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Unlike Western European countries, in Poland, there are two groups of native Muslim citizens: the Tatars and converts to Islam. They differ from mainstream society by their religion – Islam, and the Tatars, additionally, by their ethnicity. However, one of these groups – Islam converts – is racialised by the other. We argue that the Polish Tatars can use the repertoire of both sides – non-Muslim mainstream society and born Muslims – in order to otherise and racialise Polish converts to Islam. As autochthonous Poles, whose membership in mainstream society has never been questioned, they can employ strategies used by non-Muslims. As born Muslims they can build on the wide range of strategies against Islam newcomers. Moreover, the racialisation of Polish converts seems to be a strategy that aims to maintain the boundaries between these two groups and the positive self-assessment of the Tatars. This article contributes to the scholarship on racialisation of white converts to Islam by bringing out the local context with unique dynamics and power relations between different groups of Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni is the property of Editrice Morcelliana S.p.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In January 2006, the landmark judgment made by the Syariah High Court of Seremban in the case of Nyonya Binti Tahir, Ex-Parte Majlis Agama Islam Negeri Sembilan that Nyonya Binti Tahir was no longer a Muslim at the time of her death and allowed her family to carry out her funeral. The decision was held after the Syariah High Court Judge considered the deceased affidavit and the testimonies of the deceased children who are non-Muslims. The decision contrasted with one made in December 2005, Kaliammal a/p Sinnasamy v. Pengarah Jabatan Agama Islam Wilayah Persekutuan (JAWI), in which the Federal Territories of Syariah High Court determined that the deceased, Mount Everest climber Moorthy a/l Maniam, was a Muslim based on a military record, despite not having heard the testimony from his wife, Kaliammal. The Syariah Court of the Federal Territories refused to hear her testimony since she did not have any stand to testify in court. This case commentary critically analyses the rationale behind the Syariah High Court's decision in the following case Nyonya Binti Tahir, Ex-Parte Majlis Agama Islam Negeri Sembilan in admitting non-Muslim testimony in the Syariah court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to understand education in light of the complex multiethnic relationships and politics prevailing in the state of Manipur. With the sustained tension between the Nagas, Kukis, and Meiteis over the matter of identity, education in the state remains massively divided along ethnic lines. That said, the Meiteis, as the ethnic majority, have been systematically influential in prioritising their identity and development in education, as its control remains in their purview. The subsequent claim and counterclaim regarding the imposition of the dominant Meitei language and culture in the school curriculum have further worsened the ethnic relationship. Consequently, the perceived sense of alienation by the tribal minorities in this sense has added to their sectarian aspirations and detachment from the state. Thus, through fieldwork and a review of literature, this paper presents the various discourses concerning the complex tussle over the control of resources and governance in the education system of Manipur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This film review explores Return to Seoul's portrayal of a French-Korean adopted person's negotiation with visiting and living in South Korea, as well as the inclusion of a birth search and reunion narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the Indian parliament adopted the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, which grants citizenship to non-Muslims 'persecuted' minorities such as Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis or Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Protests were held against the CAA in various parts of India. For protestors, the CAA is contrary to the secular character of the Indian citizenship. Supporters of the CAA also held rallies enumerating its benefits. This paper traces the historical evolution of the constitutional debates and changes in the Indian citizenship rules, and examines the socio-political impact of the CAA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1908 Revolution of the Young Turks not only put an end to the autocratic rule of Sultan Abdülhamit II by making him restore the 1876 Constitution–thus reestablishing the constitutional monarchy–it also proclaimed the equality of Muslims and non-Muslims. Fraternity seemed to reign the day. However, early tensions between Muslims and non-Muslims, particularly the Greeks, soon arose over how the 1908 parliamentary elections were conducted. The elections demonstrated that Muslims–"the dominant nation"–were not ready to accept the newly proclaimed equality, and despite assertions that religion and ethnicity were not going to play any role in 1908 parliamentary elections, they were in fact central to the conduct and consequences of those elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Against