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This paper considers how variation in state capacity for controlling.x000d.political information facilitates regime popularity or regime change..x000d.Contemporary China and Taiwan are treated as cases for testing a new theory.x000d.about political information and regime survival. After examining media control.x000d.mechanisms, media content from 20,000 articles in mass circulation daily newspapers from 1978-2003, and political change over time, this paper argues that improvements in Chinese information control and propaganda increased popular support for the ruling Chinese Communist Party. By comparison, the Nationalist regime in Taiwan proved unable to control media content and yielded space for the emergence of political competitors, who used mass media to advocate political reform and garner support for democratic regime change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military threat was intensively used by China during Taiwan's presidential elections but is widely argued as counterproductive because it didn't prevent pro-independence candidates from winning the elections. To explain the logic of China's military threat and outcomes of the elections, this paper develops a formal framework in which China and the incumbent party has better information about the state of the world than voters and non-incumbent party. China's threat is interpreted as a way to transfer information to voters. Although she doesn't prevent the pro-independence party from being elected, China successfully prevents the winning party from declaring formal Taiwanese independence. In this way, China is always better off by issuing threats. In general, this paper not only attempts to improve our understanding of Taiwan Straight confrontation but also tries to shed new insight on the study of military threat in International Relations. It also offers a concrete game theoretic model to illustrate Putnam's two-level game metaphor. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Broadly speaking, the research project focuses on the relationship between economics and national security; specifically how states can successfully use economic power to achieve their security objectives. This paper examines the use of private sector actors to achieve national foreign policy objectives in the context of the Taiwan-China FDI relationship from 1987-2004. The case identifies a framework for analyzing the factors driving private sector behavior. The paper argues that states seeking to use economics to pursue their strategic goals begin by fostering economic interaction then leveraging the security externalities generated by the behavior of private sector actors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the formation and evolution of the worldview of the Republic of China (Taiwan), whose government is being controlled by the party favoring Taiwan independence and denying the Chinese root of its past. This paper explores the formation of the ruling party's worldview, and accesses the transformation of such a worldview since May 2001. This paper indicates that there is a dual development in Taiwan's worldview: "realist" in security and "pluralist" in economics (and the former seems to win over the latter in practice). In the last section how Taiwan adjusted and carried out its East Asia foreign policy through the lens of worldviews is presented. It will be risky if Taiwan continues to conduct its foreign policy under such a seemingly dyadic worldview. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on Chinese foreign policies towards Taiwan, Japan and the Korean peninsula and the consequences of these policies for Asia-Pacific security. Northeast Asia is a strong-hold of the US alliance system and China's near abroad, thus affecting China's influence on global security. If China cannot accommodate the region into its overall foreign policy strategy, its suggestions for a post-Cold War security order are likely to appear unconvincing to the international community. The paper emphasizes the weaknesses inherent in China's contemporary foreign policy strategy, thereby pointing to the possibility that China might fall into the rank of secondary powers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The episode of Chen Shui-bian transit diplomacy bypassing the United States and his earlier decision to put the National Unification Council and Guideline into abeyance in 2006 had put Beijing-Taipei-Washington relationship into serious tests. It remains to be seen if Taipei's most recent steps of renaming some state-owned enterprises may escalate into tensions as before. While Chen's New Year address and state visit to Nicaragua via US homeland in 2007 caused little problem for the State Department, the PRC's discontent remained evident. It was against this backdrop that the paper was proposed.This paper examined the role the US played in the institutionalization of the status quo across the Strait from a sociological new institutionalist perspective. My research questions are: In what way did the United States help institutionalize the peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait? And in the process, how did the US act through "cross-Strait peaceful co-development" institution to shape the interest or identity of Beijing and Taipei?It was maintained that there existed an ongoing institutionalization process through which the US constructed the status quo that was supported with