmodern multiculturalism in this current phase of globalization and what challenges does globalization pose for multiculturalism? I explore the shifts in the field of art that have occurred due to globalization and then discuss their implications for postmodern art education. (Contains 2 footnotes.)

Historically public schools and public school teachers have been obvious targets for attacks by conservative critics. However, during the post World War II red scare, the rapid emergence of anti-communist sentiment and super-patriotic zeal dramatically increased their vulnerability. In many respects the arch conservatism of the 1950s has obvious parallels with political trends in American education this century. As in the 1950s, contemporary pressures by well-organised and powerful conservative groups, "think tanks", politicians, and economic interests have been particularly successful in influencing educational policy and practice on a wide range of issues. Attention to the educational context of the 1950s, therefore, reasonably offers contemporary educators important historical insights into the ways in which socio-political forces profoundly shape and dramatically influence educational policy and practice.

The author begins by discussing David Geoffrey Smith's analysis of the enantiomorphism inherent in the rhetoric of New American Imperialism. He goes on to examine critically Smith's defence of Enrique Dussel's advocacy of transmodernism as a way of understanding this enantiomorphism and of moving beyond what are seen as the constraints of both modernism and postmodernism. The author argues that transmodernism has purchase in analysing the genesis and genealogy of the New Imperialism. The author then offers a critique, from a Marxist perspective, of both postmodernism and transmodernism. He suggests that, in moving beyond the mere deconstruction of postmodernism, transmodernism is theoretically and practically more progressive than both non-Marxist forms of modernism and postmodernism. However, he suggests that, in rejecting all forms of totalising synthesis, transmodern analysis, like postmodern analysis, is ultimately conducive to capitalism. He also suggests that, since transmodernism's agenda for change is solely analectical rather than dialectical, transmodernist proposals for change are not viable in the context of the current imperialist project. Turning to education in societies characterised by an enantiomorphism and enfraudening, he argues that, from a Marxist perspective, the role of education should be to transform schools from sites of misrepresentation and conformity to the needs of neo-liberal capitalism and imperialism into sites of social justice. (Contains 10 notes.)

Many of the cultural items that are associated with globalization started out as American cultural products, for example, McDonalds hamburgers, Jeans, Coca-Cola, and Rock-and-Roll. Canada, next-door neighbour to the United States, was the first country to be subjected to this onslaught early in the 20th century, as American cultural and economic influence grew. As a result, Canadians of all ages have grown up taking America's dominance for granted, and this dominance is one of the reasons for the confused and weak sense of identity that Canadians have often felt. This Americanization is now spreading throughout the globe as a driving force of globalization, but in Canada this trend is no longer perceived as negatively--or even as consciously--as in other countries. This author contends that, if globalization is characterized by large-scale population movements, cultural diversity, the Americanization of culture, increasing economic integration, and homogeneity, then Canada is one of the world's most successful integrators. (Contains 1 note.)

Nineteenth century consciousness is traced to demonstrate a public recognition of corpoatization of education through Willa Cather novels, which rely on the rhetoric of frontiers to promote university education within a democratic ethos. It is argued that a previously democratic stage of the university, uncontaminated by the profit motive of corporations never existed.

In this article, the author states that because people are willing to kill us just for being Americans, we ought at least to know what being American is. Yet many of our students have been taught painfully little about our nation's history, purposes, or achievements. In America's original founding narrative, faith and reason work together. Both point to liberty as the bright red thread of human history. The author contends that Americans today have lost this intellectual synthesis. It lies broken in fragments upon the ground, like a great mosaic that has fallen from what was once a towering arch above us. That is why the relativism around us has mushroomed. We can no longer defend the truths our founders took to be self-evident, since we have given up the ground our founders stood upon. The author calls for a reckoning as the new century has begun. He states that four lessons were learned during the horrors of the century past, and two of them are especially important for our purposes today: (1) Truth matters. Better than cowardice is fidelity to truth; (2) Vulgar relativism so undermines the culture of liberty that free institutions cannot long survive; (3) The boast of the dictators that dictatorship is better for the people than "decadent democracy" proved to be empty; and (4) The boast that socialism is morally superior to capitalism, and better for the poor, was also empty.

According to Gottfried, the growing and increasingly crass commercialization of American higher education is an amply documented phenomenon, and one that receives continuing empirical and anecdotal verification. It is, furthermore, a problem that draws notice from across the political spectrum, from social democrat Russell Jacobi to neoconservatives and libertarians, to the few paleoconservatives who still struggle to get by in the academy. As a result, universities are becoming "theme parks" and professors have begun to see themselves (or are urged by administrators to do so) as purveyors of customer service. He laments that higher education institutions that have the means to represent multiculturalism instead behave more or less like other profit-driven enterprises. Although blessed with ample endowment resources, many major American universities earmark very little for minority students. While the presidents of several Ivy League institutions profusely praised the federal appellate court that upheld the minority quota system enforced at the University of Michigan, in reality only 12 or 13 percent of Ivy League admissions are set aside for minorities.