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Human rights NGOs contribute to the formation of norms and policies around penality, and inform social understandings of what constitutes acceptable punishment. This article turns to the symbolic group-making work of human rights workers as agents who work with prisoners, and who also construct the image of the prisoner for the rest of society. I zoom in on the case of prison NGO work in Russia, a non-democratic country, and answer two questions: first, how do prison NGOs construct the image of the prisoner, and articulate their relationship with their social base and their networks of civic engagement? Second, what organizational behaviors do these articulations encourage? Drawing on 18 semi-structured interviews and observation at prison NGOs based in Moscow, the study shows that Russian NGO workers often view themselves and act as members of a middle class social movement in Russia. While NGOs tend to focus on the most economically disadvantaged and socially isolated groups in their work, the prisoners they depict when addressing the public and the press tend to represent more educated groups with higher levels of symbolic capital (political prisoners, those convicted of economic crimes, and former state employees), reflecting a desire to put prison on the middle class agenda. At the same time, prison NGO employees employ a class lens in their work with prisoners, and determine how to help prisoners based on their assessment of how the socio-economic background of the prisoner intersects with ethnicity, religion, ability/disability, region where they are serving their sentence, and region where they are from. In other words, prison NGO workers view prisoners through the resources they can accumulate using the simultaneous, intersecting dimensions of their status and their relation to other groups both in prison and outside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a larger ethnographic project in San Francisco, this essay illustrates the housing justice work of youth participants in San Francisco's Mission Roots youth organizing program. I introduce the concept of movement vulnerability to describe how developing ideology and political vision was central to their activism. This article draws from abolitionist political thoughtto highlight the carceral dimensions of displacement and gentrification in San Francisco. More importantly, an abolitionist lens allows us to recognize the creative and visionary dimensions of Mission Roots youth organizers' work. Furthermore, this article offers a reminder to youth studies and education scholars that organizing is a method of transforming material conditions and pursuing social justice projects, rather than a mere 'intervention' to promote conventional notions of academic and youth development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of 9/11 and the Trump campaign in 2016, organized Islamophobia has been on the rise in the U.S. In this article, I ask: How do those leading and participating in anti-Muslim mobilizations justify this discriminatory activism? To answer this question, I conducted a frame analysis of an anti-Muslim mobilization in Aberdeen, SD from 2016–2017. I analyzed the content of public meetings during this period (n = 8), the public Facebook posts of a local hate group, the Americans First, Task Force (n = 454), and individual Facebook user comments (n = 1370). I find that color-blind racist frames, place-based racial storytelling , white victimhood, and racialization are the central justifications deployed in this mobilization's frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the challenges faced by migrant, refugee, and multicultural communities in Australia during the Covid-19 pandemic. It discusses the difficulties these communities encounter in accessing essential resources and the rise in racism and discrimination they experience. The article emphasizes the importance of understanding the long-term effects of these issues beyond the pandemic. It introduces a special issue that includes ten research articles examining the challenges faced by multicultural communities during the pandemic and offering recommendations for policymakers and practitioners. The articles delve into the experiences of multicultural communities in Australia, focusing on racism, health disparities, and policy responses. They highlight the types of racism Asian Australians face, the impact of racism on health and social outcomes, and the barriers to reporting racism. The role of far-right actors in perpetuating racism and the effects of anti-Chinese sentiment are also explored. The research underscores the need for improved data collection on racism and calls for culturally sensitive communication, increased representation, and collaborative approaches to address pandemic-related racism. The issue also discusses the experiences of older migrants, the role of digital media in fostering a sense of belonging, and the shortcomings of Australia's multicultural policies during the pandemic. Overall, the articles provide valuable insights into the challenges faced by multicultural communities and the necessity for inclusive and fair responses. [Extracted from the article]

Health policies and the problems they constitute are deeply shaped by multiple publics. In this article we conceptualize health policy counterpublics : temporally bounded socio-political forms that aim to cultivate particular modes of conduct, generally to resist trajectories set by arms of the state. These counterpublics often emerge from existing social movements and involve varied forms of activism and advocacy. We examine a health policy counterpublic that has arisen in response to new forms of HIV public health surveillance by drawing on public documents and interview data from 2021 with 26 stakeholders who were critical of key policy developments. Since 2018, the national rollout of molecular HIV surveillance (MHS) and cluster detection and response (CDR) programs in the United States has produced sustained controversies among HIV stakeholders, including among organized networks of people living with HIV. This article focuses on how a health policy counterpublic formed around MHS/CDR and how constituents problematized the policy agenda set in motion by federal health agencies, including in relation to data ethics, the meaningful involvement of affected communities, informed consent, the digitization of health systems, and HIV criminalization. Although familiar problems in HIV policymaking, concerns about these