varying degree by Beijing and Taipei. The three joint communiqués and the TRA could be seen as setting the first stage of institutionalization through formal codification which emphasized the peaceful process in any attempt for final resolution by both sides. Since the late 1990s, the construction and reproduction of the CSPCD institution by the Americans, which generally follows a pattern of "neither use of force nor de jure independence," has been undertaken primarily through policy statements or actions. They normally uphold such core values as "prosperity," "stability" or "peace," and help sustain the regulative, normative or cognitive elements of the CSPCD institution. The main purpose is to shape the policy discourses, preferences, interests or identity of Beijing and Taipei. It was also argued that although the detailed record of what the institution has achieved was certainly mixed, there appears to be an overall tendency for Beijing and Taipei not to incessantly challenge the status quo. As such, it might be concluded that the institutionalization of status quo was considerably effective, though not completely successful. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions the conventional view seeing Taiwanese national identity and Chinese national identity as mutually exclusive; further this paper offers explanations to the compatible coexistence of the two national identities. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the One Country Two Systems concept, China, keeping its socialist system (with Chinese characteristics), allows Hong Kong?s capitalistic system and way of life to continue. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) is to exercise a ?high degree of autonomy?, with ?fifty years no change?. Deng Xiaoping, China?s paramount leader, who heralded China?s opening to the world in 1979, held that this could be a model to resolve international relations problems left over by history. In early 2005, HK once again topped the Heritage Foundation?s annual index of economic freedom, for the eleventh year. Yet HKSAR has seen tensions, with mass demonstrations. The State Department?s Country Report on Human Rights Practices ? 2004 suggested it ?has been tested severely this year?. And Amnesty International?s 2005 Report noted ?a mainland ruling in April restricting Hong Kong?s freedom to push ahead with political reform heightened concerns about an erosion of human rights in Hong Kong.? Clearly the 1C2S concept as practised in HK is under challenge. It raises the question: has China managed HK?s return well or not? The nine years of experience offers a glimpse into China?s foreign policy and how HK fits into China?s scheme of things as a rising global power. Much as China guards jealously its sovereignty over HK and fears HK is being used as a base of subversion by foreign interests, notably the United States, HK is a matter of international concern. Since HK has been running an open economy, and as China is increasingly integrated into the international community, the interactions among the three levels ? the sub-state actor, the sovereign and the international community ? present opportunities as well as dilemmas. Specifically, the paper seeks to elucidate the origins of the 1C2S concept, to examine its application in HK thus far, and to identify the factors affecting its success (or failure). In fact, the 1C2S concept was designed in the first instance by China to re-unify the ?renegade? province of Taiwan. HK is supposed to demonstrate to Taiwan that all would be well under Chinese sovereignty. Yet, President Chen Siu-bian categorically stated that Taiwan is not HK. Beijing?s passage of the anti-succession law has rattled cross-straits relations, yet the visits by Lien and Soong, the opposition leaders, to the Mainland represented a class united front play of Beijing to isolate Chen and raised hope for some kind of accommodation between Taiwan and the Mainland. The paper will conclude with a discussion on the implications of the HK experience for Taiwan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders the effectiveness of pivotal deterrence in light of the political and economic changes in Taiwan and China. The paper concludes that although the U.S. policy of strategic ambiguity in the Taiwan Strait has changed to become a less ambiguous policy, pivotal deterrence is still effective, but requires careful threats and assurances to both China and Taiwan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in Taiwan has increased its vote share in the past three legislative elections. Nevertheless, the 2004 and 2008 elections were widely viewed as major defeats for the party. Through an analysis of the DPP's performance in recent Legislative Yuan elections, this article considers the effects of electoral rules on election outcomes and the perception of those outcomes. In Taiwan, under both the previous Single Non-transferable Vote (SNTV) and the current Mixed Member Majoritarian (MMM) systems, the mechanical effect of how electoral rules translate votes into seats and the psychological impact this has on voter and party behavior have often dramatically influenced party electoral performance by causing vote and seat shares to diverge. This divergence also affects the perception of party electoral performance by causing outcomes not to meet expectations. In addition, this article analyzes the effects of recent changes to the electoral system in Taiwan and whether these changes structurally disadvantage the DPP. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year of 2008 has witnessed the historical and significant moment of the first cross-Strait official interaction between two incumbent parties (the KMT of Taiwan and the CCP of China), which has been frozen for over six decades. Particularly, with Pres ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beijing and Taipei experienced an uneasy and even turbulent period of bilateral relations after the mid-1990s, particularly during the period 2000-08 when the pro-Taiwan independence party, DPP, was in office. With the KMT, which has a very different perc ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many recent studies find that international political conflictâ€"operationalized in a variety of waysâ€"harms trade. Well-known cases help to underscore these general findings. For example, Cold War tensions helped to undermine East-West trade, and trade between India and Pakistan slowed sharply in the years after partition. On the other hand, however, trade between adversaries also appears to vary substantially across cases. Indeed, trade can sometimes flourish despite intense political rivalry. In the current relationship between mainland China and Taiwan, for example, China has become Taiwan’s largest trading partner despite persistent political tension across the Taiwan Strait.How can we explain variation in the extent to which states trade with their adversaries? Building on existing literature, I develop a framework through which to understand how domestic coalitions concerning trade with an adversary are likely to form. While some actors are likely to favor or oppose trade for purely economic reasons, those without a direct economic stake in the relationship are likely to focus more on the political and security consequences of trade with the adversary. In this framework, two variables emerge as central in determining a country’s trade policy with an adversary: the relative political strength of internationalist versus protectionist economic interests, and whether those concerned primarily with politics believe trade will have positive or negative political and security externalities. I use the framework to develop several testable hypotheses, and evaluate them via short case studies of three contemporary rivalries: China/Taiwan; India/Pakistan; and North Korea/South Korea ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political conditions in the Hong Kong-China-Taiwan Triangle, where three adjacent entities are united by common language and culture, but separated by different, sometimes mutually hostile, political and customs jurisdictions, creates a situation that encourages smuggling along certain routes, and decreases the security of the entities within the Triangle, particularly Taiwan. The Triangle is also unusual inasmuch as there is some evidence that the political geographic conditions encourage illicit flows to other countries in the region, and further afield, leading to the peculiar situation where poorer countries are suffering spillover effects from relatively rich, relatively peaceful countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stock markets around the world do not conform to a single model, but systematically vary according to the types of companies listed, the composition of investors, the role of the state as a regulator and/or a participant, and the political foundation for their creation and operation. This study analyzes stock markets in China and Taiwan to explore the hypothesis that political regime type strongly influences the type of stock market institutions that are created in a given country. In both cases, stock markets were established under authoritarian regimes with developmental emphases. Comparing China against Taiwan allows me to examine the effect of socialist versus non-socialist authoritarianism on the nature of political imperatives that shape stock market institutions. I find that the role of the party-state in domestic financial markets differs substantially in China and Taiwan. While in China the state is a key participant in stock markets, in Taiwan the role of the Kuomintang party eclipses the role of the state. This trend has been reinforced since Taiwan's democratization in the late 1980s. Finally, this article asks what, if any, have been the contributions of stock market financing to economic development in these cases? The East Asian developmental state model places a higher emphasis on the role of bank-led finance in development. To date, this expectation continues to hold in the Chinese case. The stock market in Taiwan, however, has begun to move toward a more important role in allocating capital in the post-developmental state era. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, changing national identities have transformed the China-Taiwan and Korean conflicts. Democratization in Taiwan and South Korea, and liberalization in China, have forced leaders to compete for popular legitimacy by appealing to national identities. Along with the collapse of the Soviet Union, these contested national identities have been the main factors driving change in the conflicts—pushing China and Taiwan inexorably apart and toward a showdown, while helping to sustain what appeared to be a mortally wounded North Korea. This explains why one U.S. ally, Taiwan, has become more hawkish, while the other, South Korea, has turned more dovish. These foreign policy changes, in turn, have reinforced changes in underlying national identities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do policymakers respond differently to speculative exchange market pressure on their cur-rencies? When deciding about defending or depreciating their currencies against such pressure, policymakers consider private sector vulnerabilities to a depreciation and monetary tightening. These vulnerabilities differ between periods of mild and severe pressure. Faced with mild pres-sure, interest groups evaluate the effects of the two policy options based only on their vulnerabil-ity to depreciation. Only when pressure intensifies, they increasingly take the trade-off between their depreciation vulnerability and their vulnerability to interest-rate increases into account. High interest-rate vulnerabilities can result in a re-assessment of the preferred policy response, leading groups that initially preferred a defense to prefer a depreciation when the pressure intensifies. Comparative case studies of speculative attacks on the currencies of Hong Kong, Korea, Thailand and Taiwan support the argument's empirical implications. The case studies show that policy-makers strongly defended their currencies against mild pressure when the private sector's vulner-ability to depreciation was high. In countries, where interest group vulnerabilities to interest-rate increases exceeded the potential costs of a depreciation, these defenses were subsequently aban-doned when pressure intensified. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have produced a considerable amount of scholarship which significantly contributes to our understanding of how individual votes. What is under-explored in this scholarship is an analysis of the effects of external threats on vote decisions. Utilizing survey data collected by the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) Project, this study examine the hypothesis that Taiwanese citizens' vote choices in the 2004 presidential election are conditional on their perceptions of threats, i.e., the possibility of military attacks from China and the likelihood of armed interventions by the United States on Taiwan's behalf. When respondents perceive a high level of threats, they are less likely to vote for candidates who proposed policies that would result in cross-Strait conflicts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on economic interdependence and growing Taiwanese identity in cross-strait relations. It notes since the mid-1990s, the cross- strait relationship between the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROC) and People's Republic of China (PRC) has been marked with turmoil with periodic crises in which the possibility of an outbreak of armed conflicts appears to have been significant. Also described are the economic and social processes that are increasingly connecting Taiwan to the Chinese Mainland.

In Taiwan, since the early 1990s, Taiwanese identity has rapidly supplanted Chinese identity. This has pushed all the main political parties towards the new identity, and brought the Democratic Progressive Party to power. Rising Taiwanese identity has also affected military strategies. It has accelerated the cross-strait arms race by alarming Beijing and supporting an offsetting build-up in Taiwan. It has also strengthened Taiwan's will to retain her independence, and thereby led to newer, more unconventional defense strategies. One such strategy is to enhance ideological legitimacy in the US and Japan. Another is to embrace economic integration with China--a development hitherto seen as threatening. A third is to deter a Chinese attack by credibly committing to a more dogged fight to preserve independence, even under conditions where such a fight seems hopeless. Last, a strong Taiwanese identity makes it more likely that China's increasing conventional military predominance will ultimately call forth a Taiwanese nuclear deterrent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes regional governance perspectives in Greater China. It explores the micro governance among the People's Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan and Hong Kong to show the modes of development shaped by their daily economic, trade, human and knowledge interactions. The author shows the catalyst of changes based on integration, interdependence, indifference and independence. The author argues that the deterioration of relations between Taiwan and the PRC was caused by many political as well as institutional factors.

The article focuses on the military threat facing Taiwan, whose status as a sovereign state is weakly supported in the international community. It cites the threat posed by the determination of the People's Republic of China (PRC) to unite Taiwan with the mainland. It notes that China is determined to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence and to return the island to the mainland's governance. It mentions the significant problems posed by Taiwan Strait for the conduct of amphibious warfare.

The article focuses on a study that attempts to understand American military posture in East Asia within the context of a U.S.-Japan-China-South Korea-Taiwan pyramid, where the U.S. plays the role of benign leader at the apex. It explores some military arrangements contemplated by the U.S. It examines five official documents made to the public since the inauguration of U.S. President George W. Bush including the "Quadrennial Defense Review Report."

