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Many autocrats govern with an in-group, whose support must be secured, and an out-group, which is subject to repression. How do autocrats exploit in-group/out-group dynamics to secure their survival? One strategy, we argue, is to broadcast out-group repression to the in-group as a signal of the regime's capacity for violence. Empirically, we focus on China, where the government represses ethnic Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Drawing on 1 million articles from six propaganda newspapers, we show that the regime broadcasts out-group repression to urban elites on each anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, when 10% of Beijing residents joined anti-regime protests. To understand its effects, we conducted a survey experiment balanced on the national census during the June 2020 Tiananmen anniversary. Using a list experiment to mitigate preference falsification, we show that CCP propaganda about Uyghurs during the Tiananmen anniversary discourages protests among politically engaged urban elites because they fear repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on archival materials from late Qing Turpan Prefecture to explore Qing colonialism within the context of mass vaccination efforts in Xinjiang from 1880 to 1911. Following the reconquest of the region in 1877, Xiang Army leaders established official vaccination bureaus across Xinjiang—a colonial administration that encompassed all of East Turkestan—to combat smallpox outbreaks within Musulman (Uyghur) communities and the Qing army garrison. The vaccination bureau in Turpan, although led by Han vaccinators from Inner China, depended heavily on the labor of Musulman graduates from the region's assimilationist Confucian schools. The Turpan Vaccination Bureau reinforced the Xiang Army's broader project of colonial assimilation by training Musulman apprentices in various Chinese medical texts and using them to disseminate these ideas across the prefecture through the medium of vaccination. However, Turpan's Musulmans possessed their own sophisticated body of knowledge regarding epidemics and healing and routinely resisted the imposition of normative Qing/Chinese medical behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines why 23 Muslim-majority countries supported China at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UN/HRC) in 2019, despite allegations of human rights abuses against the Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Using a fuzzy-set qualitative-comparative analysis (fsQCA), we compared the factors that led Muslim-majority and non-Muslim countries to support China. Our analysis found that Political Regime Affinity (PRA) was a necessary but not a sufficient condition for Muslim-majority countries to support China, while China's Foreign Aid (ODA) was a necessary but not sufficient condition for non-Muslim countries. These findings suggest that ideological factors, related to the autocratic political regime (PRA), played a significant role in Muslim-majority countries' decision to support China in the UN/HRC in 2019. However, it is important to note that other factors may have also been involved. These findings have important implications for understanding the complexities of international relations and the factors that shape states behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, as part of the efforts of the Chinese government first to integrate and, more recently, to forcibly assimilate the Uyghur population into China's mainstream culture and society, the Uyghur language has been marginalized and repressed to an unprecedented extent. The academic literature on Xinjiang's language policy has repeatedly acknowledged that this repression is a major source of concern and discontent among many Uyghurs. However, to date, little has been written about the public response of Uyghurs to this policy and their open efforts to challenge it. In particular, with very few exceptions, little is known about the public response of Uyghur writers and artists. In this article I analyse a large corpus of Uyghur poems and songs that engaged openly with the Uyghur language crisis and were published and disseminated in the Uyghur public sphere between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s. Unlike some studies that try to assess the condition of certain languages at a certain point in time through objective methodologies, these literary and artistic works provide an insider view on how the Uyghur cultural elite and many other Uyghurs experienced the repression and loss of their native language, and also, how they struggled against this repression. In the article I examine the diverse sentiments, perceptions, and discourses that these literary and artistic expressions communicate, and the different strategies that the Uyghurs used to struggle against the language policy and its consequences. I also explore what these works tell us about the development of Xinjiang's language policy over time, the linguistic reality in the region, and the impact that the language policy has had on Uyghur society. Finally, the article also investigates the broad political meanings of these works and speculates on the link between them and the efforts of the Chinese government to further marginalize the Uyghur language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrial parks in north-west China occupy a liminal space between labour camps and private industry. Drawing on worker interviews, government documents, industry materials and images this article shows that for-profit public-private industrial parks have been built as part of a "camp fix" mechanism centred on detaining and "re-educating" Uyghurs and Kazakhs at the periphery of the nation. It argues that these industrial parks concentrate forms of repressive assistance and "dormitory labour regimes" that operate at other frontiers of Chinese state power and point these strategies of disempowerment towards a seemingly permanent, ethno-racialized underclass, producing a "re-education labour regime." It further argues that the material infrastructures of these surveiled and policed spaces themselves are productive in enforcing the goals of the "camp fix": the creation of high-quality, underpaid, docile and non-religious Muslim workers who are controlled through the built environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The incidence of cervical cancer in Uyghur women ranks first among those in Han and other ethnic minority groups. We aimed to understand the natural history of HPV in Uyghur women. Methods: A longitudinal cohort study on the natural history of HPV infection in rural Uyghur women in China was conducted between May 2013 and May 2014. A total of 11000 women from South Xinjiang underwent HPV screening by careHPV and liquid-based cytology. Ultimately, a total of 298 women with positive HPV and normal biopsy results or CIN1 were enrolled to participate in a study including follow-up HPV testing for two years. Results: The HPV infection rate in Uyghur women