Search

Most nuclear dyads are characterized by some degree of nuclear and conventional asymmetry. This paper argues that these asymmetries create an environment in which deliberate nuclear first use (DNFU) can be rational. This possibility has been discarded in the formal literature on nuclear escalation because of the common reliance on the assumption of mutually assured destruction (MAD). This paper develops a formal model that traces how and under what circumstances two types of DNFU are rational. First, nuclear imbalances and advancements in counterforce technologies create a damage limitation incentive for a strong actor. Second, conventional asymmetry creates an incentive for the coercive use of nuclear weapons by the weaker player. Moreover, this paper illustrates that these asymmetric conditions are a relevant characteristic in important and very different nuclear dyads: DPRK–US, Pakistan–India, and Russia–US. Thus, the model demonstrates the potential core drivers of DNFU in today's nuclear landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the narratives of voices identifying the harrowing aftermath of the 1947 partition of India and Pakistan, and the representations of the contemporary effects of partition in Bapsi Sidhwa's novel Ice Candy Man. The narrative unfolds past experiences through the eyes of different characters and surroundings from different social, political and religious backgrounds. The novel vividly portrays the horror of violence during the partition, as communities that once coexisted peacefully become engulfed in a whirlwind of hatred and bloodshed. Sidhwa's polyphonic narrative experiences reflect the multifaceted nature of violence, from communal riots to personal tragedies creating a poignant portrayal of human suffering and resilience. The theme of partition, violence, and memory permeates throughout the novel, encapsulating the socio-political upheavals that marked the birth of two nations – India and Pakistan. This paper, therefore, attempts to analyse the novel in order to understand the ideas of the 'polyphonic narrative' of Mikhael Bakhtin's theory and many other postcolonial critic's ideas. For portraying the human experience amidst a backdrop of partition and historical turmoil in shaping narratives as presented in the text by applying the theoretical framework of Postcolonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much has been written about how imperialist and Indian nationalist historiographies have approached 1857, scant attention has been paid to how it has been remembered in Pakistan. This article endeavours to explore the ways in which 1857 has been articulated by the state in India and Pakistan through a study of their commemorative postage stamps. On the face of it, India's emphasis on nonviolence and Pakistan's quest for an Islamic history make 1857 a misfit within the historiographies of both states. However, the paper outlines that during the centenary in 1957, both India and Pakistan commemorated 1857 while maintaining some discursive distance from it. While Pakistan chose to memorialise it as the beginning of its struggle for independence, India recessed it within the broader framework of independence itself. The paper goes on to demonstrate how this position has changed drastically over the years. In order to weave a composite and inclusive history of the country, India now celebrates the legacy of 1857 by appropriating it within the frames of national unity, patriotism, and anti-imperialism. Pakistan, on the other hand, uses 1857 merely as a means to segue into a discussion of reform efforts led by the subcontinent's Muslim elite, thereby relegating it to the background of the Pakistan movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to answer important questions about the extents to which newly decolonised nations wish to maintain colonial legacies – or jettison them. More viscerally, how are post-colonial identities defined? These questions are particularly intricate in the context of British India's partition. Before independence, stakeholders debated whether India and Pakistan should be regarded as two new states, or was India a continuation of British India, with Pakistan seceding from it? In the former scenario, the earlier 'India' would have ceased to exist. These points are brought out through extensive archival research into the negotiations governing the transfer of power, and furnish a crucial jigsaw piece in the state formation puzzle. The paper focuses on two clear lines of inquiry. Firstly, and perhaps counterintuitively, India's keenness to become the legal successor to British India and accept the consequent treaty obligations. Archival research shows that Indian National Congress, especially Nehru, fought uncompromisingly for this legal status. It was a matter of 'prestige' that the India they had fought hard to free legally continue to exist; that its enduring identity and essence align with its new legal personality. Secondly, the relatively unexplored story of how London sought to saddle the new states with its own commitments in South Asia, and the complicated legal jugglery that ensued. The aforementioned treaty obligations became an important aspect of Independent India's foreign policy, especially on the eastern border, with ramifications for Tibet and Sino-Indian relations, underlining the continuity of British Indian foreign policy post-independence. Résoudre le paradoxe de Thésée à l'aube de l'indépendance : la lutte pour la succession légale de l'Inde britannique [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Asia, India-Pakistan nuclear equation faces an intricate stability/instability paradox under the shadow of pervasive non-state actors. These actors are exploited by the bellicose nuclear rivals and used as proxies to bleed each other. The terrorist incidents may lead to a crisis that could escalate to the nuclear level. The ambitious belligerents—India and Pakistan—are embroiled in a vicious nuclear and conventional arms race. In conjunction, both lack any effective conflict resolution mechanism. Though, past strategic crises were managed beneath the panic of nuclear escalation and intervention by the international community. What if such a crisis develops again if a spectacular terrorist attack occurs, especially in mainland India. Indian decision-makers could castigate Pakistan by contemplating so-called surgical strikes under the impression that Pakistan has launched terrorists against India. This research paper critically analyzes how non-state actors and their use in sub-conventional warfare pose severe repercussions for nuclear deterrence stability in the absence of credible nuclear escalation control measures between India and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in the United Kingdom have shown distinctions in intergenerational co-residency between UK-born and foreign-born individuals, however, little research has examined how factors such as immigrant incorporation, economic adaptation, and kin availability shape household formation patterns among immigrants. This paper uses data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2009–2010) to explore differences in the likelihood of UK-born and foreign-born working-aged adults to co-reside with at least one parent, highlighting distinctions by life stage (age) at migration and gender. Results show that, regardless of life stage at migration, foreign-born women and men are less likely to co-reside with parents than UK-born, however, intergenerational co-residency is high among some second-generation immigrant groups, particularly UK-born Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi individuals. These findings