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What was new about social history in its pioneering phase in the 1960s and 1970s? Answers to this question tend to focus on its objects of enquiry: the attention given […]

In the course of the long 18th century, basic conceptual and discursive changes took place in the western world. Even words which remained the same took on new meanings. The new concepts indicate how the social reality is comprehended in the modern era. Various segments of the population relied on them to act, to understand, interpret and reform reality. These concepts are crucial to the discursive constitution of the world. They take part in the dissolution of the 'old' world and the emergence of a 'new' one. They do not merely reflect structural patterns; they accompany and stimulate an ongoing transition process. This article deals with a small aspect of the historical co-evolution of concepts and structures in education. It examines the non-random character of the variations in the discourses on the social function of education. It offers an analysis of the changing relationship between education, politics and economy in that period. It analyzes how different conceptualizations of the function of education are both a factor in, and an indicator of, the morphogenesis of the modern educational system. KEYWORDS education / historical discourse / social differentiation / socialization / sociology of knowledge

This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of 'transnational history' and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.

The article examines the emergence of women's studies as an academic discipline through the framework of advances in women's education. Discussion chronicles the entrance of women into higher learning, the broadening variety of subjects taught to women, and government's role in educational assistance.

This article discusses the relationship between religion, history and politics in US-German relations after the second world war. Topics include nationalism, Nazism, and social history.

This article discusses the social and political aspects of the relationship between the southern states and the federal government. Topics include draft resistance, class bias, gender relations, and federal aid.

"This is a bad time to be a social historian," Tony Judt announced in History Workshop in the spring of 1979. If so, it was a "bad time" for which […]

How ironic that a field of study originally conceived as "history . . . with the politics left out" has become the focus of heated political opposition and debate.(1) But […]

Viewed from Lancaster, England, the sustained virulence and intolerance of the American Right's attack on social history is difficult to comprehend, both in its scale and its nature. It is […]

The swirling controversy over the National History Standards that erupted in late October 1994 is linked to the wide-ranging attacks on social history in recent years. One way of understanding […]

In his introductory essay to this volume, Peter Stearns suggests that conservatism is likely to prevail for a while and that social history in the United States needs some strategy […]

What is leftist about social history? Why should conservatives be smore critical of social history than, for example, intellectual, political or economic history? Which consequences should social historians draw from […]

The political surge of the conservative wing of the Republican Party, dramatically illustrated by the results of the congressional elections of November, 1994, has highlighted the antipathies elements of this […]

The field of social history has become a battleground between those who believe that it is in its demise and those that do not. However, the argument that 'young blood' is constantly infusing the field with continued vigor ignores the fundamental weaknesses of social history that endanger it, especially with regard to the linguistic turn. Practitioners must strive for a plurality of approaches gained from vigorous debate, if this field is to prosper.

Pierre Bedard, leader of the French Canadian party in the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada from 1792 until 1812, and a staunch defender of British political institutions, is compared with two of his compatriots whose opinion of the British system is less admiring. To understand the dilemma of colonial politics Bedard attempts to reconcile the idea of tolerance and freedom that he finds in British constitutional authorities like Locke and Blackstone with his perception, illuminated by those same authorities, that British rule in Lower Canada was intolerant. What emerges is an unmatched description of the constitutional principle enabling free criticism of government in Parliament and in the press. Blanchet and Taschereau, in contrast, provide an argument that promotes reflection on the limits of political dissent even in an essentially tolerant polity. Resume. Pierre Bedard, dirigeant du parti canadien-francais a l'Assemblee Legislative du Bas Canada de 1792 a 1812, et defenseur devoue des institutions politiques britanniques, est compare a deux de ses compatriotes dont l'opinion sur le systeme britannique est moins enthousiaste. Pour comprendre le dilemme de la politique coloniale, Bedard entreprend de reconcilier les idees de tolerance et de liberte qu'il trouve chez les experts en constitution britannique tels que Locke et Blackstone, avec sa perception, eclairee par ces memes experts, selon laquelle l'autorite britannique dans le Bas Canada etait intolerante. Il en ressort une description incomparable des principes constitutionnels permettant la libre critique du gouvernement au sein des parlement et dans la presse. Blanchet et Taschereau, au contraire, donnent des arguments en vue de promouvoir la reflexion sur les limites de l'opposition meme dans le cadre d'une politique essentiellement tolerante.

Visiting the Soviet Union the past few years, one experienced something like this: Imagine, if you will, looking at an old black-and-white photo from your desk drawer, a fading group [...]

''Political culture': the expression has of late gained general currency,' said Hughes in 1988. That same year, at a session of the American Historical Association that turned into a discussion [...]

Stones, figs and Mount Olive And the ever-betrayed al-Quds hold their breath and listen to the sound of David reciting the psalms of intifada (Berdal Aral) THERE ARE A FAIRLY [...]

The Kosovo war has inevitably dominated British headlines in recent weeks. But lesser wars--culture wars--have continued unabated; and if the Blair government has become somewhat less frenetic in its campaign [...]

The anti-free trade coalition was able to reverse popular opinion against free trade up to the 1998 elections but ever since, the trend has been towards the imposition of free trade and the removal of welfare policies from the state's list of priorities.