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Presidential documents are divided into four broad categories: Public; executively controlled; official; and personal. The article examines the scope and accessability of the papers, during and after the President's term of office, in relation to the Congress, the courts, and various sectors of the public. The impact of executive privilege and the Freedom of Information Act is studied as it relates to the flow of presidential information. The prospects for future accessability, storage and retrieval are noted, and a chronological history of presidential papers is provided.

Relates a fascinating, but somewhat sordid story of the circumstances surrounding the publication of Messages and Papers of the Presidents in 1990. The role of Richardson as chairman of the House Committee on Printing and as compiler of the set of 10 volumes is described in absorbing detail. His attempts to privately copyright a commercial edition and to make money from what was originally an official compilation were devious at best and are described in a series of incidents which placed Congress in a false position. Ainsworth R. Spofford, as retired Librarian of Congress and as editor of the index to the set, was an unwitting accessory to the strange events leading to the commercial exploitation of these government documents by Richardson and his publisher. The authors point out that librarians continue to lend their names to publishing projects of dubious merit and contribute to their exaggerated claims.

Reviews the background and current operations of the State Paper Room (now the Official Publications Department) of the Department of Printed Books of the British Museum, which has recently been reorganized as part of the new national library organization called The British Library. There is detailed discussion of its processing, reference, and exploitative functions. There is detailed discussion of the development of extensive exchange arrangements with other foreign documents, which have been continued and augmented and constitute the main reliance for current additions at the rate of 90,000 items per annum. The British Museum possesses one of the oldest, largest and most comprehensive document collections in the world, especially strong in publications from Britain and its associated states. These have been acquired by the four methods of copyright, donation, exchange and purchase. The large holdings are treated as a coherent unity, maintained by a unique classification scheme, and by the methods of registration and interim cataloguing. These allow rapid application by clerical staff, making possible the flexibility and speed necessary in handling material of this nature.

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Growth pole strategies have been discussed extensively in the literature of regional planning and in certain countries they actually form the basis of regional planning policy. This paper contends that such applications are premature since a theory of spatial growth-pole development, which will yield predictions, simply does not exist. The paper identifies some of the building blocks for such a theory and also discusses briefly, the data problems and statistical estimation questions that will be difficult even assuming that the theory eventually is developed.

This paper, written from a national point of view (that of the United States) has international applicability. It focuses upon problems in the delivery of health care. By suggesting a behavioral science approach to such matters, it offers a better means of raising health levels than other discipline-bound efforts to date. The paper is divided into six parts. Part one addresses itself to the importance of a behavioral science perspective by critiquing several key references which bear directly on the health services system. Part two guides the reader to the available anthropological and sociological literature on health behavior. It comments on the inadequacy of each. Part three provides a description of the comparative approach to health behavior and suggests the extent to which methodological refinements have been made in recent years. Part four discusses the application of the comparative approach to the delivery of health care issue. Part five stresses the magnitude of the need for a behavioral science perspective requiring simultaneous attention to multiple disciplinary dimensions. Part six refers to the behavioral science perspective in specific program settings in the United States, suggesting that this approach will assume an indispensable role in the national effort of evaluation of the health care system. In conclusion, the point is made that a behavioral science perspective as applied to health evaluation adds the important dimension of viewing the medical care crisis as more than a question of availability and efficiency. It is more than the rendering of services in a medical context … the common spirit of the behavioral perspective is to protect the differing value profiles of all participants in the caring process and hence to demonstrate that it is the caring, in a human context, that is the central issue.

This paper analyses the difficulties encountered by OR in the field of government and planning, difficulties due to the sociological nature of the executive and the administrative systems and to the psychology of ministers and civil servants. To improve this situation the paper suggests (1) changes in the composition of OR teams and the competence of their members (collaboration of model-builders and “reformers”, improvement of knowledge of basic sciences by model-builders, long experience of reorganization of reformers, sufficient familiarity with the public sector); (2) transformations in the mode of realization of studies (definition of problems, choices of objectives and criteria, reasoning in terms of general systems, costing, ...); (3) definition of a long-term policy for OR research-teams; (4) modifications in the relations between teams and decision-makers; (5) introduction of OR in the functioning of the democratic systems.