was 9.15%. Among the participants, the careHPV test showed that 298 women were HPV-positive, and histology showed CIN1 or normal results for these women at baseline. Among these patients, after 24 months of initial recruitment, 92 (30.87%) patients had persistent HPV infections, and 206 (69.13%) had cleared HPV infection. Univariate analysis showed that persistent HPV infection was associated with age and shower frequency (P < 0.001 and P = 0.047, respectively). Conclusions: Our results suggest that women over the age of 50 years who have been infected with HR-HPV for more than 1 year should be regularly screened and monitored for HPV. In addition, education should be strengthened to improve poor health habits in these women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Xinjiang plays a vital role in the trans‐Eurasian population migration, language diffusion, and culture and technology exchange. However, the underrepresentation of Xinjiang's genomes has hindered a more comprehensive understanding of Xinjiang's genetic structure and population history. Materials and Methods: We collected and genotyped 70 southern Xinjiang's Kyrgyz (SXJK) individuals and combined the data with modern and ancient Eurasians published. We used allele‐frequency methods, including PCA, ADMIXTURE, f‐statistics, qpWave/qpAdm, ALDER, Treemix, and haplotype‐shared methods including shared‐IBD segments, fineSTRUCTURE, and GLOBETROTTER to unveil the fine‐scale population structure and reconstruct admixture history. Results: We identified genetic substructure within the SXJK population with subgroups showing different genetic affinities to West and East Eurasians. All SXJK subgroups were suggested to have close genetic relationships with surrounding Turkic‐speaking groups that is, Uyghur, Kyrgyz from north Xinjiang and Tajikistan, and Chinese Kazakh, suggesting a shared ancestry among those populations. Outgroup‐f3 and symmetrical f4 statistics showed a high genetic affinity of SXJK to present‐day Tungusic, Mongolic‐speaking populations and Ancient Northeast Asian (ANA) related groups. Allele sharing and haplotype sharing profiles revealed the east–west admixture pattern of SXJK. The qpAdm‐based admixture models showed that SXJK derived ancestry from East Eurasian (ANA and East Asian, 42.7%–83.3%) and West Eurasian (Western Steppe herders and Central Asian, 16.7%–57.3%), the recent east–west admixture event could be traced to 1000 years ago based on ALDER and GLOBETROTTER analysis. Discussion: The high genetic affinity of SXJK to present‐day Tungusic and Mongolic‐speaking populations and short‐shared IBD segments indicated their shared common ancestry. SXJK harbored a close genetic affinity to ANA‐related populations, indicating the Northeast Asian origin of SXJK. The West and East Eurasian admixture models observed in SXJK further provided evidence of the dynamic admixture history in Xinjiang. The east–west admixture pattern and the identified ancestral makeup of SXJK suggested a genetic continuity from some Iron Age Xinjiang populations to present‐day SXJK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarship on Qing Xinjiang has not paid much attention to the Qing relationship with the Kirghiz. On one hand, the Kirghiz, decentralized and fragmented, escape the attention of scholars interested in Qing relations with Central Asian "polities." On the other hand, historians of Altishahr consider the Kirghiz as nomadic outsiders, only mentioning them in passing when their paths cross those of the Altishahri. A careful examination of Manchu-language palace memorials from the Qingdai Xinjiang Manwen dang'an huibian , however, shows that there was a subgroup of Kirghiz who the Qianlong emperor (r. 173599) and his officials firmly incorporated into Altishahr and maintained as an integral part of Altishahr society. In turn, these Kirghiz, whom I call "inner Kirghiz," went on to serve the Qing empire as active agents of early Qing state building efforts in Xinjiang. Using inner Kirghiz life stories, I will ultimately argue that boundaries separating "Qing" and "foreign" remained elastic throughout the second half of the eighteenth century. These boundaries were neither clear-cut nor permanent, constantly fluctuating according to the decisions made by the Qianlong emperor and his officials as well as the inner Kirghiz themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study traces the evolution of systemic state-sponsored coercive labor in the cotton harvest in China's northwestern Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). The recent situation in the XUAR is compared to Uzbekistan, which implemented forced labor in cotton picking until 2021. Both regions create structurally coercive labor environments through a centralized authoritarian state apparatus that deploys human resource–intensive local grassroots mobilization efforts. The article finds that while both regional entities' coercive labor dynamics are in many ways comparable, the resulting labor settings are not easily captured through static standard measures such as the ILO forced labor indicators. Instead, state-sponsored forced labor is characterized by pervasive state-induced and systemic dynamics of coercion that are deeply embedded within sociocultural contexts. Whereas Uzbekistan's coercive labor practices were primarily driven by economic considerations, Xinjiang's labor transfer program pursues some economic aims but is predominantly designed to achieve Beijing's wider ethnopolitical goals in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We examined the 99th percentile URL of hs-cTnI in a healthy population in Xinjiang. • The 99th percentile URL of hs-cTnI was higher in the Uyghurs than in the Han group. • Ethnicity and sex influence the 99th percentile URLs of hs-cTnI. • An accurate reference interval for hs-cTnI may aid diagnosis and decision-making. To determine the 99th percentile upper reference limit (URL) of high-sensitivity cardiac troponin I (hs-cTnI) in a healthy population in Xinjiang, China, and investigate the impact of ethnicity, sex, and age on this limit. From September 2018 to March 2022, 5,090 Han and Uyghur adults aged 20–79 years were recruited. After questionnaire screening, 2,970 participants with physical and/or laboratory normality were enrolled. Participants recruited between September 2018 and October 2021 (2,109/2,970) were evaluated by ARCHITECT i 2000 to determine the 99th percentile URL of hs-cTnI. The results were then validated in 861/2,970 participants recruited from November 2021 to March 2022. A criterion of ≤ 10% of test results falling outside the original determined value was used to determine whether the newly established reference intervals were valid. The hs-cTnI concentration was higher among Uyghurs than among Han participants (p < 0.001). The 99th percentile URLs were 17.52 ng/L for all participants, 18.96 ng/L for Uyghur, and 16.93 ng/L for Han. Hs-cTnI concentration was also correlated with sex and age. In the Han and Uyghur groups, male participants had a higher hs-cTnI concentration