issues have been reconfigured in response to the new sociotechnical milieu proffered by MHS/CDR, generating new critical positions aiming to remake public health. Critical attention to the scenes within which health policy controversies play out ought to consider how (counter)publics are made, how problems are constituted, and the broader social movement dynamics and activist resources drawn upon to contest and reimagine policymaking in public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements can seek to challenge the variety of housing financialisation processes in different ways. Focussing on the case of the Habita association, we examine strategies to contest housing financialisation, which has unfolded through different spatiotemporal dynamics fostered by the State, as well as outcomes of this social mobilisation in Portugal. We emphasise the importance of mixing 'invited' strategies with 'ínvented' strategies, highlighting, simultaneously, the significance of the economic and political context as the stage where the struggles and their opportunities develop. Success is always situated within a context. In this sense, the focus on the reputational pressure of some actors of the state is identified as a way of obtaining results under certain conditions. Our analysis shows that despite facing an enormous imbalance of power concerning actors promoting housing financialisation, housing movements can be important mobilisers and question the dominant paths, interfering with state policies and financialisation processes and showcasing the need for and possibility of building alternatives to the financialisation and commodification of housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political movements that from the end of the Second World War until 2018 have explicitly inscribed themselves in the tradition of anti-fascism: the women who built nursery schools in Emilia Romagna; the young people with the 'striped T-shirts'; the students of 1968; the protesters who mobilized on 25 April 1994 to defend the values of the Resistance and the constitution after Silvio Berlusconi's rise to power; the 'Panther'. Finally, it will examine a wide arc of political actors – including immigrants – who united anti-racism and anti-fascism after Luca Traini's 2018 attempted massacre in Macerata. The article highlights how, over the decades, anti-fascism has proven to be a generative resource: it has not only been transmitted to new generations and new social actors, but has also been given new meaning over time to address new questions coming from the present. The fascism evoked has never been an eternal and a-historical phenomenon or a simulacrum of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fascism has been a persistent topic in Italian public discourse since the founding of the Republic. This essay provides an analysis of the ways in which the narratives of fascism have developed within the Italian Social Movement (MSI), a party established by veterans and those nostalgic for fascism. Whether revolutionary or conservative, imperialistic or nationalist, 'Manchesterian' or inclined towards socialization, the depiction of fascism celebrated and narrated by the MSI is far from unambiguous. Using local press and archival documentation, this analysis will focus on specific narrative canons at key historical moments: the party's birth and the subsequent development of a right-wing ideological profile between the 1950s and 1960s; the 1970s, scrutinized in light of the reception of the debates among professional historians' on the regime; and the 1980s, examined within the context of the weakening anti-fascist paradigm and the crisis of the bipolar global balance. The aim is to trace how this historical discourse addressed the need to consolidate a community through nostalgia or the pursuit of other political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The memory of the Second World War is a widely debated topic in historiography, which has primarily investigated the channels that formed an indulgent and trivializing image of Italian participation in the conflict, according to the canon of the "good Italian" and the "bad German". This memory has developed primarily in Italy that did not identify with anti-fascism and tended to be more lenient even in remembering Mussolini's regime. This essay examines two magazines, Candido and Il Borghese, which are fully part of this anti-anti-fascist galaxy and the anti-communist right. The research was conducted on the periodicals from their first issues – from December 15, 1945, for Candido and from March 15, 1950, for Il Borghese – until 1956, focusing in particular on the interdependence between the memory of fascism and war and the political positions taken by the magazines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops an alternative vision of public sociology. Whereas public sociology is often defined through the actions of professional sociologists, this article calls for a recognition of reverse tutelage in public sociology. Here, publics are seen as sociological interlocutors who can, and often do, produce sociological theories and analyses that can inform professional sociology. I demonstrate this reverse tutelage by focusing on anticolonial and anti-racist social movements, including the Zapatistas, Black Lives Matter, Palestine Action, and Cops Are Flops. I highlight how they produce sociological theories of power, neoliberalism, race, bordering, and violence that can orient professional sociology toward relational forms of analysis that build connections between different sites of resistance. In doing so, I highlight how the boundary between what Burawoy terms "professional" and "critical" sociology is much more porous than initially theorized and that critical sociology—from wider publics—can significantly shape professional sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that, by looking to the generalization of a certain kind of artistic or creative character in paradigms of work, there is a view onto a different kind of relationship between culture and militant action and fugitivity. Here, the term destituent art is proposed to sketch out a form of cultural production that does or might lay waste not only to institutional targets of critique but also to the structurally immanent belief in institutional reform that underlies the aesthetics of that critique. It is an invitation to reconsider some key myths that structure art discourse (even if they appear as objects of critique) and an appeal to read that discursivity