a backdrop of racialised nationalism and widespread securitisation of Muslim communities, how are those on the British political left responding to the issue of Islamophobia? This paper draws together empirical accounts from anti-racist activists with a series of theoretical contributions from scholars in the field of ‘race’ and racism studies. I point towards an ambivalence in talking about and challenging Islamophobia amongst non-Muslim activists, and highlight accounts by Muslim activists of marginalisation and Islamophobia on the British left. I argue that these trends are best understood – and critically addressed – by drawing on understandings of racialisation and nationalism. Finally, I consider how we might think about the role of Muslim activists on the left, drawing on the concept of the ‘racialised outsider’ (Virdee [2014. Racism, Class and the Racialized Outsider. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan]) to argue that their experiences and analyses place them in a unique position from which to challenge Islamophobia in the current moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay surveys the long history of Christian-Muslim relations in Egypt. Interfaith relations in this context have ranged from cordial to tense, depending on a variety of internal and external factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A spate of terrorist attacks in the Muslim-majority world and the non-Muslim-majority West has sparked debates about an alleged double standard in Western news coverage of terrorism victims, with critics alleging Western news outlets are less concerned with Muslim victims than non-Muslim victims. This content analysis comparatively examined American newspaper framing of two terror attacks occurring in the non-Muslim West with three attacks occurring in the Muslim-majority world. Findings show American papers covered attacks in non-Muslim-majority societies prominently and framed them as acts of terrorism, and covered attacks in Muslim-majority societies scantily and framed them as internal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a societal perspective, religion is one variable that contributes to economic growth. Islamic banks' brand image remained limited to Muslims, not to other consumers worldwide. Therefore, the point of this study is to examine the impact of religiosity on non-Muslims' perceptions of Islamic banks when compared to internal characteristics such as location, advertising, and product. This research applies a quantitative approach, analyzing numerical data from non-Muslim community demographic descriptions. The causal and contributory relationships between variables are estimated. This research employed a route analysis approach--a questionnaire with a Likert scale was utilized in conjunction with in-depth interviews. The sample was selected from Palangka Raya, Central Kalimantan, a multi-ethnic, multicultural, and primarily multi-religious city with 370 non-Muslims. The analysis method used path analysis that helped by SPSS 17.0. The sample was selected using a mix of area sampling and convenience sampling. The findings indicated that religion had little influence and made a negligible contribution to non-Muslims' perceptions of Islamic banking. The marketing mix elements of location, promotion, and product have a more significant effect on how Islamic banks are perceived. Islamic banks are not widely perceived as being exclusively for Muslims. Religious considerations are not the primary element in choosing a bank. Non-Muslims are typical sensible buyers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tolerance is claimed not just as central to liberalism, but increasingly as the sole preserve of a liberal order. This essay opens up a critical space for examining the naturalized relationship between liberalism and tolerance by focusing on the political thought of Javed Ahmad Ghamidi (1951–), a prominent Pakistani public intellectual who is often labeled as a "liberal" Islamic thinker. Ghamidi has never identified himself as one. Using as an investigative opportunity the disjuncture between his self-identification and how his ideas are labeled, and placing Ghamidi's ideas within the wider tradition of Islamic thought, this essay elaborates on his vision of non-liberal tolerance predicated on individual responsibility infused with humility and shari'a-inspired state minimalism. Insight into the depth of nonliberal conceptions can facilitate a reconsideration of the relationship between liberalism and tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma is a book of regulations about Christian and Jewish subjects of Islamic rule, written by the Ḥanbalī jurist and theologian Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350). It is an important resource for historical studies of non-Muslim minorities in the Mamluk period and is often cited as a normative text in present-day Muslim discussions about Muslim-non-Muslim relations. This article gives an insight into the history of the only surviving manuscript of Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma and the unusual process by which the first printed edition was compiled. It shows that the movement of the manuscript was largely a result of Ibn Taymiyya's