challenge cultural assumptions about household formation patterns and point to the need for additional research on how economic inequality, kin availability, and gender norms shape immigrant household composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of disaster politics debate how far natural hazards cause or catalyse political change. This paper builds on recent scholarship on tipping points and social contracts to argue that two case studies of historical earthquakes in 1930s British‐colonised India invite a focus on the dynamics of cooperation and conflict between state and non‐state actors. Officials of the colonial state and its nationalist rivals cooperated after one earthquake even though they otherwise bitterly opposed each other. Cooperation broke down after the second event, just one year later. Yet, in both cases, officials and nationalist leaders shared a broad vision for Indian society, which pushed both sides actively to seek to recover the social and economic status quo ante, preventing potential tipping points from crystallising. These case studies reveal how and why highly fraught social contracts can survive major disasters. The colonial state's transient and reactive approach to disaster governance continued to impact on post‐independence India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of Partition have focused upon the bitterly polarized yet vibrant public sphere of the last days of the British Raj, wherein newspapers representing Congress, Muslim League and Akali opinion vied for influence through increasingly hostile propaganda targeted at the 'other/s'. Such studies' focus on ideological battles and propaganda results in relatively less attention being given to what became of these papers once the British departed and the parties these papers espoused or opposed captured power. This paper will seek to revisit such assumptions by analyzing the trials and tribulations of the significant newspaper houses unfortunate enough to be located on the geographical frontlines of Partition and in major centres of communal conflagration. Through such analyses, I will seek to show that it was a combination of initial mob action, reinforced often by state repression and even popular reproach, that forced newspapers viewed as belonging to the 'other' party to move to safer (and greener) pastures. In the process, late-colonial India's once pluralist public sphere came to be partitioned into sections that broadly conformed to the ideologies that the respective Dominions' new rulers espoused. While aligning newspapers with the majoritarian public opinion, this Partition occasioned shifts of personnel and presses that would fundamentally alter the postcolonial press industry in West and East Pakistan, and to a lesser extent, in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: As Covid-19 became a pandemic, numerous people were forced to stay at home, leading to increased intimate partner violence (IPV) in many countries, particularly in developing and least-developed ones. This paper aims to highlight the IPV based on 15 different cases formed from the practical evidence of five developing countries. Design/methodology/approach: The authors interviewed 15 women from five countries who were the victims of IPV during the early periods of Covid-19 outbreak. Due to geographical remoteness, the authors conducted informal telephone interviews to collect the participants' personal experiences. The conversations were recorded with participants' permission; afterwards, the authors summarized participants' experiences into 15 different cases without revealing their original identities (instead, disguised names were used). Findings: It was revealed that the women were the primary victims of such violence, particularly from their intimate partners (husbands). In most cases, such IPV, as reported by the interviewees, originated or increased after the pandemic when they were forced to stay at home, losing their partners' jobs or income sources. Originality/value: The authors summarized the causes of IPV and put forward a few action recommendations based on the interviewees' practical experience and existing literature. This paper will open a new window for research investigations on IPV during emergencies such as Covid-19 outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attacks perpetrated using acid are a particular form of interpersonal violence, possibly one of the most heinous manifestations of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). Acid attacks are mainly motivated by extramarital cheating, marital conflicts, women's rejection of marriage proposals, and sexual advances. As these attacks are not well understood from a psychological perspective, we conducted a systematic review, following Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Review and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines, of 284 articles identified, 13 were eligible for inclusion. Three main focuses were identified: "Risk and vulnerability factors," "Consequences and implications," and "Interventions and treatments." Acid attacks seem to be more frequent in countries where social and economic development leads to greater tensions over traditional gender roles like Bangladesh, Pakistan, and India. Identified risk factors were young age, low socioeconomic status, low educational attainment, ethnicity, unemployment status of the victim, alcohol, and drug use of the perpetrator. Among the main psychosocial consequences of acid attacks, isolation and social exclusion emerged. Additionally, the paper will discuss the role of mental health consequences and specific treatments from psychological, clinical, and medical-legal points of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the shared cultural and spiritual heritage of Guru Nanak is intertwined with the political tensions and violence that have defined the complex relationship between India and Pakistan. We argue that that Nanak is the only thinker/spiritual leader who is equally respected both in India and Pakistan. This strong and rare commonality between India and Pakistan could be the agreed basis, despite all other differences, for conversation and dialogue between the two countries. We suggest that such dialogue can remove mistrust and foster peaceful and mutually beneficial relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interstate reconciliation between India and Pakistan after the shock of Sino-Indian War of 1962. The post-1962 war political-security equations, particularly at the regional level, gave rise to a situation that necessitated India's reconciliatory negotiations with Pakistan over Kashmir. Though the rival parties engaged in a six-round political dialogue, the process ended up in a deadlock followed by spirals of armed clashes that culminated in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. The paper shows that this reconciliation process proved counterproductive because it was imposed from outside and the principal parties, in a window-driven haste and under the political-strategic constraints, could not mutually agree on to reconcile their political differences and settle the territorial dispute over Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Partition of India evokes tragic images of violence, separation, displacement, loss, and suffering. It was the largest mass migration recorded in human history. With one single decision, millions of people became strangers in the lands of their own ancestors and pushed out to new, unfamiliar territory that they would have to spend the rest of their lives in. However, this was not the end. With this displacement came a life, if only temporary, where mass