as not just productive but potentially destituent. To do so, the author reads operaismo's rereading of Marx against Marxism alongside theorizations of destituent insurrection through the subject of the artist. Some recent social movements in New York City targeting art institutions are analyzed to consider this connection. Like Colectivo Situaciones' discussion of destituent insurrection as a grammar that unifies surplus populations through their expressions of refusal (the riot, the strike, the commune) that are simultaneously modes of reorganizing forms of life, a destituent art would not signal a turn to a productive pessimism—that all creative work is already subsumed—but that the cultivation of destituent power actualizes and is actualized by the aesthetic production of places of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UEFA Europa League group stage clash on 24 October and 7 November 2019 between Celtic FC of Glasgow and SS Lazio of Rome offers fascinating insight into ultra social movements as forms of leadership. This exploratory research paper conceptualizes this tie as an Event that provides both a pivotal point of cross-cultural reflection on ultra fan groups as emergent social movements, and a means for the examination of forms of social leadership in contemporary society. In such terms, the paper initiates a critical consideration of The Green Brigade, a self-styled ultra fan group of Celtic FC as an emerging social movement, characterizes the group in terms of the differentiated ultra/ultraS binary, begins to qualitatively address the question as to levels of support for the group among the wider constituency of Celtic supporters, and as such, tentatively explores the groups' leadership and organizational characteristics. The research concludes that a creative and action-oriented leadership style can be discerned. While organizational characteristics require further examination, intimations of a logic of development emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Bureau Men, Settlement Women: Constructing Public Administration in the Progressive Era" by Camilla Stivers is a gendered evaluation of the history of Public Administration, focusing on the contributions of women during the turn of the 20th century. The book challenges the traditional narrative of Public Administration and highlights the previously overlooked role of women in governance. Stivers argues for the inclusion of marginalized voices in the study and practice of Public Administration, emphasizing the need for a more diverse and inclusive approach to governance. The book also examines the gendered dynamics of reform and the contrasting approaches of the Municipal Research Bureaus and the Settlement Women. Overall, "Bureau Men, Settlement Women" offers a thought-provoking perspective on the history and future of Public Administration. [Extracted from the article]

"The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits" by Jed Esty and "The Long 2020" edited by Richard Grusin and Maureen Ryan are two books that explore the concept of decline in the United States. These books challenge the nostalgic longing for stability and greatness in the US and argue that decline can be an opportunity for social change and renewal. They also examine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the US, revealing the vulnerabilities and inequalities in society. The article emphasizes the importance of studying cultural narratives and formations in understanding and navigating decline, and calls for a reimagining of freedom and politics. It also discusses the decline of the US as an empire and the potential for new visions of freedom and belonging. The text highlights the need to consider both subjective experience and objective structures in analyzing the past and envisioning the future. [Extracted from the article]

This article contributes to understanding how civil nuclear power shaped post-war British history through studying opposition to nuclear energy in Scotland. Over the second half of the twentieth century, pessimistic assessments challenged the optimism that had developed during the 1950s. Under devolution, Scottish administrations have used planning policies to block future nuclear generating plants, institutionalising a marked distinction with the rest of the UK. The origins of these differences are traced to anti-nuclear protests and the growth of a social movement coalition that linked anti-nuclear activism with growing public sentiment and electoral politics, particularly through the Scottish National Party (SNP). Reflections from oral history interviews are used to examine diverse local protest contexts supplemented by archives from the anti-nuclear movement and the SNP. During the 1970s, protests against Torness power station in East Lothian and the drilling of test bores for waste disposal in South Ayrshire were given a national orientation by SNP politicians. Over the course of the 1980s, the anti-nuclear coalition broadened through growing opposition to Torness and in response to the Chernobyl disaster. These changes encouraged a lasting symbiosis between pro-devolution and anti-nuclear sentiments which were subsequently embodied in policies pursued by devolved administrations during the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Education / Revue Canadienne de l'Éducation is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues for philanthropy to align itself with social movements and prioritize the needs and perspectives of those most impacted by oppression. It emphasizes the importance of acknowledging the origins of philanthropic wealth and the need to return it to the people. The article also calls for philanthropy to be a site of contestation and to support social movements in a way that is accountable and in service of their goals. It highlights the transformative potential of social movements and their root cause analysis, as well as their ability to resist and construct alternatives. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of solidarity and true allyship in philanthropy's work with social movements. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the problem with the Effective Altruism (EA) and Longtermist (LT) worldview, which is rooted in a mechanistic and dualistic understanding of reality. It argues that this worldview overlooks the interconnectedness and intelligence of all living beings within a sentient ecology and cosmos. The article proposes a post-capitalist, life-centric approach as an alternative, which values symbiotic relationships, reciprocity, and cooperation with all beings. It suggests that philanthropy should move away from control and attribution and instead embrace humble contribution, solidarity, and cooperation. The article emphasizes the need to transition to an ecosystemic lens and to think and behave like good ancestors for the sake of our collective social and ecological well-being. [Extracted from the article]