This comprehensive article by Professor Demetrescu, Corresponding Member of the Romanian Academy of Social and Political Sciences, is of great interest because it reveals an Eastern European view of the concept of marketing. For this reason, and to aid comparison with the West European viewpoint, we publish Professor Demetrescu's paper in full; despite the fact that some of the content exactly mirrors views previously published in the West. Readers unfamiliar with the “systems approach” to marketing will find that this paper is a useful introduction to the subject, not least because it has a large number of apposite references. Those familiar with systems analysis, and cybernetic-type approaches, will be intrigued to discover how far Professor Demetrescu is prepared to think in systematized terms. There are no explicit expositions of the numerous analytic techniques in this paper. It can, therefore, be read directly as a literary work. Nevertheless the analytic techniques are mentioned, in their place, and the diligent reader may track them down through the references given.

When the Editorial Board approached Dr. John Vincent, Chairman of EVAF'S 4P (pulp-paper- packaging-printing) Division, to write an occasional article on the activities of his division, he thought it a good idea to illustrate the division's activities with two short but topival papers from division member Jan Rennel and himself. This report on the division's activities is short but adequate, with sufficient detail for potential members. The papers by Rennel and Vincent speak for themselves and discuss prospects for the Scandinavian wood fibre industry in the 1970s, and the prospects for non- integration of Western Europe's national paper industries. From what we read it seems that the 4P Division have plenty of problems to discuss at their next international get-together in Amsterdam this May. So that EVAF members who are not also members of 4P Division can recognise John Vincent, we append his photograph.

When Jim Naylor asked me to write an introduction to the magnificent paper by Paul Slovic and Sarah Lichtenstein that forms the body of this issue of Organizational Behavior and Human Performance, I wasn't quite sure whether to thank him or hit him (so I did both). His motive was obvious: the Slovic-Lichtenstein paper isn't quite long enough to fill the issue, but is too long to be combined with an honest paper on a different subject. Moreover, he knew I would accept: their paper is much too good for me to pass up the chance to bask in their reflected glory. But the invitation led me to reflect on the ages of scientists. The new FhD is too busy doing experiments to bother reading broadly; also, he had to do too much of that too recently, and is sick of it. That's Age 1. Age 2 comes when the scientist "matures," which means that he becomes responsible for enough experimental literature to generate contradictions and opponents. These, he has no choice but to read, and in trying to discover why he was right all along he may read quite widely--even desperately. The apex of this stage is reached when he has invested so much time in reading that he must again (for the first time since graduate school) report what he has read, in the process spanking friends and soothing enemies. That is how papers like Slovie and Lichtenstein's are generated. In Age 3, contradictions become less important, mostly because one becomes too busy to generate the facts that generate contradictions. At that stage, one tends to generate points of view, usually miscalled theories. If one is lucky, either at generating ideas or at attracting money, research gets structured around these points of view. Finally, at Age 4, one is too senile for any of these other activities, so one writes histories, introductions, committee reports, and the like. While there is a certain numerical .iustice in my entering Age 4 at age 44, I'm not at all sure I forgive Jim Naylor for spotting the transition. Well, I might as well indulge myself in the privileges of age; the most enjoyable of these is that of pointing out the importance of history. (That's enjoyable because the historian can thus once again call attention

Formal discourse analysis, hailed at one time by Martin Joos as ‘the most exciting thing that has happened in linguistics for quite a few years’ (1950:708), was the culmination of structural linguistics. The present paper shows that strict formalism, divorced from meaning, is not only impossible in discourse analysis but is unsuitable as a general linguistic methodology. The purpose of the paper is therefore primarily negative and a constructive proposal must await another occasion. The paper consists of two parts: (1) a survey of previous theories on formal discourse analysis and (2) a theoretical exposition of the untenability of formalism as linguistic methodology and the need for semantics.