slaughter became a frightening reality. Amidst this chaotic violence, people had no choice but to watch their lives take a turn they never expected it would and to survive with whatever lay ahead, for as long as they could. The present research was conducted to explore the phenomena of intergenerational trauma in the context of the Partition. Items from the Danieli Inventory for Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma were administered to children and grandchildren of Partition survivors currently living in India. An independent samples t-test was used to assess the significance of the difference between the relevant groups, using SPSS version 27.0.1. The results indicated that both generations scored in the medium range, which was a notable level of intergenerational trauma. It is interesting to note that though intergenerational trauma was numerically higher in grandchildren of Partition survivors, this difference was not significant (p =.49). The paper discusses these results and the implications of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian military strategy has tended to neglect the link between the conventional and nuclear domains in a nuclear weapons environment. We argue that this anomaly is evident in two broad areas: the conception of "war," and the complexity produced by new technologies that span the two domains. First, we show with empirical evidence that "limited war" in a nuclear environment is misnomer: the reality is more appropriately called "marginal conflict" owing to its extremely restricted nature. It follows that strategic planning and posture must be tailored accordingly. We then highlight the risk of escalation produced by conventional technologies that carry potential cross-domain nuclear effects, noteably with respect to cyber, artificial intelligence, missile defence and space. We note that the complex strategic effects produced also complicate military-strategic interactions traversing geographic domains, noteably South, Southeast Asia, and Northeast Asia. The paper concludes with some reflections on the reasons for these lacunae in Indian strategic thinking and what might be done about them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents two algorithms for the large-scale automatic detection and instance segmentation of potential archaeological mounds on historical maps. Historical maps present a unique source of information for the reconstruction of ancient landscapes. The last 100 years have seen unprecedented landscape modifications with the introduction and large-scale implementation of mechanised agriculture, channel-based irrigation schemes, and urban expansion to name but a few. Historical maps offer a window onto disappearing landscapes where many historical and archaeological elements that no longer exist today are depicted. The algorithms focus on the detection and shape extraction of mound features with high probability of being archaeological settlements, mounds being one of the most commonly documented archaeological features to be found in the Survey of India historical map series, although not necessarily recognised as such at the time of surveying. Mound features with high archaeological potential are most commonly depicted through hachures or contour-equivalent form-lines, therefore, an algorithm has been designed to detect each of those features. Our proposed approach addresses two of the most common issues in archaeological automated survey, the low-density of archaeological features to be detected, and the small amount of training data available. It has been applied to all types of maps available of the historic 1″ to 1-mile series, thus increasing the complexity of the detection. Moreover, the inclusion of synthetic data, along with a Curriculum Learning strategy, has allowed the algorithm to better understand what the mound features look like. Likewise, a series of filters based on topographic setting, form, and size have been applied to improve the accuracy of the models. The resulting algorithms have a recall value of 52.61% and a precision of 82.31% for the hachure mounds, and a recall value of 70.80% and a precision of 70.29% for the form-line mounds, which allowed the detection of nearly 6000 mound features over an area of 470,500 km2, the largest such approach to have ever been applied. If we restrict our focus to the maps most similar to those used in the algorithm training, we reach recall values greater than 60% and precision values greater than 90%. This approach has shown the potential to implement an adaptive algorithm that allows, after a small amount of retraining with data detected from a new map, a better general mound feature detection in the same map. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to illustrate the relevance and importance of integrated deterrence in one of the most unpredictable regions of the world where India and Pakistan, have inched closer to crossing the nuclear threshold amid crises. Conventional asymmetry, offensive doctrines and the changing character of war impact South Asia's strategic stability. India’s existing doctrinal thinking, technological developments in the military domain and its temptation for a pre-emptive military strike demands a corresponding review of Pakistan’s doctrinal thinking. In this regard, Pakistan's shift towards integrating nuclear and conventional forces, effective diplomacy, and a quest for strong economy are integral for eradicating the probability of limited war in the region. The future of South Asian strategic stability lies in the practical implementation and adaptation of integrated deterrence by Pakistan into its doctrinal thinking and force posture, as this policy shift will help Pakistan develop a more cohesive, robust, and effective conventional response against offensive Indian military posturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since India’s independence and partition from Pakistan, the relationship between Hindus and Muslims has been marked by continuous conflict and mutual distrust. The effects of the British divide and rule strategy that pitted Muslims and Hindus against one another became a hallmark of the relationship between the two communities in the postcolonial period. Such divisions were greatly exacerbated with the coming to power of those who believed in Hindutva or ethnic absolutism. Islamophobia became normalized. Many Muslim scholars have come forward to address this quandary, foremost among which was the late Wahiduddin Khan (1925-2021). This paper investigates Khan’s thoughts about communal harmony in post-independent India. I argue that Khan called for a reformation of Muslim minds, urging them to move beyond an isolationist mentality and find possibilities to develop their society within the status quo. Nevertheless, fraternity, correlation, and communitarianism are to be practiced obtaining religious harmony. Further, Khan’s understanding of the treaty of Ḥudaibiyyah as a panacea to reconcile religious harmony seems insufficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the "enemy" narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the "enemy" narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as "communal" and "unpatriotic." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideology and cinematic representation are crucially linked even though a film's positioning of itself with respect to dominant state ideology may differ thus contesting the idea that films always serve as ideological state apparatus. In this context, the paper reflects on the complex ways in which the ideological positioning – advertently or inadvertently – of cinematic representations of Partition in Hindi films of the 2000s interacts with dominant state ideology to frame the relationship between self and other with the terms denoting India/Hindu and Pakistan/Muslim, respectively. Through an analysis of the representation of the India–Pakistan border in four films – Pinjar (2003), Veer-Zaara (2004), Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019) and Kya Dilli Kya Lahore (2014) – the paper argues that mainstream Hindi films are largely reflective of the state ideology, although to varying degrees and at times in spite of themselves. In contrast, a low-budget film as Kya Dilli Kya Lahore completely subverts the dominant ideology through its sensitive but incisive critique of the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jammu and Kashmir has been experiencing border conflict since the partition of India (1947) into two sovereign states (India and Pakistan). Four wars have been fought between them and still the issue has not been resolved. Uncertain firing, the continuous threat to life, unsettled life, and restricted living conditions affects the quality of life of the common people living in villages near the International Border (IB) and Line of Control (LoC). The number of ceasefire violations in 2020 was the highest number of ceasefire violations in the past 16 years. People on both sides are the worst sufferers of the military aggression between the nations. Children living in such a volatile context lack the required developmental opportunities and their future is highly jeopardized. A serious commitment to the peacebuilding and reconciliation process is the way forward. Reconciliation processes like the Tashkent Declaration (1966), the Shimla Agreement (1972), and the Peace Bus service (1999) have been initiated but could not sustain peace for a longer period. This paper highlights the reconciliation process between the two countries and the need for a sustainable reconciliation initiative to secure the future of coming generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the associations between democratic performance, secular--traditional value orientation, and satisfaction with democracy in India and Pakistan through the lens of democratic performance and modernization theory. In an analysis of data from the 2012 World Values Survey, respect for human rights (one of two measures of democratic performance) has a stronger effect on satisfaction with democracy in India than in Pakistan. Freedom of choice influenced satisfaction with democracy only in India. Rather than having a direct effect, secular--traditional value orientation moderates the relationship between freedom of choice and satisfaction with democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hybrid Warfare is gaining currency and posing new challenges to military thinkers and practitioners. The changes by the technological revolution, information and psychological operations, digitisation of the battlefield, and modernisation in conventional warfare have ceased to be the standalone option for applying force. These changes envisage the application of all Elements of National Power (EoNP), projected along a continuous span of activities, stretching from stability, security, reconstruction and terminating at armed conflict. The paper explains that hybrid warfare is the instrument of choice by the challengers, primarily India, to weaken Pakistan, subjugate it and either balkanise it or make it a flaccid state as the least desired objective. With hybrid warfare as an instrument of application against Pakistan, this article has attempted to dissect its contours and impact on Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces Development Led Inquiry (DLI) as an approach to improve situations incorporating relationships between third sector organisations (TSOs) and agricultural scientists, universities, and the public-sector agricultural establishment. There is limited scholarly work on the role of TSOs in agricultural research. Current approaches appear premised on TSOs being researched upon, and recipients of research outcomes rather than partners in generation and application of new knowledge. DLI expands the boundaries of research systems and roles of TSOs as supporters within them. DLI builds on partnerships between NGOs, farmers' organisations, and women's associations; it integrates researchers and research organisations to develop, manage and report knowledge generation and application. DLI is dynamic and developmental with learning for all participants central to the process. DLI unsettles current power structures within research systems and sees research and knowledge generation as a supporter rather than leader of development. DLI is embedded in an inquiring systems approach and applies six interrelated conceptual systems thinking tools. The approach emerged from, and was applied in, a twelve-year agricultural research project in India, and was subsequently introduced to, and further developed in a research project in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aadha Gaon1 published in 1966 is widely known as Rahi Masoom Reza's magnum-opus. Reza's absolutely intricate narration captures the essence of Indian society and how the social praxis changed post India's Partition in 1947. Reza unveils that communal harmony was an element of Indian society even when at the surface level certain political parties were advocating the formation of Pakistan. The society co-existed and though there were minor disagreements among people, there was resilience and acceptance for each other regardless of religious differences. This paper broadly studies the dynamics of the Indian society represented by Reza and also grapples with the idea of 'Home' proposed by him in his works. Is home just a physical entity or is there more to it? How does the collective feeling of the co-existing society add up to his idea of 'Home'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kashmir conflict, ongoing for over seventy years, is no closer to a resolution. The separatist insurgency that had emerged in the late 1980s, along with attendant military action, has claimed over 50,000 lives till date. However, the three major parties to the conflict, the Indian state, the Pakistani state and the Kashmiri separatist movement continue to have mutually-intractable positions. How might these positions be reconciled? Eqbal Ahmad's proposal attempts to reconcile the three positions through the prism of "maximum autonomy with divided sovereignty." This essay extrapolates Ahmad's proposal, and presents two distinct facets to the solution: Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistin to become full territories within the Pakistani state; the Jammu region and Ladakh to become full territories within the Indian state; and the Kashmir valley to become an independent Kashmir state. The independent Kashmir state would share its sovereignty, to a limited extent, with India and Pakistan. This paper extrapolates the contours of Ahmad's proposal, particularly in the context of previous attempts by India, Pakistan and Kashmiri separatists to force a resolution in their favor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anderson argued that it was not just the 'innovation' of nations as an entity that is important but also the material conditions. The extent of nationalism and patriotism used as a tool in mass media (printed texts and popular culture) in India and Pakistan is evidence of the persisting enmity between neighboring states, which popular culture not only depicts but also ends up reinforcing with its construction of 'the other' and 'the enemy'. The paper analyzes two films, Pakistan's Ghazi Shaheed (1998) and India's The Ghazi Attack (2017), which are war-at-sea and submarine films, respectively, To answer the research questions: How do these movies depict 'imagined' community and 'blind' nationalism? How is this depiction of 'imagined' community and 'blind' nationalism, similar or different in the two movies made on the same theme, given the backdrop of war and its outcome? In my analysis of the two films, I explore two facets of the concept of blindness: first, referencing Anderson's definition of being unable to see the community members or enemies, and the blindness one experiences while underwater in a submarine. The paper argues that these 'imagined' communities find their stronghold in religion, culture, language, and ways of being in order to justify the existence of separate nations despite being part of the same landmass and empire for centuries. The 'submarine' is both an abode for men at sea and a weapon run for the enemy. The submarine, as a patriotically charged body at sea, serving the idea of nationhood, is an extension of the nation's body in water, unable to see but functioning on the perception and identity gained from the 'motherland'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No other issue has influenced the India–Pakistan relationship more adversely than the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To understand the discourse surrounding the dispute, and how it has evolved within the foreign policies of both countries, this research undertakes a critical discourse analysis of both countries' official statements at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1948 and 2020. The findings of this study are crucial to not only understanding how the two states have been internationalizing the Kashmir dispute but also what lessons can be learned from the past as both countries attempt to slowly reengage with one another. Our analysis points to the fact that both India and Pakistan's stances on the Kashmir dispute, despite their varying phases throughout the conflict, have essentially remained the same. We argue that, despite seeming to have converged toward some form of resolution during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the current context of India–Pakistan relations presents a worsening trajectory that has not been witnessed since their last major war in 1971. In highlighting the cyclical, almost scripted nature of this debate, this paper attempts to suggest ways to break free from age-old tropes and help pave the way toward more meaningful ways to redefine the issue in light of a radically altered geo-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Musharraf formula refers to the resolution formula of the Kashmir conflict which was reportedly agreed upon during the one-to-one backchannel dialogue between Mr. Tariq Aziz, the former civil servant and close aide of the then President of Pakistan, General Pervez Musharraf and Mr.Satinder Lambah, a special envoy of the Prime Minister of India. We now know some of the details of this formula from the article of the American journalist, Steve Coll which he had published in New Yorker in March 2009 and the book of Mr.Khursheed Mahmud Kasuri, ‘Neither a Hawk nor a Dove’ which was published in 2015. Prior to this Mr.Musharraf and Mr.Kasuri had already claimed in their TV interviews and press talks that by March 2007 India and Pakistan were very close to resolving the Kashmir conflict. This paper takes the details of that non-paper agreement and tries to study what exactly that agreement holds for the future resolution of the Kashmir conflict. The basic understanding is whenever the Pakistani and the Indian governments will take up the negotiations on the Kashmir conflict in future, this agreement is bound to come up in the talks as a starting reference point. Therefore, it is necessary to carefully look at this agreement and discuss what it entails for the resolution of the Kashmir conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assists in understanding contesting technological capabilities and doctrinal modification between India and Pakistan that are drifting South Asia towards instability, leaving the nuclear deterrence in a dark abyss. Hawks on both sides of the nuclear armed rivals are unprecedentedly chanting threats of nuclear war. More bothersome is the indications of shifting the Indian policy of No First Use (NFU), calls for doctrinal modifications and counterforce temptations. An Indian quest for escalation dominance and Pakistani quest for stability against India is in fact a mutual struggle beyond 'minimum credible' to 'assured second strike' capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prime purpose of this study is to find out the research productivity of three regions Nigeria, Pakistan, and India. The bibliometric quantification was used to analyze the data. The present research identifies the importance of this online journal. The study discloses frequency of publication growth, author's collaborations, papers length, and most cited papers, most productive authors, and total references used. Design/methodology/approach The survey method was used to find out the full-text research articles on the online database of LPP. The Google scholar was used to retrieve the citations. All the collected data has been analyzed using MS excel and other electronic devices. Findings The results of this study indicate that in the year 2008 to 2013. The contribution of Nigerian authors is more than the other two nations that are 226 while Indian comes 2nd with 193 research papers and Pakistan comes 3rd with 67 research articles from the studied period in the wellknown journal of Library and information science field that is LPP. The present study revealed the majority of the research articles were single authors from Nigeria 114, Pakistan 18, and India 80. The study results show that the majority of the paper length in the range of 6-10 Nigerian 116, Pakistan 34, and India 70 respectively. The study showed the total references were calculated 4140 from Nigeria, 1506 Pakistan, and 3243 from Indian. The most cited paper was retrieved by a Nigerian paper that is 197 citations. The analyzed data shows the most productive authors were Rubina Bhatti from Pakistan with 18 research papers. This study contributes to the existing literature of three-nation contributions to the Library Philosophy and practice throughout the year. This is the first study of three-nation research productivity in the well-known online journal library philosophy and practice. Limitations of the study The present study was limited to the well-known LIS Journal and research articles specifically published at online journal library philosophy and practice. This study is purely limited to the research productivity of Nigerian, Pakistani, and Indian authors to the Library Philosophy and Practice from 2008 to 2013. Practical implications Despite its limitations, the findings of the study will help the LIS professionals of three nations and as well as other parts of the LIS professionals to provide more information about their research productivity of a particular journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern times, the conventional means of warfare are increasingly becoming less usable. However, the states are involved in waging hybrid warfare to the maximum to fulfill their foreign policy goals. In nuclearized South Asia, direct war between India and Pakistan seems unlikely given that both the states know that escalation could lead to nuclear catastrophe in the region. This compels both the states to find other means of warfare to undermine each other's interests. India wants to weaken Pakistan so that it may abandon claim on Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir. For that, India is using all tools of hybrid warfare against Pakistan. In this context, this paper aims at to unearth India's hybrid warfare in the region and its implications for Pakistan. The main focus of the paper is to explain tools and methods of India hybrid warfare. At the same time the research also tries to unravel few other case studies. It also notes how Pakistan can counter hybrid threats posed by its arch rival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Muslim Leaders of the Subcontinent of India were trying to create a different independent state for Muslims, the Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah repeatedly used the phrase "Separate state for the Minorities of India". He demanded a state where all types of minorities could live freely according to their religious teachings and norms. These demands were very pleasing for all types of religious minorities of the Subcontinent, so few of them supported the idea of Pakistan where anyone could live freely. The Christian community supported the idea of Pakistan and made efforts to become part of it. There are different speeches of Quaid-e-Azam that consist of praises of Christian leaders who were helping the Muslim leadership. Despite the fact that Pakistan's Objective Resolution and Constitution of 1956 and 1962 gave equal rights to every citizen and religious liberty to minorities, the Objective Resolution and Constitution of 1956 and 1962 are the most condemned document which made Pakistan a theocracy. After liberty and freedom, political rights are the most important rights for any person. This paper will try to find out the answer to the question of how objective resolution, Constitution of 1956 and 1962 dealt with the minority rights and their political rights. For this purpose in-depth study of all three documents occurred along with different articles, news, research reports and books. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The world has historically faced and recovered from many pandemics. The most recent global pandemic that the whole world is facing is Novel Coronavirus - Covid-19. The objective of current study is to compare and forecast COVID-19 trends for Pakistan and India. Methods: The data set for this research is obtained from the World Health Organization (WHO) online repository (https://covid19.who.int/). The time period we have considered since the first corona related case and death were observed in both countries. This research paper analyzes corona related cases and deaths in Pakistan and India till 28th February 2021, a total of 578,797 cases in Pakistan and 11,096,731 cases in India has been confirmed including 128,37 and 1,570,51 deaths respectively. The Auto-Regressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) model is used to forecast the variables cumulative cases and deaths. It is simple to use and more predictive than any other regression model. Results: Based on the current trend, the forecast graph reveals that the number of cumulative corona cases could reach 999,767 in Pakistan and 16,481,122 in India up to 31st December 2021. Conclusion: This research found that corona related cumulative cases and deaths are on the rise in both countries. The pandemic situation in India is worse than in Pakistan nevertheless both countries are at high risk. There is a sudden increasing pattern in the number of corona related cases in both countries. Both governments must impose effective policies to control this pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the short and long-run impact of foreign direct investment, electricity consumption, and real GDP on ecological footprints in the context of environmental Kuznets and Pollution haven hypothesis for China, India, and Pakistan over 1970–2016. Panel and time series models have been adopted in this research. Results of the cointegration test revealed the long-run association among the considered variables. Furthermore, Fully-Modified and Dynamic Ordinary Least Square validated the pollution haven and environmental Kuznets hypothesis for the study area. On the other hand, the linkages between income and ecological footprints have identified U-shaped EKC in the case of China and India. The empirical results of the Dumitrescu and Hurlin panel causality test indicated a unidirectional causality from income to ecological footprints. In contrast, bidirectional causality found between ecological footprints and foreign direct investment and between ecological footprints and electricity consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia has been a unique geographical region where all member states share commonality of interests in history, politics, economics and socio-cultural aspects due to close geographical proximity. Because of this uniqueness, South Asia is considered a single geographical unit where security issue has a cross border dimension. For Sikh community, Pakistan has opened the Kartar Pur border between India and Pakistan. It is a step forward to bring peace across the region. Though it has also raised many questions on the security of South Asia; would tension between Pakistan and India be diluted or escalated? Would it trigger peace or security threat across the region? What would be behavior of India and Sikh community in the new scenario? How a sovereign state can establish relations with a community group (religious community) of neighboring sovereign state by passing later? How it would affect the pattern of state relations at regional level as well as at international level? The research paper is mainly based on an attempt to answer these queries. The descriptive and analytical method is used along with the primary sources in the form of in-depth interviews and focus group activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will consider the Geopolitics of the CPEC and its security implication for India in the Indian Ocean. The CPEC is a multi-billion dollars' mega project that would connect the city of Kashgar in China's northwestern region of Xinjiang to the port city of Gwadar in Pakistan's province in Balochistan. A significant milestone for the project was reached when the management of the Gwadar Port was given to Chinese Overseas Port Holdings in 2013. This paper intends to go beyond economics and look at CPEC through the lens of geopolitics. CPEC would outline China's long-term geopolitical plans in the Indian Ocean which could alter the region's security environment. However, both China and Pakistan are faced with a series of challenges that hinder the maximisation of the project; nevertheless, the CPEC still has serious security implications for India. Issues that encompass India's territorial integrity and the naval build-up of China and Pakistan in the Indian Ocean significantly challenge its strategic and geopolitical interests in the region. India is thus opposed to the development of the CPEC in its backyard and must craft a strategy that would serve as a counter-weight in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Hydroxyurea and blood transfusion therapies remain the main therapeutic strategies for Sickle cell disease. Preliminary data suggest substantial variation and inconsistencies in practice of these two therapeutic modalities in South Asia. In this systematic review we searched Medline, Cochrane library and Scopus for articles on usage of hydroxyurea and blood transfusion therapies for sickle cell disease in South Asia published in English between October 2005 and October 2020.Results: We selected 41 papers: 33 from India, 3 from Sri Lanka, 2 each from Pakistan and Bangladesh and one from Nepal. Only 14 prospective trials