Since the 1980s, scholars have been documenting protest movements against the building of large hydropower dams. These movements have arisen mainly in communities where people have experienced displacement and loss of livelihood without receiving proper compensation. Less attention has been paid to community action and environmental movements that promoted the restoration of canalised, diverted, depleted and/or polluted rivers. Since the beginning of the 2000s, however, more attention is being paid in academic literature to communities and social movements that propose to remove dams, stop pollution of rivers, restore fish ecosystems, or rewild rivers. There has also been increased interest in movements advocating for the granting of legal personhood to rivers and in those that are opposing dams because they want to protect free-flowing rivers for fish migration or tourism. A systematic literature review was undertaken in order to analyse scientific publications on diverse river defence and restoration movements. A relatively small number (104) of publications was retrieved, but these nevertheless showed a diversity in geographic spread and coverage of river issues and river movement strategies. The attention of the publications shifted from anti-dam protests to a variety of issues including especially river pollution, and to a minor degree issues like indigenous rights and rights of rivers. Most of the publications addressed river movements in the USA and India and the majority did not describe the movements’ activities in detail; several, however, described effective activism, advocacy, citizen science monitoring, and litigation. The review suggests that river movements contribute to democratic governance and environmental justice. It also shows that the scientific literature is focused mainly on large anti-dam protests and pays less attention to local river activism and its networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the work and contributions of Dorothy Smith to the field of adult education. Smith, a feminist sociologist, challenged the established discipline of sociology and developed the concept of ruling relations. She emphasized the importance of understanding the everyday world and the experiences of individuals within it. Smith's work focused on the agency and consciousness of people, and she provided a revolutionary way of understanding and changing society. The article also highlights the application of Smith's institutional ethnography method in adult education research. [Extracted from the article]

This paper aims to bring reflections and notes for strengthening Brazilian structuring public policies, focusing on Popular Health Education in the Unified Health System (SUS) from the perspectives built in the Observatory of Popular Health Education and the Brazilian Reality. The Observatory is a valuable space for sharing health professionals' and popular educators' interpretations and experiences about local and Brazilian realities from the perspective of Popular Health Education. During its two years of activity, the Observatory has gathered summary interpretations of Popular Health Education for the crises that traverse the country's recent history in a dialogical and participatory way. In a panoramic view, the shared statements point to challenges for valuing the human approach to health promotion, including respecting local and community knowledge and social practices. Moreover, we underscore the importance of social participation in constructing participatory social processes in public health toward citizen autonomy and expanded democratic dynamics in the Brazilian State and its social equipment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the impacts of feminism on challenging and combating anti-woman ideologies and practices in contemporary society. Objective of this study is to explore implications of the anti-feminist shift within modern feminist trends. The women were restricted to their domiciles throughout Western civilization; neither were they allowed to possess property, pursue education, or engage in public life in medieval Europe. Women were denied the ability to vote, to pursue higher education, and to enter the workforce. The development of this study involved a quantitative base and survey was constructed for population aged 15 and above. Sample of 384 respondents using Cochran formula was obtained, specifically graduate & postgraduate students & faculty members. To produce feminist attitude, measure Likerttype scale was designed. The results were contained with reliability of .784. This study indorses evaluating interdisciplinary ideology of anti-feminism. Recognize its shifting nature while in view of regional and national specifics and global trends. The threat that anti-feminist speech and practices pose to the women's rights worldwide should be recognized by governments and authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Management and organization studies (MOS) scholars have recently brought attention to the lack of engagement with social equity and justice in tackling grand challenges. We argue that environmental justice (EJ) can deepen MOS' engagement with social equity in addressing grand challenges, particularly climate change. Through a bibliometric analysis and qualitative review, we explore scholarly communities within EJ literature and draw connections to MOS research. We develop three bridges between EJ and MOS scholarship: (a) investigating organizational roles and processes in distributing environmental benefits and burdens within socioecological systems, (b) situating the firm within structural and historical contexts that create and perpetuate environmental injustices, and (c) prioritizing the goals, perspectives, and agency of activists and neglected voices within environmental conflicts and solutions. Ultimately, this review aims to build meaningful pathways to embed EJ in MOS research on grand challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of American empire are overdue for critical scholarship on the secret U.S. documents that Chelsea Manning sent to WikiLeaks in 2010. The documents feature important