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We often talk about peace as if the concept is self-explanatory. Yet people can have various theories about what peace "is." In this study, we examine the lay theories of peace of citizens embroiled in a prolonged ethnonational conflict. We show that lay theories of peace 1) depend on whether one belongs to the high-power or low-power party and 2) explain citizens' fundamental approaches to conflict resolution. Specifically, we explore the link between power asymmetry, lay theories of peace, and preference for conflict resolution strategies within large-scale samples of Palestinian residents of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and Jewish residents of Israel. Results reveal that members of the high-power group (in this case Jewish-Israelis) are more likely to associate peace with harmonious relationships (termed "positive peace") than with the attainment of justice (termed "structural peace"), while members of the low-power group (in this case Palestinians) exhibit an opposite pattern. Yet both groups firmly and equally interpret peace as the termination of war and bloodshed (termed "negative peace"). Importantly, across societies, associating peace with negative peace more than with positive or structural peace predicts citizens' desire for a solution that entails the partition of land (the Two-State Solution) whereas associating peace with structural or positive peace more than with negative peace predicts citizens' desire to solve the conflict by sharing the land (the One-State Solution). This study demonstrates the theoretical and policy-relevant utility of studying how those most affected by war understand the concept of peace., Competing Interests: The authors declare no competing interest.

There is substantial evidence that individuals affected by conflict suffer poor physical and mental outcomes, particularly in indicators of well-being. This study assesses the health-related quality of life (HRQoL), perceived stress and insecurity of Palestinian young adults in the West Bank. We surveyed 398 university students from Nablus (mean age = 20.1) using the SF-36 to measure HRQoL, the PSS-4 to assess stress and a context-specific insecurity instrument. A third of participants reported Israeli citizenship, and the results indicated better outcomes in these individuals in several outcomes, with the noteworthy exception of insecurity. This study is one of the first to assess citizenship of West Bank Palestinians as a potential covariate to predict measures of well-being. Because citizenship is such a meaningful issue for Palestinians and is related to individual freedom and access to resources, this study suggests that there are complex dynamics outside of typical demographic variables that contribute to well-being.

Papillon-Lefevre syndrome (PLS) is an autosomal recessive disorder characterised by severe early onset periodontitis and palmoplantar hyperkeratosis. A previously reported missense mutation in the CTSC gene (NM_001814.4:c.899G>A:p.(G300D)) was identified in a homozygous state in two siblings diagnosed with PLS in a consanguineous family of Arabic ancestry. The variant was initially identified in a heterozygous state in a PLS unaffected sibling whose whole exome had been sequenced as part of a previous Primary ciliary dyskinesia study. Using this information, a proxy molecular diagnosis was made on the PLS affected siblings after consent was given to study this second disorder found to be segregating within the family. The prevalence of the mutation was then assayed in the local population using a representative sample of 256 unrelated individuals. The variant was absent in all subjects indicating that the variant is rare in Saudi Arabia. This family study illustrates how whole-exome sequencing can generate findings and inferences beyond its primary goal.

Arab nations are decades behind many other previously colonized nations in developing stronger economies, more democratic institutions, and more autonomy and self-government, in part as a result of external interference. The year 2011 brought the potential for greater Arab autonomy through popular uprisings against autocratic governments in Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen, and through the Palestinian request for state recognition by the United Nations. We examined the psychology of support for Arab ascendancy among adults in 14 nations in the Balkans, the Middle East, Asia, Oceania, Europe, and North America. We predicted and found that people low on social dominance orientation endorsed forming an independent Palestinian state and desired that the Arab uprisings succeed. Rejection of ideologies that legitimize outside interference with Arabs mediated this support. Measures and model results were robust across world regions. We discuss theoretical implications regarding the advent of new ideologies and extending social dominance theory to address international relations.

This article examines the myth of the supposed superiority of the desert noble savage over civilized man. With the Bedouin of Arabia and the Aborigines of Australia as its two prime examples, the article argues that two versions of this myth can be traced: one in which the desert noble savage is valorized due to his valour, physical prowess and martial skill (Bedouin); and another, later version, where the desert noble savage is valorized as a pacifist, an ecologist and a mythmaker/storyteller (Aborigines). The article concludes by examining the way in which this turn from one type of desert noble savage to another reflects the manner in which western modernity has shifted its values from Cartesian dualities and Enlightenment rationalism to that of networks, potentialities, ecology and myth.