IN OUR research on professional socialization, we have often been tempted to define professional socialization as “the decline of idiosyncracy”, a view which comes very close to that of Norman Ryder [ I]. The referents for that facetious definition were repeated observations that, in the course of being socialized into professionals, people do indeed begin to speak alike. The process of professional socialization involves taking on a professional identity and a special outlook upon one’s work which is shared with colleagues but distinguished sharply from the outlook which laymen have of the profession. These acquired professional perspectives are expressed in common vocabularies [2]. In this paper, we concentrate upon one major set of common vocabularies, namely the language which the evolving professional acquires for handling the problems of mistakes or failures at work. How do trainees learn to handle their own human fallibility? Everett Hughes’ “Mistakes at Work” is the classic paper on this problem [3]. Our data substantially confirm one of his major points: The very concepts of mistake and failure are lay concepts; in the process of professional socialization they fade away or become redefined during the acquisition of perspectives which place emphasis upon the process of doing the work rather than the outcome of the work. Hughes also touches upon an implied bargain between profession and society [4]. A profession claims to have a special expertise in defined areas of high human interest. On the basis of accepting a profession’s claim to expertise (as well as good motives), a public conveys upon the profession the license to practice its expertise and the mandate to determine how the work should be done. Now, presumably the license can be withdrawn. We come, then, to the issue of the accountability of professions to their public. In addition to criticisms of the medical profession which come from various consumer and political groups, sharp questions about the extent to which the profession of medicine is justified in maintaining that it is adequately policing and regulating professional conduct have recently been raised in serious sociological work. The writings of Arlene Daniels [5], [6] and Eliot Freidson [7] particularly come to mind here. The work of Donald Light on how psychiatrists view suicide also has implications for the accountability of psychiatrists [8]. How to analyse and determine accountability of the professions involves complex conceptual and methodological issues. We believe that basic to any analysis of accountability is an understanding of how the professionals themselves define the issues, and how they come to so define them. This paper, therefore, focuses upon the perspectives of the professionals themselves. We will present data about how trainees in two specialties of medicine view issues which, from a lay point of view, are issues of failure of work. In our conclusion, we will discuss the implications of our findings for the issue of accountability.

The primary purpose of the present paper is to describe the empiricism undertaken by early British, American and French engineers in their attempt to understand economic relations. Secondarily, this paper assesses, tentatively at least, the impact of the engineering environment upon the development of microeconomic tool-making.’ A case study is presented which analyzes the interaction of technology, empiricism and economic theory in the writings of engineers who were only tangentially interested

This paper describes the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations in a thumb-nail sketch of the nature of FAO's publishing activities and its interrelations to other U.N. organizations. A differentiation in distribution is made between publications, defined as substantive in nature and of lasting reference value, and documents, defined as serving a number of purposes, sometimes substantive, but often of interest only to the issuing agency. The paper outlines the FAO distribution system for both publications and documents through the Land Grant Colleges and University System coupled with the National Agricultural Library and the Department of Agriculture field libraries. A description is provided of the Special Indices (both retrospective and current) produced by FAO as an aid to acquisition for organizations and individuals outside the normal distribution channels. Also included are instructions for ordering through UNIPUB, the FAO sales agent in the U.S., or from the FAO Documentation Center.

The Editorial Board has deliberately encouraged a limited number of publications on systems analysis, and cybernetic type solutions to industrial marketing problems. In doing so they have merely mirrored a universal trend towards the application of mathematical techniques to difficult problems. Other organisations have, not unnaturally, applied such techniques to problems involving the impact of technology on the environment, the economy, and society: a notable example being the M.I.T. work on Limits to Growth, carried out by Meadows et al, under the aegis of the Club of Rome (an informal organisation, united in the “conviction that the major problems facing mankind are of such complexity that traditional institutions and policies are no longer able to cope with them”). Although the Editor-in-Chief has considerable reservations about the work done by the Club of Rome on the Earth's “problematique”, particular the non-explicit causal relationships fed into the mathematical model, the Board has not yet become disaffected with systems analysis. Nevertheless, some of our readers may be in need of an antidote against some of the papers, heavily orientated towards mathematical technique, which we have published. If so, they will find the following article by Dr. John Adams very useful. Dr. Adams is well known for his excellent satire on the follies of benefit /cost analysis in transportation planning. In this article he articulately attacks systems analysis and all its concomitants. Naturally the Editorial Board dissociates itself from the subjective views of John Adams, particularly when he argues ad hominem. But this does not mean that the Board is unappreciative of his paper, which is indicative of what some social scientists are presently thinking about the more outre contributers to systems analysis. Should this paper raise strong emotions we shall be very pleased to publish comment.