information about the role of the United States in the world, but few scholars have investigated what the documents reveal about the structures and operations of American empire. This paper proposes two ways for scholars of American empire to begin incorporating the documents into their research. First, this paper calls for recognition of a field of study called American empire studies. Scholars have been conducting research on empire for over a century, but they have not organized a field of study that is needed for critical scholarship, such as work with the WikiLeaks documents. Second, this paper identifies a method of analysis called the critical diplomatic history method. Several works of critical scholarship provide lessons for how scholars can use the critical diplomatic history method to examine the WikiLeaks documents. By identifying a field of study and a method of analysis, this paper makes the case that scholars can work with the WikiLeaks documents to reveal hidden imperial structures, generate momentum for dismantling the American empire, and empower social movements that are working to create a better world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to highlight the potential contributions of the post-critical perspective to social movement learning (SML). To achieve this aim, the study employs a thematic analysis of findings derived from a systematic literature review on deconsumption (an umbrella term understood as rejection of consumerism together with materialistic values prevalent in the Western consumer societies, encompassing movements such as voluntary simplicity, freeganism etc.). Identified themes are presented within the framework of post-critical pedagogy and analysed through its lens. This approach allows the researcher to demonstrate the implications and insights of the post-critical perspective in SML and adult education. This article argues that integrating the post-critical perspective into SML can yield a novel understanding of pertinent issues within this subfield. Such an application not only broadens the scope of adult education but also expands post-critical pedagogy itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female education is the best way to save a society, as Napoleon said; "Give me an educated mother, and I will give you an educated nation". In Pukhtun society especially in areas where Pukhtun societal codes are strong it is extremely uncommon for women to get education however Charasdda happened to be a strictly Pukhtun yet progressive region since the times of Khudai khidmatgar social movement which was run to aware Pukhtoon from education. However; this paper is particularly highlighting the significance of educated mothers and her influence on the education, health and living standards of her daughters. For this purpose, a survey of educated women of 50 respondents and a structured interview of uneducated women of 10 respondents were conducted. The empirical data is provided is tables for each question asked. The results showed that 40-45 women out of 50 educated women are positive about education, physical and mental health, high living standards, financial independency and consensus of daughters in marriage. 5-10 members revealed hesitation because of low socioeconomic status or strong patriarchal effects. The interviews from the illiterate females presented a negative turn towards overall wellbeing of daughters according to international standards. 6-7 respondents were on the extreme side while 3-4 were flexible towards the societal progress for daughters’ wellbeing. The perspective of illiterate women provides are wide reflection of a Pukhtun society. The result portion of the paper highlights the main outcomes on the wellbeing of daughters of educated mothers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Comportamentalia is the property of Instituto de Psicologia y Educacion de la Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Philanthropy is a contentious and often polarising topic within egalitarian social movements. There are good reasons for this. Philanthropy is reliant on the inequalities inherent in the capitalist system, is fundamentally at odds with democratic relationships, and can moderate or control the activities of recipients. This article therefore starts from the premise that philanthropy violates egalitarian ideals in very significant ways. However, it goes on to suggest that, absent a ruptural change that would drastically weaken the bases of philanthropic wealth, there is a strategic and contingent case for its selective use so long as it pushes existing configurations of power in more egalitarian directions. In making this case, the article draws primarily on the work of Wright (2010) but also on recent developments in the political theory of philanthropy. It calls for a critical literacy around philanthropy that combines an openness to experimentation with a clear-eyed sense of its significant risks. In this respect, it outlines specific conditions and strategies that movements should adopt if they pursue or accept philanthropic funding. Firstly, movements must deliberately articulate and actively defend their transformative vision, clarifying in the process the tactical place of philanthropy within this. Secondly, they must resist funder conditionalities, and preserve egalitarian modes of organising in the face of practices which undermine participatory ideals and threaten relations of care and solidarity. The article's chief contribution is to integrate normative insights with lessons from the sociological literature on movement-philanthropy relations, for the sake of systematically untangling a live and troublesome issue within the praxis of radical movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 20th century, the Confucian intellectual elites in Vietnam developed the informal education into a movement to fight against the contemporary government. Surpassing the goal of the cultural and social struggle between the intellectuals and the ruling government, the informal education activity became a large movement, evoking a variety of issues that need to be researched in reference to education. The article collects documents and presents the course of this informal education, from the explosive premises making its heyday in Vietnam, such as the new breeze of Journey to the east movement, the unprecedented hallmark of Modernization movement. From the results, the informal education left the wide range of valuable experiences of academical ideas, organizational levels, learning and