and Ibn al-Qayyim's more general popularity in specific geographic regions than the authority of the text itself, and that individuals' religious-intellectual interests were decisive for the publication of a printed edition in 1961. It also shows that the unusual editing process impacted on the reliability of the printed editions available today, the majority of which are financed by Saudi institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies / Türkiye Din Eğitimi Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In describing Christianity in the Middle East, scholars often highlight religious oppression, especially in relation to the larger Islamic context. Such contentious descriptions often cast Christians in the role of dhimmis , who are tolerated but not regarded as equal members of Muslim societies. Only in recent years some scholars have begun to modify their depictions of Christians and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East. While Christians in the Middle East have experienced and in certain regions continue to experience persecution, solely portraying them as victims does not do justice to the reality on the ground. By means of a case study on Palestine, I argue that an examination of the interaction between sharia (Islamic law) and Christian personal status laws sheds a different light on Christian identity and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East, and demonstrates the agency of Palestinian Christian communities in this respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism is presented for the book "What Is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic" by Shahab Ahmed. It outlines the sharply divergent practices and beliefs of Muslims across different cultures and of non-Muslims who engage with Islam are entirely consistent with what Islam is; and mentions from the Balkans to Bengal, Muslims became Muslims, and non-Muslims experienced Islam, not primarily by conversion but by translation.

This article attempts to test the ethnic ties theory and provides an alternative explanation for why Indonesia as the largest Muslim country in the world has been inconsistent in its support for Muslim separatists. In this article, I use a Mill's method of most similar system design and examine variation in Indonesia's foreign policy towards Muslim secessionism taking place in non-Muslim countries over time. Since Indonesia's independence in 1945, it has frequently supported the non-Muslim host states, has supported the Muslim separatists on some occasions, and has either adopted an ambivalent foreign policy/supported both the host states and separatist groups or adopted a neutral stance/neither supported the host states nor the separatist groups on other occasions. I suggest a neoclassical realist explanation and argue that specific foreign policy outcomes in the context of Muslim separatists versus non-Muslim host states are shaped by the perception of leading policy makers on the extent to which support for the conflicting parties in the secessionist conflicts can hinder or facilitate the achievement of vital national interests and ultimately the state's international as well as the level of domestic political constraints specifically the public demand to assist the separatist movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Muslim-non-Muslim disparities in locational attainment. We pool data from the 2004, 2006, and 2008 waves of the Public Health Management Corporation's Southeastern Pennsylvania Household Survey. These data contain respondents' religious identities and are geocoded at the census-tract level, allowing us to merge American Community Survey data and examine neighborhood-level outcomes to gauge respondents' locational attainment. Net of controls, our multivariate analyses reveal that among blacks and nonblacks, Muslims live in neighborhoods that have significantly lower shares of whites and greater representations of blacks. Among blacks, Muslims are significantly less likely than non-Muslims to reside in suburbs. The Muslim disadvantages for blacks and nonblacks in neighborhood poverty and neighborhood median income, however, become insignificant. Our results provide support for the tenets of the spatial assimilation and place stratification models and suggest that Muslim-non-Muslim disparities in locational attainment define a new fault line in residential stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern historians routinely cast the Fatimid era in Egypt and Syria as a time when flourishing non-Muslim communities enjoyed an unusual degree of influence in the state. To complement the theme of this special issue – the real and perceived influence of minority out-groups in medieval societies – this essay examines representations of non-Muslim influence in the Fatimid period by post-Fatimid Sunni authors. Such representations do not reflect pervasive hostility among Sunni historians to Shiʿis or non-Muslims. Instead, they are quite diverse and not pervaded by sectarian antagonism. They are best understood within the contemporary 'social logic' of the works that contain them. At times their authors simply transmitted earlier sources intact; at others they had narrative goals that superseded their implicit views of either the Fatimids or their Jewish, Christian and Samaritan subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which discusses several articles in the issue on topics including acculturation and accommodation in the Balkans to Bengal; conflicting traditions even in non-Muslim societies; and contemporary ideas of Islam.