focused on hydroxyurea therapy from which majority (n = 10; 71.4%) adopted fixed low dose (10 mg/kg/day) regimen. With hydroxyurea therapy, 12 and 9 studies reported significant reductions in vaso-occlusive crises and transfusion requirement respectively. Severe anaemia (haemoglobin level < 6-7 g/dl) was the commonest indicator (n = 8) for transfusion therapy followed by vaso-occlusive crisis.Conclusions: Published data on the hydroxyurea and transfusion therapies in South Asia are limited and heterogeneous. A clear gap of knowledge exists about the nature of the sickle cell disease in the Indian subcontinent particularly from countries outside India necessitating further evidence-based assessments and interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How quickly can displaced peoples develop meaningful ties to new locations and what material forms facilitate such connections? In this paper, we provide a discussion of post-displacement topophilia (attachment to place). As a case study, we focus on the migration of the Sharif family who fled from India to Pakistan during the 1947 Partition. The Sharif family fundamentally lost their home and faced threats as they migrated past socio-politically opposed migrant groups moving in the opposite direction. They then resettled into the places abandoned by these "enemies" while these "enemies" resettled within the village they left behind. Through this example, we consider the effects of propinquity though dwelling—a closeness and empathy born from a shared familiarity with a dwelling place. We acknowledge that when multiple groups have ties to the same location, contention often ensues. However, we argue that when peoples become intimately familiar with one another's dwelling spaces, the result is often mutual respect and understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's participation and representation in politics at the state level is considered important for gender equality and women's empowerment, but their participation in politics on equal footing with men, remains a distant dream. In this research, an effort has been made to combine gender and politics in terms of a cross-national study to explore the status of women in politics and explore the factors that led them to raise voice against patriarchal society. It is difficult for women to survive with equal rights in that society where religious, economic, and patriarchal mindsets are the main factors that hinder women from actively participating in politics. Women are facing violence and discrimination in politics because maledominated societies have institutionalized and created a mechanism that is against women's rights such as structural, ideological, and functional in politics which have strengthened gender inequality. The descriptive method has been used in this paper to find out women's low participation in the politics of India and Pakistan. The facilitator model is used to identify the patterns of societal as well as structural factors in politics, which prevent and restrict the full participation of women in politics. Findings suggest that the patriarchal and gender-stratified structures govern the society and the women of both countries face violence, but the nature of violence is different in each case. In India, there has been political discrimination against women based on the caste system, and in Pakistan, feudal structures are the main causes of women's low participation in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India-Pakistan conflict is one the longest and bloodiest conflict in the post-colonial era. The conflict took place after the partition of India in 1947, which divided the sub-continent into the present day India and newly formed Pakistan. The partition ran into dispute over the ownership of former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. The dispute eventually escalated into three wars between India and Pakistan, and many other armed skirmishes over many decades. Consequently, both countries have become nuclear weapon states, contributing to escalation of tensions between these countries. The nuclear deterrence theory claims that nuclear weapons will deter other countries from attacking with their nuclear weapons. The deterrence arises from concerns of retaliatory action that may possibly create mutually assured destruction. This paper explores the dynamics of nuclear deterrence in managing conflict between states in the various war between India and Pakistan. Firstly, it examines the conceptual discourse of nuclear deterrence, and secondly it discusses the nature of wars and armed conflicts between these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Deliberate corrosive substance attacks (DCSA) have traditionally been associated with low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). However, the incidence of DCSA in certain geographical locations of the UK has increased in recent years. These attacks have a relatively low mortality rate but cause extensive life-changing injuries and the management from point of wounding to definitive care is challenging for all involved. Methods: A systematic review was used to identify literature about DCSA and establish how much evidence about these attacks has been published over the last decade. Victim and perpetrator characteristics, substances used, injury patterns, mortality, pre-hospital and hospital-based management and complications associated with management were areas of interest. The review included any medical literature (case reports, letters, reviews) published within the last 10 years that described DCSA against human victims. Non-English language articles were excluded. Results: Eighteen articles containing 762 victims of DCSA were included; seven victims had incomplete data. Articles were mostly from LMIC (Bangladesh, Columbia, Cambodia, India, Iran, Sri Lanka and Pakistan) but there were five articles were from the UK (three 'Letters to Editors', one survivor letter and one retrospective review of 21 victims). UK victim and perpetrator characteristics varied from those in LMIC. Seven papers described pre-hospital management and nine described hospital/surgical management. Conclusions: The evidence base surrounding DCSA is limited especially in the UK setting. More research into the epidemiology and management of DCSA in the UK is warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia as a region remains one of the most vulnerable to any potential conflict which can involve the use of weapons of mass destruction. The situation aggravates further when irresponsible measures of weapons build up is undertaken by the states such as India which disturbs the delicate strategic stability of the region. The possibility of large-scale conflict involving use of nuclear weapons remains probable and cannot be ruled out because of the uncertain nature of relationship between the two states. The research method employed in this article is exploratory in nature gauging the cause and effect relationship and subsequent responses which can be catered in deterrence stability. The paper aims to focus on three main areas. First, to analyse as how the Indian Army plans to make itself technologically and materially advanced according to modern needs? Second, to evaluate the strategic environment vis-à-vis the effects of the force/capacity multipliers in Indian Army with respect to Pakistan and the last part discusses some recommendations for Pakistan to overcome this imminent threat. India had allocated over US$ 52.2 billion for defence purchases for the year 2016-2017 and it is expected to increase in the near future to keep up the pace of modernization and overcome the operational gaps in its