teaching principles, guidelines for developing national education. Vietnam's informal education in the early 20th century needs to be researched more deeply from the educational perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Eutopía: Revista de Desarrollo Económico Territorial is the property of Eutopia: Revista de Desarrollo Economico Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper critically synthesizes leading edge scholarship on neurodiversity, arguing that sociology could expand its account for the relationship between self and society through attention to the (a)social practices of those constructed as neurologically disabled. Autistic scholar‐activism birthed the neurodiversity paradigm, which claims respect for neurological diversity and its social manifestations. Sexual and gender variation are among those. I review research on the confluence of neurological, sexual, and gender variance, pointing to opportunities for documenting the roles of social institutions in constructing and regulating divergent bodyminds, as well as new intersectional identities and social movements. Next, I synthesize nascent literature developing neuroqueer theory. "Neuroqueer" articulates the queer nature of neurodivergence and examines the entwinement of the two. Centering the epistemic authority of bodyminds problematized as lacking self‐control/intent, perspective‐taking, and reliance on the social symbolic, neuroqueer scholars forward (a)social ways of knowing, communicating, communing, and being human. Focusing on neuronormativity, interdependent with better‐recognized normativities (e.g., gender, ethnicity, etc.), neuroqueer theory offers fresh perspective on how dominant concepts and relations render some bodyminds problematic—legitimate objects of exclusion, marginalization, and "rehabilitation." In doing so, it troubles sociological ideas about agency, sociality, communication, and what it means to be/have a (social) self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing body of research focused on athlete activism and social movements in the sport literature. One lineage of research examined consumer perceptions and reactions to these movements. Such discussions, however, generally concentrate on detecting changes in consumer behaviors rather than understanding the nuance in those changing behaviors. The present study advances the literature by considering how two potential factors – the size of protests and the geographic proximity consumers have to a protest – impact attendance at NFL games. The present study utilizes social protests carried out by professional American football players in 2016–2017 to measure the number of workers who participated in the protests. Specifically, estimations of Tobit and fixed-effects regressions from 1003 games examine whether protests conducted by NFL players impact attendance in local markets. Findings from all estimated models suggest that as the number of players who participated in the protests increased, there was a decline in NFL attendance. Moreover, consumers were sensitive only to protests occurring within their own local market, indicating consumers tended to react to protests for teams located in the same city. Scholars argue that for social movements to be successful in disrupting organizations, many participants are needed. In response to this point, the present research extends the research in sport-based social movements by developing further understanding of how they impact consumer behaviors, and thus affect the management of sport organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contexts where political corruption is endemic, why would political elites build state capacity to prosecute corruption? Prior studies emphasize exogenous pressure from social movements or international organizations and the rise of political leaders committed to fighting corruption. While important, these factors are not sufficient to explain the case of Brazil, where politicians empowered investigative bureaucracies, even though several political elites later became victims of prosecution. Drawing on document analysis of charges and sentences and on 110 in-depth interviews with prosecutors, judges, and politicians, I develop a framework that focuses on the processes through which corruption is criminalized on the ground. By examining the initiatives of politicians in interaction with the actions of civil servants who investigate and prosecute cases of corruption, I show that political elites empowered investigators because, at the time, these steps seemed innocuous. Prosecutors later reframed how they talked about corruption—getting other colleagues to pay attention to this issue—and learned new strategies to uncover corruption schemes, but these changes happened under the radar: they were not visible to politicians. Popular pressure also led courts to broaden the definition of corruption and lower the threshold of evidence for it, but these decisions took place after the politicians' actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research problem is the influence of global crisis on identity and daily life of Montenegrin people. The subject is the political construction of (Montenegrin) identity, as a result of social control on everyday life, where identities are born. For the purpose of researching this relation, the starting point is the explanatory potential of J. Habermas's contemporary socio-political theory about the colonization of the lifeworld by an expansionist logic of the political-economic constellation (system). Scientific goals are: 1) description of the colonization of the lifeworld and the construction of (Montenegrin) identity, as an indicator of social crisis (in Montenegro); 2) understanding the causal factors (causes, motives) of (Montenegrin) identity construction; 3) generic explanation of the political construction of (Montenegrin) identity, through strategies, policies, educational and media influences. Social goals refer to: 1) expansion of the fund of knowledge about contemporary (Montenegrin) society and its problematic aspects; 2) pragmatic explanations of the problem of social control of everyday life through the re-actualization of socio-political concepts; 3) indication of guidelines for possible changes for the better in the sphere of everyday life in the foreseeable future. The methodology concerns the main hypothesis that by constructing the identity of people in the post-industrial society, social control of everyday life is realized. Auxiliary hypotheses are: 1) Identity construction takes place through strategies, policies, educational and media influences as segments of social control aimed at managing social resources from the local to the global level. 