Turkey imposed a controversial tax on wealth to finance the army in 1942. This tax was arbitrarily assessed and fell disproportionately on non-Muslim minorities. We study the heterogeneous impact of this tax on firms by assembling a new dataset of all enterprises in Istanbul between 1926 and 1950. We find that the tax led to the liquidation of non-Muslim-owned firms, which were older and more productive, reduced the formation of new businesses with non-Muslim owners, and replaced them with frailer Muslim-owned startups. The tax helped "nationalize" the Turkish economy, but had negative implications for productivity and growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the treatment of Jewish and Israeli history in post-World War II Turkish textbooks. Jewish and Israeli history remains largely relegated to the margins in the books. The Jews of Arabia are shown in an antagonistic role during the advent of Islam, while the Jews of the Ottoman Empire are generally subsumed under the category of non-Muslims. The Ottoman reception of the Spanish (Sephardi) Jews is used to exemplify Turkish tolerance. The subject of the Jewish Holocaust is usually avoided. The older textbooks strike a more balanced approach towards Israel than the recent ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gizistag Abāliš is a ninth- or tenth-century Pahlavi text, recording a debate which took place at the court of al-Maʾmūn between a Zoroastrian priest and a heretical dualist. This article, the first in-depth study of this important work, examines the text in its broader Islamicate environment. It argues that the narrative itself is probably fictional, but reflects a real historical phenomenon, namely the interreligious debates which took place among Zoroastrians, Muslims, Christians, and Jews during the ʿAbbasid period. It argues that the text is a unique Zoroastrian example of a literary genre that was common among Christians at the time, namely, "the monk in the emir's majlis." By comparing the Gizistag Abāliš to these Christian texts, it explores why Zoroastrians generally did not launch explicit polemics against Islam, comparable to those of other non-Muslim communities. It seems that Zoroastrian authors were more concerned with explaining their own doctrines than critiquing the beliefs of others. This is curious considering the large numbers of Zoroastrians who were converting to Islam at the time. Finally, the article proposes new ways of refining the way we read Pahlavi texts, by analyzing them alongside the literatures of other religious communities in the early Islamic empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Halal food is that which is permissible or lawful for Muslims to consume. Meat products must abide by a number of requirements in relation to their preparation, condition and content to be considered halal. We conducted a survey in order to assess the knowledge of, and attitudes towards, halal meat products in two contrasting countries, one with a majority non-Muslim population (Australia, respondent n = 565), where the most commonly followed religion is Christianity, and one with a majority Muslim population (Malaysia, n = 740). The most common reasons for avoiding halal food were animal welfare, religion and meat quality. Malaysians generally believed that halal processes led to improved meat quality, whereas Australians did not. The general consensus was in favour of legally controlling animal welfare during slaughter, supported by both Muslims and Christians. Malaysians were more aware of the main tenets of halal slaughter than Australians. However, some non-compulsory, incorrect practices were thought to be required practices by respondents in both countries, but especially in Australia. Muslims were more concerned about humane treatment of animals during halal slaughter. They generally believed that stunning is never allowed and that this view was acceptable, whereas people from other belief systems generally held the view that this was unacceptable. Religion and education were the most common factors associated with attitudes, beliefs and consumer habits concerning halal. Information from this study can help to improve understanding of attitudes to halal and provide insights to policy makers seeking to address animal welfare concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the political and symbolic importance of elephants for medieval Muslim kingship in South Asia. Specifically, the incorporation of the elephant by the Ghaznavid dynasty led to a crisis of sovereignty for early Muslim kings of South Asia. This was because while the elephant stood for divinity and sovereignty among Hindus, it represented satanic pride among Muslims. The famous Koranic chapter of "the elephant", tells the story of a king Abraha who had tried to destroy the House of God in Arabia (the Ka'ba) with elephants, but it was said that God pelted his army to death by small pebbles thrown by birds. This meant that any Indo-Muslim ruler that