The article looks at the future of cross-strait relations after the election of fourth-generation leaders in China in 2002. It cites that China has adopted a cool dealing strategy toward Taiwan after Chen Sui-bian was elected President in 2002 and condemned the defensive referendum proposed by the president. It argues that maintaining status quo in Taiwan Strait is the key to pursue the stability and peace in the strait. It explains the factors that resulted to the conflict in Taiwan Strait and the role played by the U.S. concerning the issue.

While the relationship between economic interdependence and military conflict remains the subject of debate, recent research has begun to focus more on the micro-foundations underlying any such relationship. At least three arguments are commonly used to link economic integration with a reduced likelihood of military conflict: economic ties act as a constraint by raising the costs of conflict; economic ties facilitate communication and hence reduce the likelihood of dangerous miscalculations; and economic integration transforms state goals, making them conflict less with the goals of other states. Because all three causal mechanisms posit a similar outcome--economic interdependence reduces the likelihood of military conflict--testing them against each other is difficult; as such, the use of detailed case studies would seem a promising approach, since this mode of analysis allows for a close examination of the dynamics driving observed policy changes in particular countries. After summarizing the logic of each of the three arguments, I test them against each other using a case study of the relationship between Mainland China and Taiwan. While I do not find unambiguous support for any of the three causal mechanisms, I find the evidence, on balance, to be more consistent with the informational and transformational arguments than it is with the constraint argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers legal perspective on the conflict and compatibility in the cross-strait relations between Mainland China and Taiwan. It notes that the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) was eventually recognized in 1971 by the United Nations General Assembly as the only lawful representative of the entire China in the organization. Also compared and discussed is the legal framework created for both the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) and the Macao SAR.

The article examines the interaction of domestic and international factors in determining relations and policies associated with Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait. It considers the possibility of direct military confrontation between the U.S. and its regional challenger, China, over Taiwan. A review of the literature on cross-Strait and the triangular relations of U.S.-China-Taiwan is presented. It considers the impact of U.S. presidential elections on the China policy since 1980.

The article examines the fundamental aspects of China's unification with Taiwan using survey data collected in Taiwan. The researcher considers the island residents' changing national identity and policy preferences regarding Taiwan's future relations with China. The survey revealed that less than 10% of the residents subscribe to the greater Chinese nationalism, while the majority of them sees the island as an independent and separate political entity from the Chinese mainland.

The article offers a game theoretic view of the Taiwan issue. It is stated that the U.S. strategic ambiguity policy may or may not deter a conflict between the U.S. and China over Taiwan. It may or may not deter from pursuing bolder measures to gain independence from China. As such, it is an effective policy in deterring both China and Taiwan from deviating from equilibrium strategies.

This study examines a controversial area in the realm of American political behavior research?the role of ethnic homeland in the political participation of majority immigrant communities. Is homeland attachment a deterrent or a catalyst of participation in host society politics? How do conceptions of and connections with ethnic homeland influence individual opinion and behavior regarding the society and government in both places of origin and settlement? And, do regime type and international political context matter for this relationship and why? Using the experience of Chinese immigrants from Taiwan in the last half-century as an example, I argue that ethnic homeland cannot be automatically treated either as a constraint or an asset or as exerting an essentialist influence on political behavior. Rather, ?homeland? conceptions and functions are unfixed and structured by an intersecting system of local and global dynamics. The experience of Taiwanese immigrants is an ideal case to test this theory of interaction and volatility, for not only the homeland (island of Taiwan) has endured profound political changes but there are structural changes in the American ethnic population as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the factors that contribute to the different policy positions of Taiwan residents toward either unification or independence. Association of the citizens' perception of threats on their position regarding the island's future relations with China; Linkage between identity and policy preferences as mediated by levels of security/insecurity; Effect of democratization on the citizens' policy preferences.