2) With instruments of social control, a desirable system of values of individuals and social groups is established with the aim of preventing, delaying, compensating, and transforming their potential subversive action (undermining the system from within). The independent or causal variable is the social control of everyday life, while the dependent or consequential variable is the constructed identity. Making final findings will be facilitated by the synthesis, inductive and deductive methods of reasoning, as well as the method of comparison with a case study. The results refer to the achieved goals and the general conclusion that the system's power logic reduces the sphere of free and open communication of individuals, thus their identity becomes a place of permanent crisis due to the threat of the meaning of everyday life within which identity is formulated. This crisis is the reason that identities will remain endangered until the question of alienation of life is raised, in accordance with the capitalist imperatives of unlimited economic growth and consumption, and instrumental-rational interaction. As a reaction to the system dominance, the forces of resistance are strengthening, in the form of new alternative grassroots social movements, such as Civil Movement United Reform Action (URA), in Montenegro, which is pro-European green political party of the left center and social-liberal ideological provenance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article advances recent debates on social movement (relational) fields, outcomes, and successes by suggesting that the analysis of such fields as a whole must be temporal. The relational interpersonal and intersubjective choices made by interdependent actors in social life take place in fields of interaction, but these interactions and their networks of social relations have a history. Hence, the social movement field is characterised by multiple temporal periods through which the actions of activists both shape and are shaped by the long-term socio-political environments in which they are embedded. To develop this analysis, we identify a football supporter-movement in England, 'Safe Standing', revealing the complex interplay of cultural and technological patterns of interaction across the compelling timeframes and orientations of a 30-year movement field. Adopting a theoretical framework which synthesises research on the strategic interactions of movement 'players' and 'arenas', and sport-focused security fields, we identify a series of compound and sub-players across the political, symbolic, mediatised, technological, and legislative arenas which constitute the security field of contention, in what is an under-researched lifeworld in sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This informal presentation seeks to analyze the late Brinsley Samaroo's major work as a historian. It discusses his pioneering research and writing on labour and political struggles in Trinidad & Tobago in the last century, and his involvement in research on the indentured Indian Diaspora in that country and in the Caribbean more generally. It also notes his work as a public intellectual and cultural activist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Naga Forum (GNF), a Naga civil society organization, spearheaded the historic Naga solidarity walk on 20 July 2022, to unify the fragmented and dispersed Nagas across borders. GNF's Facebook page acts as a transnationalizing platform in its attempt to amplify Naga voices and build networks for social and political change. A thematic analysis of 321 textual posts extracted from GNF's Facebook page reveals key themes such as peace, unity, inclusivity, solidarity, and resilience. Data show that activity spikes around Naga historical landmarks, and the top three types of posts are videos, pictures, and relay posts, with mostly "like" and "love" reactions to videos, pictures, and news updates. The sentiment analysis of the 863 comments reveals maximum positive sentiments in solidarity with the Naga cause and minimal negative expressions attributed to frustration, condemnation, and skepticism. Naga's contentious politics via social media is constructed as a transnational social movement amplifying their grievances with a non-violent approach. The nationalist factors reveal a strong desire to reclaim the Naga homeland and the right to self-determination. In the role of a choreographer, GNF orients towards the symbolic condensation of the Nagas, based on "a Naga is a Naga" identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A US experiment (n = 1506) demonstrated how a new approach to writing protest stories challenges press patterns in the United States of underrepresented groups. News stories that explain the goals and background of a protest—a concept called legitimizing—and that humanize—rather than criminalize—a person whose death sparked a protest led news audiences to better understand the protest and those involved in the social movement. We also found that those with conservative political beliefs perceived these stories as less credible than those written following journalistic norms typical in the United States that tend to cast protesters and their causes in a negative light, although the opposite was true for those with liberal views. Results are discussed in relation to the protest paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of lone-actor terrorist attacks over the past decade has led to a rapidly expanding literature and a subfield of research. However, this research has only to a limited degree been brought into wider discussions on political violence and social movements. In the present article, we take up this synthetic challenge and argue the need to theorize the social and collective dynamics of lone-actor terrorism. The article proposes a novel analytical framework for understanding lone-actor terrorism. We provide a conceptualization that draws attention to the social embeddedness of terrorist lone-actor radicalization and the collective dynamic of lone-actor attacks. Our point of departure is the recurrent finding that lone-actor terrorists are in fact not that alone, and that their attacks tend to cluster in time and space. First, we propose to conceive of lone-actor radicalization as a relational pathway shaped by social ties and interactions with radical milieus/movements. Second, taking