posed as an elephant-master could appear as the destroyer of the house of God in the eyes of his Muslim subjects. In order to compensate for this crisis, early Indo-Muslim rulers employed a number of tactics, which included trying to present themselves as the opposite, i.e. destroyer of pagan temples for which they are infamous today. But perhaps more significantly, the continued symbolic (and not just practical) use of the elephant, in spite of its problematic association, shows that what is often today understood as an alien institution imposed upon a majority non-Muslim population, was actually the opposite: that is, it was mainly a project equally pitched to non-Muslim South Asians with a compensatory nudge toward Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The way the Ottoman administration has treated its non-Muslim subjects is often regarded as an example of toleration. However, the elements of time and space are often forgotten in using the term toleration for the Ottoman Empire. Hence, we either examine the Ottoman toleration with the standards of the European Enlightenment, or of the modern period. Leaving aside the Eurocentric and current connotations of the term, this article aims at providing an analysis of the nature and limits of the Ottoman toleration towards its non-Muslim subjects during the early modern period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philanthropic institutions (awqāf) were very functional vis-à-vis socio-religious aspects and the public welfare system in the early days of Islam. Gradually, however, the development of waqf (pl. awqāf) degenerated and is now limited to Muslim-majority countries and specifically consists of the religious kind. Nonetheless, can Muslims and non-Muslims benefit from waqf in a majority non-Muslim country like Australia? The primary objective of this paper is to study the relevance of waqf to the Australian secularised examine how maqā'id al-Sharī'ah is achieved in the introduction of waqf in Australian society, and how waqf can be rejuvenated to serve the purpose of maqā'id al-Sharī'ah, which aims to preserve life, intellect, religion, progeny and property. The methodology used in this paper is analytical and critical. The primary sources of Islamic knowledge, such as Qur'an and sunnah, will be studied carefully. Secondary sources will also be studied and analysed critically to explore the findings. The worth of this paper lies in drawing the attention of stakeholders like policy makers, lawyers, leaders and the general public to the contemporary relevance and need for awqāf in achieving social justice for the ongoing benefit of the general public. This paper is a humble effort in evaluating the possibility of the application of waqf in Australia and to justify how far this product achieves maqā'id al-Sharī? ah. A comprehensive and careful examination of the methodology of maqā'id al-Sharī'ah entails an understanding that Sharī'ah aims to protect and preserve public interest (maṣlaḥa) in all aspects of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Law & Justice Review is the property of Justice Academy of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines a fatwa written in the late nineteenth century by Jaʿfar b. Idrīs al-Kattānī, a distinguished Moroccan legal scholar. The issue that gave rise to the fatwa was the subject of heated debates among Moroccan Muslims at the time: the legality of using goods manufactured by non-Muslims. New historical conditions brought by Moroccan modernity eroded religious and communal boundaries between Muslims and non-Muslims and accentuated concerns about the integrity of Islam. Suspicion and anxiety of the population found expression in widespread rumors about impurities in products manufactured by non-Muslims. By analyzing al-Kattānī's fatwa, this article aims to offer insights into the relationships between the ʿulamāʾ, Islamic tradition, and modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mellah, in Morocco, is the walled quarter of some cities where the Jewish minority was forced to live in a dominant Muslim context even though they had religious freedom and quite autonomy. From different origins and with various features, all of them were isolated from the city, but they recreated the same urban structure. They showed the exercise of power in the pre-colonial Morocco; each new dynasty created an exclusive neighbourhood for Jews, minority dhimmi, according to the Islamic law, which was under the protection of the Sultan. Life in the mellah (cannot be compared to the European ghetto), leaded a specific Judeo-Moroccan identity, as much as his complex relationship with the Muslim community in the Medina. Both spaces constitute a single structure of coexistence, manifestations, not so different, of the same story that affected, in different ways, to both communities. The concept of Islamic city was forged by the French orientalists of Alger, who under the colonial spirit, defended that its “urban disorder” was a result of social disorganization; mellah segregation would be one more effect. In this preconceived and simplistic scheme, minority communities are marginal exceptions to the “true essence” of the Muslim city. The following scholars although considering each city in its context, and recognizing