overall military machine. It has allocated huge funds for the development of its Army, Air Force, Navy, Network Centric Warfare and Electronic Warfare capabilities. The induction of Spy Satellite Risaat-II and UAVs from Israel would keep 24/7 check on the strategic sites, LoC and deployment of Pakistani troops close to the border. India has inked deals with the European firms to induct latest Aircraft for air superiority. Its naval capabilities may undermine Pakistan's long-term maritime interests in the Indian Ocean. The Indian military modernization reveals that it is on course to achieve regional hegemony. Pakistan is not in a position to establish parity with India in the conventional arms realm, which compels the former to increase its reliance on tactical nukes and improve the quality and quantity of its nuclear weapons to achieve credible deterrence against the aggressive manoeuvres of India in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Number of organizations have been established at international level to maintain peace and security of the world. FATF has been established to scrutinize and keep a check on money laundering and terror financing. The present study is focusing on, after being grey listed by FATF, what kind of constraints facing Pakistan internally and externally in coping the menace of terror financing and money laundering. The paper argues how both India and Pakistan are vying to materializing their objectives. According to Indian claims, Pakistan is still involved in cross border terrorist activities in India and for that reason Pakistan should be placed in black list. On the other side, Pakistan claims that she has made high level commitments to meet the standards of international organization. To translate these objectives into action number of state institutions are engaged to secure place in white list. The paper excavates that politicization of FATF is raising questions on the transparency and accountability of this organization. The paper finds that international lobbies in the form of US, India and Israel are working and have overwhelmed the organization, to even downgrade Pakistan into black list. It suggests that FATF needs to maintain equilibrium in the competing narratives of all the stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Caring for one's grandchildren has become a more common experience for individuals partly as a result of a longer overlap between the lives of grandparents and their grandchildren. Existing research shows that around 50 per cent of grandparents engage in some grandparental child care in most European countries, however, this proportion is higher among older people with a migrant background, partly due to greater economic necessity among migrant families. Research has also highlighted ethnic differences in parents' child-care selection, even after controlling for their socio-economic status. Building on these strands of work, this paper investigates the differences in the use of (grandparental) child care among parents from different Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups in the United Kingdom, using data from Understanding Society. The results show that parents from Other White, Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and African communities are less likely to use child care than White British parents, while the opposite is true for Caribbean parents. However, among parents using child care, individuals from the Other White, Caribbean and African groups are less likely than the White British majority to be using grandparental child care as a supplement to other child-care types, or on its own. Ethnic differentials in the use of child care per se and grandparental child care in particular, have significant policy implications, and may mask other kinds of ethnic differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sri Kartarpur Sahib is one of the most sacred religious sites for over twenty-seven million followers of Sikh religion around the world. This religious site known as gurdwara became a part of the premises of the state of Pakistan according to the partition plan in 1947. Sikh pilgrims desiring to visit this sacred place have always found it difficult due to the tensions between the two states of India and Pakistan. Finally, in August 2018, the newly elected Pakistani government under premiership of Mr. Imran Khan announced its intention to build a connecting corridor from Dera Baba Nanak in India to Kartarpur Sahib for the Sikh pilgrims. While it was generally considered a highly positive gesture towards building peace in the region, there was some negative response from the Indian side in particular. This paper discusses brief history of Kartarpur Sahib, the implications of the decision of constructing corridor by the Pakistan government and its importance in building peace between the two states and creating inter-faith harmony within Pakistan. An exploratory, historical and descriptive method has been applied. Besides consulting books and newspaper reports on this issue, two interviews were conducted to analyze contemporary situation. The results show that the move by the Pakistani government can very well be considered a way forward in peace building process and hurdles in implementation of a peace-oriented gesture need to be removed to promote inter-faith and inter-state harmony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia as a region remains one of the most vulnerable to any potential conflict which can involve the use of weapons of mass destruction. The situation aggravates further when irresponsible measures of weapons build up is undertaken by the states such as India which disturbs the delicate strategic stability of the region. The possibility of large-scale conflict involving use of nuclear weapons remains probable and cannot be ruled out because of the uncertain nature of relationship between the two states. The research method employed in this article is exploratory in nature gauging the cause and effect relationship and subsequent responses which can be catered in deterrence stability. The paper aims to focus on three main areas. First, to analyse as how the Indian Army plans to make itself technologically and materially advanced according to modern needs? Second, to evaluate the strategic environment vis-à-vis the effects of the force/capacity multipliers in Indian Army with respect to Pakistan and the last part discusses some recommendations for Pakistan to overcome this imminent threat. India had allocated over US$ 52.2 billion for defence purchases for the year 2016-2017 and it is expected to increase in the near future to keep up the pace of modernization and overcome the operational gaps in its overall military machine. It has allocated huge funds for the development of its Army, Air Force, Navy, Network Centric Warfare and Electronic Warfare capabilities. The induction of Spy Satellite Risaat-II and UAVs from Israel would keep 24/7 check on the strategic sites, LoC and deployment of Pakistani troops close to the border. India has inked deals with the European firms to induct latest Aircraft for air superiority. Its naval capabilities may undermine Pakistan's long-term maritime interests in the Indian Ocean. The Indian military modernization reveals that it is on course to achieve regional hegemony. Pakistan is not in a position to establish parity with India in the conventional arms realm, which compels the former to increase its reliance on tactical nukes and improve the quality and quantity of its nuclear weapons to achieve credible deterrence against the aggressive manoeuvres of India in South Asia. Introduction [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]