inspiration from Charles Tilly's notion of "scattered attacks" as a pattern of dispersed, loosely coordinated collective violence, we suggest three complementary ways of analyzing these processes and their temporal and interactive dynamic. We argue that theorizing the social and collective dynamics of lone-actor political violence is not only about addressing an empirical puzzle (the abundance of social ties; the clustered pattern of violent attacks), but about analytically capturing an entirely different and potentially increasingly relevant logic of violent processes. Thereby, and paradoxically, the very notion of "lone actors" can help us to understand the social dynamics of collective political violence more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mental health advocacy and activism have been highlighted as important in the effort towards creating environments for better mental health. However, relevant research in low- and middle-income country settings remains limited and lacks critical exploration. We seek to contribute to filling this gap by exploring driving factors behind mental health advocacy and activism efforts in low- and middle-income country settings. This review uses a critically informed thematic analysis employing conceptual frameworks of productive power to analyse peer-reviewed articles on mental health advocacy or activism over the last 20 years. We suggest that the current body of research is marred by superficial explorations of activism and advocacy, partly due to a lack of cohesion around definitions. Based on our findings, we suggest a conceptual framework to guide deeper explorations of mental health advocacy and activism. This framework identifies 'legitimacy', 'context' and 'timing' as the main dimensions to consider in understanding activism and advocacy efforts. The fact that they remain misunderstood and underappreciated creates missed opportunities for meaningful inclusion of lived experience in policy decisions and limits our understanding of how communities envision and enact change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local agri-food disruptive innovations are becoming increasingly crucial for the transformation of agri-food regimes towards sustainability. This study incorporates a systemic approach to explore the relevance of various capacities available at the city region level to prepare, initiate, and lead a change in the sustainability trajectory of local agri-food systems. It explores the city of Valdivia, Chile, which has a large movement of sustainable cooperatives and diverse disruptive private and public agri-food initiatives that are challenging the deep free-market economic and social model with an agro-exporting, competitive, and centralist focus. Through the systemic approach of sustainability transition studies, themes of emergence and development of local agri-food transition processes are being developed, and the findings are linked to studies of social movements and the social and solidarity economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Business Studies is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Old Belief emerged as a broad social and religious movement in the second half of the 17th century as a result of church reform. The Old Believers who did not adopt the reforms were forced to flee to the outer reaches of Russia and were persecuted by both the church and secular powers until the beginning of the 20th century. This contributed to a great extent to the development of eschatological opinions and the striving for social and general isolation. A distinctive feature of the Old Believers' culture is traditionalism, which is expressed in both everyday and religious practice. Old Belief, as a form of Christianity, is seen among most scholars and the general public as an exclusively Russian phenomenon. However, it was also quite widespread among a number of Finno-Ugric peoples; in the territory of the Ural and Volga region most of the non-Russian Old Believers were Mordovians or Komi-Permyaks. The main reasons for the process of transition from 'inorodtsy' ('infidels') to 'raskolniks'1 ('schismatics') were the lack of social barriers (both were religious outsiders) and the conflict caused by the State's policy of violent Christianisation. There were many different nuances in this process related to the problem of language, the perception among Finno-Ugrians of the use of books, and the closed nature of the group. In this paper, I would like to describe this based on archival documents and my own field research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Çiğdem Çidam's book "In the Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship" explores the significance of contemporary social movements, such as the Occupy movement and the Gezi Park protests, for political theory. The book argues that political theorists often fail to appreciate the democratic features of protest politics and emphasizes the importance of understanding the working existence of democracy within these movements. Çidam examines the ideas of philosophers like Rousseau, Negri, Habermas, and Rancière to demonstrate how they either overlook or misinterpret the democratic potential of spontaneous action. The book also delves into the case of the Gezi Park movement, highlighting the intermediating practices and political friendships that shaped the movement's dynamics. Overall, "In the Street" challenges traditional evaluations of protest movements based on their success or failure and calls for a reorientation towards democratic intersubjectivity in understanding contemporary protest. [Extracted from the article]

"The Epistemology of Protest" by José Medina is a book that explores the normative arguments surrounding the duty to protest injustice. It emphasizes the transformative power of protest in creating alternative publics and challenges misconceptions about protest in western liberal democracies. The book offers a pluralistic and contextualist approach to protest, focusing on the communicative and epistemic power of collective learning and discovery. It also discusses the importance of centering the voices of the oppressed and recognizing the communicative and epistemic agency of protesters. The text raises questions about the scope of protest, the role of civility and incivility, and the issue of silencing within protest movements. It calls for scholars and activists to actively work towards including marginalized voices in discussions of gender and sexuality. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)