the differences in societies of which they were composed, rarely watched the interaction and influence among mellah and medina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accounts of modern Islamic reformist currents offered by recent studies take for granted that Islamists have embraced the modern nation-state, and, relatedly, that there is consequently a rupture in Islamic discursive tradition. This article seeks to nuance these notions by examining "the new Islamist" discourse on the poignant question of non-Muslim belonging in an Islamic state. Not all Islamists have embraced the nationstate and its majoritarian and secular logics in quite the same way. Those who remain committed to making ijtihad from within the Islamic tradition, such as Yusuf al-Qaradawi, continue to offer a fundamentally different view of political authority than those republican Islamists, such as Fahmi Huwaydi and Tariq al-Bishri, who treat Islamic tradition as a mine of wisdom and source of republican values and inspiration rather than a coherent system of norm production. This difference can be detected even when they appear to substantially agree on a number of policies and aspirations, such as the accommodation of non-Muslims as not only tolerated but as nearly equal citizens in an Islamic state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys the appeal of Ottomanism for non-dominant group members of the Young Turk organisation. It focuses on a specific reading of Ottomanism as a nationalist discourse articulated by Young Turk intellectuals in exile. The article analyses the actions, thoughts and writings of Ottoman Albanian İsmail Kemal who, in 1900, after an influential career in Ottoman officialdom, escaped to Europe and affiliated himself with the leaders of the organisation in exile. What emerges from this study is that Ottomanism was, until the Committee of Union and Progress adopted an authoritarian and pro- Turkist stance, a feasible discourse for Young Turk activists from both a dominant and non-dominant background. The article also suggests that an assessment of the role of Young Turks from a non-Muslim or non-Turkish background needs to include a consideration of a simultaneous and compatible role of such members as working for imperial reform and for the improvement and protection of their own particular community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the Ottoman Empire's guarantee of religious privileges for non- Muslims made in 1853 and the struggles that occurred thereafter, between Muslim state officials and Armenian elites. It argues that the guarantee of religious privileges, which prepared a new set of terminology--that is, "privileges," "religion," and "politics"--for discussing the scope of the jurisdiction to be granted to the non- Muslims' religious authorities, represented a shift in how the empire approached non-Muslims. Muslim officials aimed to circumscribe the jurisdiction of non-Muslims and place them under the state's control by emphasizing the "religiousness" of the privileges. To do so, they also displayed a decided tendency to bypass the religious authority by using lay non-Muslim elites as intermediaries. The Armenian elites, for their part, strategically chose their attitudes toward the distinction of "religious" and "nonreligious" (or "political"), thus managing to protect, to a certain extent, the scope of the religious authority's jurisdiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this research was to examine the role of print media with regard to the representation of two communities. It determines whether Pakistani press treats differently, and to find out whether or not Pakistani media makes Non-Muslims responsible for not creating an environment of co-existence. How Muslim and Non- Muslims are linguistically represented in newspapers? Are there any linguistic traces in the text that highlight the policy of exclusion? Discourse Analysis is the method of study. Word of the newspaper is the unit of analysis. Two leading English country wide circulated national dailies, The Dawn, The News were selected from October 1, 2014 to March 30, 2015 as a sample of the proposed study. There was a random sampling. The researcher focused and analyzed only those news items that were regarding the Co-existence and relations of Muslims and Non-Muslims. Rationale behind the selection of this duration is the suicide attack on the Army School Public School Peshawar. The research findings indicated that daily Dawn portrayed the Non-Muslims as the real and son of soil people. It attached the relatively positive meanings to Non-Muslims. In case of deterioration of situation, it put all the responsibility on the shoulder of Muslim and Non-Muslim equally. During the research it was founded that The News has the Right Wing behavior. It declares Pakistan as the only place for the Muslims and at various stages; it condemns the Non-Muslim and made responsible the Non-Muslims for deteriorated wrong situations. It is concluded that Government should review its press policy. Non-seriousness of press leads dire consequences and current policy drag the country to the Sudan Modal of Darfur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia del Derecho is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)