than female participants (p < 0.001); the 99th percentile URLs of hs-cTnI among male and female participants were 17.80 vs. 13.67 ng/L and 19.47 vs. 16.52 ng/L, respectively. Stratified by age, hs-cTnI concentrations were higher in participants aged > 60 years than in those of other age categories (p < 0.001), in both the Han and Uyghur groups. Finally, <2% of these test results exceeded the newly established reference, validating the results. This study established the 99th percentile URLs of hs-cTnI in the Xinjiang. Ethnicity and sex influence the value and should be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the Han dynasty's imperial expansion to the west, Xinjiang became a frontier region for political negotiation, military conflict, and cultural contact. The recent excavation at Shichengzi military fort has rendered an opportunity to examine animal exploitation in the empire's frontiers. The results of our zooarchaeological analysis suggest that meat production primarily relied on caprines and cattle. Horses, donkeys, and camels were exploited for labor. Pig husbandry was a novel addition to the local agropastoral regime, and pork became a signature food particular to the identity of the garrison community. A "meat‐not‐milk" dietary preference also underscores this cultural identity. Animal exploitation was a combined result of subsistence adaptation and military reinforcement. Our work further highlights the tension between the flexible husbandry strategy adapted to the new environment and the conservative culinary attitude held by immigrants toward certain new foods. This case study helps contextualize the interaction and integration of different ways of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Wupu cemetery, located in the Yizhou District, Hami City, Xinjiang Province, and in the eastern part of the southern foothills of the Tianshan Mountains, is remains from the late Bronze Age. In this study, four faience beads excavated from the Wupu cemetery were examined by stereomicroscopy, synchrotron radiation micro-CT, and electron microprobe analysis. The appearance and compositions of these faience beads are presented and discussed. The results show that these tubular faience beads, glazed by the application glazing method, are all potash-rich faience, consistent with the faience produced locally in China. The faience products from the Central Plains were disseminated to the Hami region of Xinjiang Province during the Western Zhou dynasty (1046 BC–771 BC), reflecting the spread of such faience to the west with the Zhou people mastering the technique of making potash-rich faience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Retrospective analysis of clinical and epidemiological characteristics of central nervous system (CNS)tumors in Uyghur children from a single center in Xinjiang. Methods: Between January 2013 and December 2021, 243 children (0–17 years old) with a clear pathological type of CNS tumor are collected and analyzed for tumor size, grade, and category, as well as their relationship with the child's gender, age, and region of origin according to the 2021 edition of the new WHO CNS tumor classification. Outcome: The 243 cases of CNS tumors in Uyghur children are predominantly from rural areas, with 144 cases (59.26%) of supratentorial tumors and 129 cases (53.09%) of low-grade tumors. With an overall male-to-female ratio of 1.43:1, a peak age of incidence of 6 to 8 years. Concluding: The present study is based on a 9-year analysis of pediatric CNS data from a single center, and the center is the largest tertiary hospital in Xinjiang with large numbers of admitted patients, which may reflect some extent the clinical characteristics and epidemiological features characteristics of pediatric CNS tumors in Uyghur in Xinjiang. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drip‐irrigation is a cultivation mode that uses water and fertilizer efficiently and is the main cultivation technique for wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) production in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China. The amount of nitrogen (N) fertilizer used in drip‐irrigated wheat production is strongly connected to land productivity. However, the effect of reduced N application on the translocation of assimilates to grains and grain‐filling in wheat under drip irrigation is unknown. A 2‐yr field experiment (2018–2019) was conducted in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region with two varieties of spring wheat (Xinchun 38 [XC38] and Xinchun 49 [XC49]) and five N application levels (300 [N1], 275 [N2], 250 [N3], 225 [N4], and 0 [N0] kg hm−2). The results showed that N application significantly affected the dry matter accumulation, transport amount, transport rate, and the contribution rate of wheat (stem sheaths, leaves, and spikes). The maximum values of the above parameters of XC38 and XC49 were observed in response to N3 and N4, respectively. In addition, N affected the dry weight and grain‐filling characteristic parameters. Nitrogen affected the rate of grain‐filling during the three periods, with N3 and N4 being the best treatments for XC38 and XC49, respectively. The results of this study provide an understanding of the translocation of assimilates and the grain‐filling characteristics of spring wheat, and the optimum N application levels were different for XC38 and XC49. Among the N treatments in this study, the optimum nitrogen levels were 250 and 225 kg hm−2 for XC38 and XC49, respectively. Core Ideas: Nitrogen affects the translocation of assimilates to grains of wheat.Nitrogen affects the characteristic parameters of grain‐filling in wheat.Different wheat varieties have different response mechanisms to N. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of hezangmu, 'collective burials', is an integral part of long-standing debates within Chinese archaeology. Traditional interpretations, shaped by social evolutionary models from the 1950s onwards, link collective burials to descent and inherited identity and status. Our study revisits Yanghai cemetery in Xinjiang, one of the largest Bronze Age cemeteries excavated in China's northwest, using GIS and statistical analyses. Our findings indicate that collective burial was a central aspect of Bronze Age funerary custom at Yanghai, with declining investment by the Iron Age. As a special form of collective burial, multi-layer collective burials emerged as a practical adaptation, not as a marker of special status. Their prevalence increased as ritual spending decreased. Based on our results, we suggest Bronze Age social stratification at Yanghai was shaped by local shamanistic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent vote against the first-ever UN Human Rights Council resolution looking at the situation of Uyghurs in Xinjiang has prompted discussions and concerns over China's increasing grip over UN human rights bodies. Amidst tensions between Chino and the West, China's growing influence within the UN human rights system poses a challenge to progressive