Central Asia occupies a growing role in Chinese security policy. However, an examination of China?s Central Asian policies reveals that they are essentially external projections of Beijing?s vital interest of internal security in neighboring Xinjiang. Accordingly this article examines Xinjiang?s importance for China?s overall security policies. Through this examination it becomes clear that the Xinjiang problem very much resembles that of other discontented provinces within a multinational state with a continuing imperial vocation. Therefore China?s problems in Xinjiang will continue and have important repercussions for its domestic and foreign policies , and other key issues like Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study will determine the external and internal influences on the Eisenhower adminstration in its making of U.S. policy toward Tibet. Using the Kegley-Wittkopf model, research will focus on foreign influence from external sources such as China, India, Taiwan and the Tibetans themselves. Internally, the study will determine which governmental, societal, role and individual sources influenced Eisenhower in determining policy outcomes. It is hoped that the study will further illuminate U.S. foreign policy deliberations and implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study argues that, on the one hand, the reunification of China appears today mostly improbable, Yet, on the other hand, full international recognition of two Chinas remain also very unlikely in the foreseeable future. Like the Korean case, the relationship across the Taiwan Strait shows that the collapse of the Soviet bloc has not put an end to the Cold War in East Asia, or more generally to politic al and ideological rivalries which continue in other forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is argued that Taipei’s recent drive to assert its separate and independent status from China in the international community is primarily due to an emerging national identity in Taiwan. Utilizing recently collected survey data, this research aims to explore the dimensions of the emerging national identity on the island and its association with the islanders’ policy preferences on Taiwan’s future relations with the Chinese mainland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the creation and functioning of indigenous science and technology (S&T) development programs in Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China (hereafter China) as comparative cases illustrating the varied and changing role of the state in fostering high technological industrialization. Taiwan and China’s experiences illustrate the changing relative roles of the state and private sectors of the two nations. .x000d.By both policy and economic standards, despite clear drawbacks in both planning and execution, Taiwan’s approach has been the more successful of the two, but China has laid a strong (albeit uneven) foundation for future R&D work. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the eve of the ROC's national celebration day, a news report about PRC's official occupied the headline in Taiwan. The news says Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou will meet top China negotiator Chen Yunlin to discuss direct passenger and cargo flights in late October. According to Taiwan's topic negotiator on China policy, this meeting will be the largest breakthrough in the cross-Strait relations since 1949. The story behind this news are a Republic which began as a one-pary dominated authoritarin government in 1911 to a fledgling democracy which tries to reshape its relations with Mainland China in order to bring more business opportunities for its citizens through cross-Strait trade than the former administration did. This paper intends to trace this development of citizen's rights in the formation of the Republic, and its political and economic reforms in the later periods. The concepts of authority, territory and rights will be used as analytical tools to dissect different shape and form of political governance, subjectivities, and normative discourse in configuring the people's rights to the Republic and its implications on the citizens' rights claims to the PRC. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent year, there have been significant developments in the peace and stability in cross-Strait relations, which is critical to the international relations in East Asia. In addition, the interaction among mainland China, US, and Taiwan is increasing as they are becoming more active in regional multilateral institutions. This situation raises the puzzle that whether institutions, economic interdependence can facilitate peace and stability among China, Taiwan and the United States. If the answer is yes, what are these causal mechanisms? Liberal theories of international relations emphasize the role of international institutions on fostering cooperation by reducing obstacles. such as uncertainty and transaction costs.. that stand in the way of mutually beneficial agreements between states. In addition, they also hold that interdependence decreases the incentives for conflict and war because states become reluctant to disrupt or jeopardize the welfare benefits of open economic exchange. This paper unifies these theoretical insights to explore the role of economic interdependence, institutions on the stability and cooperation between mainland China, Taiwan, and the U.S. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IR is in search of a newer and more visionary methodological toolkit. Scenario building based on expert knowledge of historical trends and theoretically informed analysis appears to offer insights for IR scholars as well as policy-makers. This paper aims ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the relationships between religion and state in Mainland China and Taiwan after 1949, trying to explore their experiences in the past, and to tell the possible development tendency in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]