Global South governments, who seek to cooperate with Beijing on trade and development, while sharing major divergences on human rights priorities. This paper aims to present the goals and tactics behind China's increasing presence at the UN Human Rights Council, and propose some reflections on its impact for progressive Latin American and other Global South governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thus, most of the buildings on the sand mound were eroded by wind, and both the low-lying ash pile HD1 and the trodden surface were covered by wind-deposited loess. Ash pile HD1 is at the bottom of the sand mound's southern slope above the berm. Ash pile HD4 is on the sand mound's eastern slope east of the beacon and north of ash pile HD3. Keywords: Yuli County; Xinjiang; Keyak Khduk Beacon; military compound; Tang dynasty EN Yuli County Xinjiang Keyak Khduk Beacon military compound Tang dynasty 65 76 12 11/16/22 20221101 NES 221101 Postscript The original article , prepared by Xingjun Hu , Arifu , Haoqiang Cai , Yasen Ani - , Youcheng Xu , Yumin Su , and Xiaojing Kang , was published in Kaogu (Archaeology) 2021.8:23-44 with 34 illustrations and three notes. [Extracted from the article]

The supply of coins and their metal materials is important for state governance. Many details about the monetary supply network in ancient China still need to be verified. In this paper, 15 early Tang dynasty Kaiyuan Tongbao 開元通寶 coins excavated from the Lafu Queke 拉甫却克 cemetery, Hami 哈密 city, were studied by combining scientific analyses (PXRF and MC-ICP-MS etc.) with the archaeological context and historical texts. The results show that all of these coins are made of Cu-Sn–Pb ternary alloy. The lead isotopes match with the isotopic signatures of some southwest China lead mines consistent with historical records, 14 coins are located in the range of Southern China geochemical province, and the lead of 5 coins could be considered as highly radiogenic lead (HRL). Combining these results with the archaeological context and historical texts, it can be inferred that the coins minted in southwest China were made from locally exploited raw metal, and supplied to the northwest borderland of the Tang dynasty in the seventh century CE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By assembling more than fifty hours of interviews with eleven former Uyghur students and teachers, alongside an array of published and unpublished textual documents, this article offers the most complete history of the Uyghur student movements of the 1980s—in the face of considerable neglect and confusion. It argues, first, that the university functioned as a social, intellectual, and political space that allowed Uyghurs to develop their ethno-national identity, build shared grievances, and mobilize politically. Second, it argues that the December 1985 Uyghur student movement was a foundational turning point in the erosion of Hu Yaobang's accommodationist ethnicity policies of the early 1980s, changing how the Party-state diagnosed the reasons for Xinjiang's instability and delimited Uyghur political participation in the People's Republic of China. This article further unsettles later attempts by Chinese scholars to retroactively characterize the student movement as essentially separatist and the work of behind-the-scenes plotters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Pamir Plateau in southern Xinjiang was likely a key route in the extensive transcontinental network of cultural exchange across Eurasia, little isotopic research has been conducted in this region. Here we present isotopic results of bioapatite (δ 13C, δ 18O) from humans and animals (n = 38) from the Ji'erzankale site (c. 400–600 years cal BCE) located in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China. These results are combined with previously published collagen isotopic data from the same individuals to explore the possibility and extent of millet consumption in this area. The δ 13C values of the sheep (−10.8 ± 0.7‰, n = 13) and humans (−13.7 ± 0.5‰, n = 24) were found to be higher than those of the wild hare (−14.9‰, n = 1). The humans consumed a predominately C 3 diet, but the bioapatite-collagen δ 13C spacing indicates that there was a minor input of C 4 plants in the diet, likely millet. The inhabitants of the Ji'erzankale site were semi-nomadic pastoralists that likely supplemented their diet with the small scale consumption of millet. It is likely that the Pamir Plateau was a key area in the spread of millet agriculture between the East and the West during the 1st millennium BCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Handwritten signatures have traditionally been used as a common form of recognition and authentication in tasks such as financial transactions and document authentication. However, there are few studies on minority languages such as Uyghur and Kazakh used in Xinjiang, China, and no available public dataset for these scripts, which are widely used in banking and other fields. Therefore, this paper addresses this problem by constructing a dataset containing Uyghur, Kazakh, and Han languages and presents an automatic handwritten signature recognition approach based on Uyghur, Kazakh, Han, and public datasets. In the paper, a handwritten signature recognition method that combines local maximum occurrence features (LOMO) and histogram of orientated gradients (HOG) features was proposed. LOMO features use a sliding window to represent the local features of the signature image. The high-dimensional features formed by the combination of these methods are dimensionally reduced by principal component analysis (PCA). The classification is performed using k-nearest neighbors (k-NN), and it is compared with the random forest method. The proposed method achieved a recognition rate of 98.4% using a diverse signature database compared with existing methods. It shows that the method was effective and can be applied to large datasets of mixed, multilingual signatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tropical theileriosis is a tick-borne disease that caused by Theileria annulata , and leads to substantial economic impact in endemic area. Distinguishes to other piroplasms, Theileria is the only eukaryotic parasite could transform mammalian leukocytes. At present, buparvaquone is the most effective drug used for treatment of Theileria infection. However, frequently reported of failure treatment with buparvaquone for some T. annulata isolates. Mutation of TaPIN1 was reported to be the direct reason for failure of buparvaquone treatment. Through in vitro culture, a T. annulata isolate with a TaPIN1 mutation that is similar to the reported strain was recently identified in China. In order to understand the distribution of Theileria with mutation of TaPIN1 in China, here we developed a TaqMan probe-based real-time PCR technology to detect the mutated TaPIN1 gene. The specificity, sensitivity and reproducibility of the established TaqMan Real-time PCR method were evaluated, and field cattle blood samples collected from Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region were used to test its application. Among 1683 samples, 335 samples were confirmed positive for T. annulata by traditional PCR method and 34 samples were positive for buparvaquone-resistant. The TaPIN1 gene of those 34 samples was sequenced and analyzed with the published gene sequences from NCBI database. The results showed that the sequence obtained from the present study has good consistency with those published sequences. In conclusion, the TaqMan probe-based real-time PCR targeting T. annulata mutated TaPIN1 gene was successfully established and can be used to detect clinical samples to investigation of buparvaquone-resistant parasites in Xinjiang region quickly and accurately, which will be useful for guiding clinical medicine application. • T. annulata resistant to buparvaquone was found in China where buparvaquone was forbidden to be used to treat cattle. • The mutation of TaPIN1 where most likely lead to buparvaquone-resist for Theileria annulata was detected. • Established a TaqMan real-time PCR method to detect the mutation of TaPIN1. • The distribution of Theileria annulata resistant to buparvaquone was investigated in Xinjiang, China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is wide consensus that Islam is an important rallying point for the Uyghurs and an essential component of their national identity. Yet despite its centrality in Uyghur culture, there is only marginal reference to religion in modern Uyghur poetry. In this article, I argue that poets such as Adil Tuniyaz, Tahir Hamut Izgil, and others, most of whom are secular and urban, choose to relate to religion through mysticism and nostalgia in reaction to the Chinese state's characterization of Islam as identified with violent fundamentalism and terrorism. By avoiding the use of separatist symbols, these poets contribute to a broad national ethos that strengthens contemporary Uyghur identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racism, as a truly global phenomenon, requires a comparative approach that can account for its diverse forms and their commonalities. Despite the prevalence and relevance of racism throughout Asia, much scholarship on the topic remains parochially focussed on the north Atlantic world. This article aims to help address this issue in two ways. First, it discusses surveillance and racialisation practices in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in China, based on an examination of leaked police files from the city of Urumqi. It examines how racialisation processes are carried out through surveillance, who these impact, and how. Second, these empirical materials are put in a broader comparative framework, drawing on Michel Foucault's concept of state racism, which sees racism as a technique of governance common to all contemporary states. The conclusions reflect on what it means to undertake anti-racist scholarship in a world of racist states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book review discusses Chi Zhang's work, "Legitimacy of China's Counter-Terrorism Approach," which examines China's rationale and mindset regarding counter-terrorism in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The author argues that external observers should not dismiss China's justifications for repression, but rather seek to understand them. Zhang focuses on the concept of the "mass line ethos" and its role in China's approach to counter-terrorism. The book provides valuable insights into Chinese security policy and is relevant to scholars studying Xinjiang, Uyghur studies, and terrorism and counter-terrorism. However, it does not fully address the question of why the Chinese Communist Party has taken such drastic measures in Xinjiang. [Extracted from the article]

The aim of the study was to evaluate the association of IL‐18 137 G > C, 607 C > A gene polymorphism in Uyghur population with chronic periodontitis (CP) and combine the results with the meta-analysis In a case‐control study, 200 cases with CP and 100 healthy controls were recruited; IL‐18 137 G > C, 607 C > A genotyping was performed by polymerase chain reaction‐restriction fragment length polymorphism (PCR-RFLP). In the meta‐analysis, we used electronic databases, including CNKI, Wan Fang, PubMed, EMBASE databases etc.to obtain relevant research published through June 2020. Studies were considered eligible if odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (95% CI) were provided or calculated from the given data. The size of the combined effect was calculated using STATA 15.0 Our study revealed significant association between CP and IL‐18 137 G > C (P =.045, OR = 1.67), 607 C > A (P =.045, OR = 1.67). The overall meta‐analysis revealed significant associations between IL‐18 137 G > C polymorphism and CP risk in Allele, dominant, co-dominant and recessive genetic models. The subgroup analysis also showed a significant association between the IL‐18 137 G > C and risk for periodontitis and aggressive periodontitis in the Asian (GC+ CC VS. GG: P =.047, OR = 1.64,95%CI = 1.01–2.68) IL‐18 137 G > C, 607 C > A could be associated with susceptibility to periodontitis in Uyghur population. Further case-control of candidate genes studies targeting larger sample sizes and different ethnic groups are needed to arrive more accurate conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genetic and immune factors play an important role in tuberculosis. Under different ethnicities and genetic backgrounds, different immune and inflammation‐related gene polymorphisms may confer different susceptibility to tuberculosis. This study investigated the relationship between immune and inflammation‐related gene polymorphism and susceptibility to tuberculosis in Xinjiang Uyghur population, China. In this case‐control study, we enrolled 507 pulmonary tuberculosis patients and 454 healthy controls from Southern Xinjiang. single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) genotyping was performed. The 12 SNPs of nine immune and inflammation‐related genes (including TNF rs361525, IL6 rs2066992 and rs1524107, IL17A rs3748067, IL17F rs763780, VDR rs731236, rs2228570 and rs1544410, IFNGR1 rs1327474, P2RX7 rs3751143, CTAGE1 rs4331426 and Toll‐like receptor 4 (TLR4) rs4986790) and their relationship with tuberculosis were evaluated. The T allele and TT genotype of IL‐6 rs2066992 and rs1524107 increased the risk of active tuberculosis. The C allele of IFNGR1 rs1327474 was related to the reduced risk of tuberculosis in the Xinjiang Uyghur population. The G allele and AG/GG genotypes of TLR4 rs4986790 were associated with an increased risk of tuberculosis (p <.05). Furthermore, haplotype analysis found that the haplotype TT of interleukin (IL)‐6 was a risk factor, whereas the CG type was a protective factor for active tuberculosis in the Xinjiang Uyghur population. There were three immune and inflammation‐related genes (IL‐6, IFNGR1 and TLR4) and a total of four SNPs (rs2066992, rs1524107, rs1327474 and rs4986790) related to the susceptibility of the Uyghur population to tuberculosis. Our findings may provide evidence for further understanding the mechanism of tuberculosis susceptibility in the Xinjiang Uyghur population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study was to examine the factorial validity, measurement invariance across sex, and reliability of a Uyghurian version of the KA-SI Empathic Tendency Scale-Adolescent Form (KA-SI AF) among adolescents in Xinjiang, China. A total of 331 middle and high school students (198 girls, 133 boys) were included in the sample. Research data was collected via KASI AF and demographic questionnaire. Confirmatory factor analyses supported a two-dimensional structure (cognitive and emotional). Multi-group CFA supported measurement invariance across sex groups. The Uyghur form of KA-SI AF yielded excellent reliability values from .84 to .90. Findings suggest that Uyghur version of the KA-SI AF was valid and reliable measure of empathic tendency suitable for middle and high school students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population admixture results in genome-wide combinations of genetic variants derived from different ancestral populations of distinct ancestry, thus providing a unique opportunity for understanding the genetic determinants of phenotypic variation in humans. Here, we used whole-genome sequencing of 92 individuals with high coverage (30–60×) to systematically investigate genomic diversity in the Uyghurs living in Xinjiang, China (XJU), an admixed population of both European-like and East-Asian-like ancestry. The XJU population shows greater genetic diversity, especially a higher proportion of rare variants, compared with their ancestral source populations, corresponding to greater phenotypic diversity of XJU. Admixture-induced functional variants in EDAR were associated with the diversity of facial morphology in XJU. Interestingly, the interaction of functional variants between SLC24A5 and OCA2 likely influences the diversity of skin pigmentation. Notably, selection has seemingly been relaxed or canceled in several genes with significantly biased ancestry, such as HERC2 – OCA2. Moreover, signatures of post-admixture adaptation in XJU were identified, including genes related to metabolism (e.g. CYP2D6), digestion (e.g. COL11A1), olfactory perception (e.g. ANO2) and immunity (e.g. HLA). Our results demonstrated population admixture as a driving force, locally or globally, in shaping human genetic and phenotypic diversity as well as in adaptive evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "bilingual education" policy in Xinjiang has been one of the most contentious policies implemented in the region in recent decades. Given its negative impact on one of the most important markers of Uyghur ethnic identity, it has been a major cause of Uyghur discontent. Nevertheless, our knowledge of the genesis of this policy and the negotiations that took place around its implementation has been partial at best. Through an in-depth analysis of two essays published in the early and mid-2000s by two prominent Uyghur scholars, a large body of academic publications by other Uyghur scholars, and ethnographic data collected since the early 2000s, this article reexamines part of the conventional academic wisdom that relates to this policy, particularly the role Uyghurs have played in relation to it. The article suggests two main revisions to the existing knowledge. One has to do with the amount and form of Uyghur resistance to the policy, and the other with the role Uyghurs have played in promoting the policy. I argue that at least in its early stages, not only did not all Uyghurs resist the policy, but also, in fact, part of the Uyghur political and academic elite played an active role in promoting it. In addition, contrary to the implicit agreement in the existing scholarship that Uyghurs could resist the policy only in covert forms, in fact a considerable number of Uyghur academics have been engaged for years in persistent and overt struggle against it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aristotle came up with the idea of the "politeia". He is also known for saying that the purpose of a state is to form a society where human beings are equal. Today, cultural pluralism answers to the need for the various cultural components of the society to articulate themselves. Xinjiang has been focusing on China Communist Party's (CCP) aggressive response to Uyghur's cultural expression. After 2001, this hardline and oppressive strategy has been strengthened in the Xinjiang province, and as a result, the cultural rights of Uyghurs have been restricted. The rights to the Uyghur culture have been limited to eradicate their cultural plurality. This article analyzes the impact of the CCP's anti-pluralist strategies on the sense of alienation among the Uyghurs. This article concludes that if the cultural crackdown of the Uyghurs continues, it may lead to further alienations among the Uyghurs minority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, domestic tourism into the Xinjiang region of China has grown rapidly. Government officials view tourism as a source of both economic capital and social stability, presenting a normalcy that makes it attractive for investment. There are two paradoxes to Xinjiang tourism. According to most literature, a massive military presence should deter tourists, but numbers have continued to grow in the militarized Xinjiang region. Second, the cultural "otherness" of Xinjiang is a big draw to the region, yet this culture is being suppressed by state policies to contain Islam. Using a dataset of Han Chinese travel diaries, I look at how narrated tourist experiences of Xinjiang justify policing, how ethnic boundaries are reinforced by practices in both transportation and personal interaction, and how state policies influence Chinese travellers' views on the authenticity of their experience. While bodily assurances of security substantiate political legitimacy, tourists resist the bureaucratic management of sites, allowing for critiques focused almost exclusively on aesthetic taste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In its one hundred years of existence, the Communist Party of China has experimented with how to connect its narratives of legitimacy to people's affects. In this essay, I trace the conceptualization of gratitude, from its repudiation in the Mao era as a vestige of feudalism and imperialism to its return in the reform era as a re-verticalization of Party sovereignty. The paper addresses four examples of gratitude work: Politburo Standing Committee member Wang Yang's short-lived critique of gratitude in the name of a different conception of popular sovereignty; the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Sichuan earthquake as a day of gratitude; the detention of Uyghurs in Xinjiang who are taught to be grateful to the Communist Party in a campaign of religious de-radicalization; and the refusal of gratitude in quarantined Wuhan during the COVID-19 pandemic. In these cases, the Communist Party's sovereignty stands at the threshold between bio- and necro-politics, promising life and salvation in the midst of death and destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the likelihood of ending Uighur detention in Xinjiang, China using the analytical tools of the Spiral Model. I argue that the prospects are dim due to the strong incentives for China to continue abusing the Uighur population as well as insufficient amounts of external and internal scrutiny employed against the Chinese government. To develop this claim, I analyze why action against China previously failed and why future responses are likely to remain unsuccessful. I conclude that expectations for China's compliance with International Human Rights Law concerning the treatment of the Uighurs are realistically weak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's frontier construction through the PRC era, involving the often-violent expansion of Han cultural and political space, has been undertaken primarily by subaltern Han people from rural areas of China. Female domestic labor has been essential to this colonial endeavor. The focus of the article is Han people associated with the organization that makes frontier construction its raison d'être, the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, or bingtuan. More often pushed by circumstance than drawn by nationalistic fervor to settle on the backward frontier, these people and their offspring nevertheless became a significant part of the affective base of Han settlement in Xinjiang. By "affective base," I mean that this (now multigenerational) population possess a sense of belonging in and of Xinjiang that bolsters the idea of Xinjiang as an integral part of China and challenges non-Han claims of exclusive moral ownership. The ultimate construction is achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the Ili Rebellion in Xinjiang (1944–49). Relying primarily on Chinese sources, the author identifies variations in the rise and fate of non-Han ethnic guerillas, and the patterns of military conflict in different regions during the expansionist stage of the Ili Rebellion from 1944 to 1946. The article argues that neither a nationalist nor a geopolitical explanation adequately account for such variations. Rather, the overlapping and intersecting geopolitical influence (both the Soviet Union and the two Chinese regimes) as well as local conditions (including local ethnic composition and social structure) explain such patterns. Finally, this article discusses broader implications of the role of nationalism and geopolitics in revolutions in small and dependent states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mostly unknown to the public, the Uyghurs, a Muslim minority of some 12 million in northwest China, have gained international prominence since the 2010s. Their Diaspora, headed by the World Uyghur Congress, has managed to convince the West that Beijing's persecution of their kin in Xinjiang amounts to "genocide", prompting condemnations, sanctions and boycotts on China. Not denying Chinese oppression of Uyghurs, I argue that the "genocide" claims are not only false but, moreover, counterproductive. Primarily motivated by an anti-China policy, whatever the findings of "investigation committees" and self-appointed "tribunals", they hardly care about the Uyghurs. Contrary to expectations, no Islamic countries have criticized China; all the condemnations come from Western countries, themselves stained by "real" genocides, incomparably more brutal than what allegedly happened in China. In retrospect, the Uyghurs may have won a virtual, short-term, Pyrrhic victory, but actually failed completely. A real victory should, and perhaps could, have been won quietly and directly, not loudly and offensively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Uyghur communities in China often focuses on the power and oppression of the Chinese state, neglecting the power situated in the domestic sphere and women's bodies. My research addresses how younger Uyghur women (aged 18–35 years old) feel suffocated by the expectations of their ethnocultural identity, and how those women both conform to and reject social norms. The themes of marriage and clothing illustrate how representations and discourses of the female body reinforce the boundaries of the Uyghur community. The pleasure and pain of Uyghur identity manifests in women's bodies during territorial insecurity of fading nationalist space. Multiple scales of identity in the body and household disrupt the imaginary cohesiveness and boundedness of territory. While the Chinese state polices Uyghur bodies, so too does Uyghur society police the bodies of other Uyghurs – especially women – as a security strategy of bordering the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous explanations on China's counterterrorism strategy have highlighted the results of China's strategy of repression in Xinjiang, the historical antecedents and institutional foundations of its counterterrorism policies, as well as international and domestic sources of China's counterterrorism strategy. While acknowledging the importance of all these dimensions, this article draws attention to a largely neglected feature of China's counterterrorism strategy: the Chinese party-state's social engineering of Xinjiang. Building on Maoist-era practices such as the mass line and the 'friend vs. enemy' binary, the Communist party under Xi Jinping has integrated surveillance technologies as part of its strategy of preventive counterterrorism and 'de-extremization'. This article argues that the Chinese party-state's embrace of modern technologies, a weak liberal tradition in China, Xi Jinping's rise to power in late 2012, and the appointment of Chen Quanguo as Xinjiang's party-secretary in 2016, provides the socio-political background for the intensification of securitization, surveillance and introduction of 're-education and training centres' in Xinjiang. Surveillance technologies now complement collective, face-to-face methods of surveillance and Maoist-era techniques of mass mobilization, enabling the Chinese party-state to govern and manage the biopolitical spaces of Uyghurs with greater intensity, according to the state's precise norms. The legalization and institutionalization of 'de-extremization' has also led to the shift from mass 'de-extremization' propaganda to 'drip-irrigation' ideological and political re-education of individuals deemed at risk of extremism. The result is an increased capacity by the Chinese party-state to surveil and control the region, and to more effectively negate the possibility of individual resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: The aim of this study was to explore the possible associations between single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and DNA methylation levels of seven genes in the inflammatory response pathway with susceptibility to chronic periodontitis (CP) among the Uighur population of the Xinjiang Autonomous Region of China. Methods: A total of 444 eligible subjects (279 CP patients and 165 healthy controls) were enrolled in the study. Genomic DNA was obtained from gingival tissue for genotyping eight SNPs and performing methylation measurements of seven genes. Results: SNP rs2070745 in the formyl peptide receptor 1 (FPR1) gene achieved statistical significance in a standard allelic association analysis for CP (p = 0.02). The frequency of the rs2070745 minor allele G was higher in the cases than in controls (0.367 vs. 0.291). Additionally, rs2070745 was significantly associated with CP under the dominant genetic model (p = 0.03). Using logistic regression analysis, rs2070745 was found to be consistently associated with CP under the additive dominant model, and this association remained significant after covariates were taken into account [odds ratio (OR) = 1.49 (1.09–2.05), p = 0.014; OR = 1.58 (1.04–2.40), p = 0.031, respectively]. No significant gene–gene interactions were identified. Although we did not find a polymorphism in interleukin 6 (IL6) associated with CP in our study, the methylation level of a CpG island region located within the promoter region of IL6 was significantly less in CP patients compared with controls (p < 0.05). Conclusions: The genetic polymorphism rs2070745 in FPR1 and the methylation level of the promoter region of IL6 might be associated with CP in the Uighur population of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Living in the heart of Eurasia, the Kyrgyz ethnic minority have a complex human evolutionary and migration history. However, the genetic architecture of the Kyrgyz population has not been fully explored. We studied 526 Kyrgyz samples from Kizilsu Kirghiz Autonomous Prefecture in Xinjiang using the Investigator® DIPplex kit. All loci followed Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium (HWE). The combined power of discrimination (CPD) and combined power of paternity exclusion (CPE) was 0.9999999999988 and 0.9936, respectively. Compared with 90 reference populations, five InDels (HLD99, HLD81, HLD64, HLD118, and HLD111) have the potential to distinguish the Kyrgyz/Uyghur/Kazak population from other East Asian populations. Our results suggested a close genetic relationship between the Kyrgyz population and the Uyghur/Kazak populations, followed by South Asian populations. This was in accordance with the inland migration hypothesis or modern human migration influenced by warfare. Overall, this system can be used as a powerful tool in forensic individual identification and as a complementary tool in paternity cases and biogeographic ancestry analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the politics of China's Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) policy and practice in Xinjiang through a study of the profound transformation of three interlinked Uyghur oral traditions ostensibly safeguarded as UNESCO or national-level cultural heritages: muqam, mäshräp and dastan. Based on fieldwork in Xinjiang and among the Uyghur diaspora, it shows how an intensive process of social reengineering, taking place in the nexus of contested state ICH policies and its 'War on Terror,' has transformed complex religio-cultural traditions into simplified and exoticized patriotic 'song and dance' performances. While the state defines these staged versions as 'authentic' heritage that should not be deviated from, community elders and cultural practitioners see them as 'fake'; they violate community values and disembed fluid oral traditions from everyday life, which is where they are reproduced and generationally transmitted. The rhetoric of 'safeguarding' thus represents a disavowal of its actual effects and the severe restrictions on spaces available for cultural practice in Xinjiang. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uyghur marriages in Xinjiang in the 2010s have been characterised by various, sometimes seemingly contradictory trends of modernisation, such as monetisation, simplification, emphasis on ethnic symbolism, displays of piety and the active integration of both Turkish, Western and Chinese elements. This article views these trends as complex, inter-related reactions to the region's socio-economic transformations and political campaigns. It analyses how these transformations and campaigns affect everyday decisions at the local level. The study of marriage provides a good insight into the effects of economic and political transformations on the ground. In such studies, we argue for a distinction between trends on the level of symbolic positioning and identity display from trends on a deeper structural level pertaining to social relations, economic integration and household strategies. In the case of Uyghurs in southern Xinjiang these two levels have shown opposite trends. On a surface level of symbolic display, the relatively open years of 2010-2014 allowed for the flourishing of trends that did not follow the Party-State line, such as Islamic piety and a strengthened Uyghur ethno-national identity. Yet, on a deeper structural level these trends signified improved integration into modern Chinese society. In contrast, the increased state violence of 2015-2020 enforced a strong symbolic alignment with Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ideology but at the same time alienated the Uyghur population from this society effectively necessitating the development of forms of organisation that the CCP deems backwards and undesirable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, the Chinese Communist Party has built an unprecedented surveillant assemblage in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) with the region's Uyghur Muslim minority as the chief target of augmented Party-state controls. This article interrogates the mechanics, logic and implications of Xinjiang's surveillance society. It demonstrates how Party-state monitoring comes not only in the form of physical monitoring and forced kinship but also automated, technology-driven tools such as GPS tracking, voice and facial recognition technologies, machine learning algorithms, and other software and hardware. The Chinese Party-state employs surveillance to delineate 'correct' thought and behaviour among its citizens, and then persuade (through coercion and inducement) self-alignment with Party and Han-defined norms. The results are fewer spaces for autonomous, bottom-up social mobilization by the Uyghurs and other minorities, the abolition of non-Han cultural, linguistic and religious practices, and the erosion of social trust in Xinjiang society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the repression and violence facing the citizens of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, China which is the home of the indigenous Muslims Uighurs and Kazakhs. Topics discussed include the construction of detention camps which allegedly detained Uighurs, Kazakhs and other groups, and the anti-religious extremism campaign targeting Uighur nationalist sentiment, and President Xi Jinping's efforts to control the region to ensure the success of the Belt and Road Initiative.