In this paper, I wish to defend the following hypothesis: the relative excess of labor that has traditionally characterized Latin American labor markets has been decreasing at least since World War II. The occupational situation, though still quite serious, has been improving considerably in most Latin American countries, not deteriorating, as is commonly regarded to be the case (the orthodox position).

There has been a crisis of the so-called “quantitative geography” for a few years. It is partly due to a poor use of mathematics, often presented for its own sake. There are also deeper reasons: refusal of rational formalization; and more emphasis on social and political studies. This paper tries to snow that a formal language (i.e., vocabulary and syntax) is necessary. Linguistics show how a language can be perverted by ideology into a myth. This has happened with traditional geography and is still present in some recent radical studies.

The authors commence this paper with discussion of an extract from H.G. Wells' novel of 1920. They use this extract to remind the reader that social innovation is not a new problem and that imaginative writers may be a source of guidance on such matters. Specifically they deal with the social options created by ‘computer-driven’ information systems. They argue that this aspect of the problem of science and people is one which has a great and seriously under-estimated potential to influence the quality of life in a future society.

Sweden's technological development based on big science supporting high politics is turning to more welfare-oriented technologies. The tension between the university reform performed by an inward-looking government and industrial innovation carried out by an outward-looking business community is discussed. The paper covers the time span of the quiet postwar years, the attempt to institutionalize science policy in the 1960's and the sectoral approach to science and technology advocated in the 1970's. The implications of the polarization of science policy between the government and the technological community at a time of European integration is discussed.

Community-based corrections is widely heralded as the proper basis for future penal administration. Penal colonies of Finland are employed in this paper to relate changes in society at large to innovation in corrections. The penal colonies were the indirect result of the postwar crisis in Finland and changes brought by industrialization and urbanization. Unprecedented opportunities for solving problems of conventional administration motivated officials to introduce penal colonies as a means of accomodating prisons to the new expectations being imposed on correctional work. The forbearant model is proposed as a hesitant and primitive reaction to pressures to bring corrections into conformity with the trends shaping society at large. This model is useful in analyses of the American movement toward community-based corrections.

This paper attempts to summarize the recent behavioural science literature dealing with the management of research personnel and of the organizational research function. Sociologists are divided over the salience of the institutional norms of science for organizational scientists. Do scientists in corporate environments find themselves torn between values and norms of behaviour absorbed during professional training, and the possibly very different values and norms of the organization in which they subsequently work? If indeed scientists are principally oriented to the wider scientific community, what incentives can management offer in order to secure or maintain their commitment? A number of rather different studies have sought correlations between the effectiveness or productivity of scientists and various characteristics of the organizations in which they work. Positive relationships have been demonstrated with, inter alia, extent and pattern of communication, the nature of managerial control, incentives provided, sizes and ages of research groups, and functional compared to project organization. Of course, technically successful research is no guarantee of substantial utility for a commercial organization. Whilst most of the literature relates to the industrial situation, this review attempts from time to time to point its relevance for management in the public sector.

In this paper the author brings together a number of ideas which are presented more fully in his forthcoming book—Redesigning the Future (John Wiley and Sons, New York): This synthesis amounts to a digest of Part 1 of that book. The article is organized into 5 parts: The Systems Revolution; The Self-Control Problem; The Humanization Problem; The Environmentalization Problem and Science in the Systems Age.

The paper reports on a study of the views of students and staff on a course in behavioural sciences taught in the third preclinical year of the Edinburgh Medical School curriculum. Staff opinions were obtained by interviews and students were administered a questionnaire before and after the course. Expectations of the value of the subjects, changes in these, interests and relevance of particular topics, and prior knowledge of subjects are all considered.

This paper represents an attempt to understand the totality of human development processes in industrialized as well as in developing countries in the form of a model which is based on a biological concept. In this, development is taken as a totality comprizing both land and people, and in respect to the latter population growth, physical and mental health, social condition, economic and civilization change.

The authors examine in this paper the recent increase in illegitimacy in Great Britain and how it differs between areas, age groups, and social classes. It is suggested that: (1) The reversal in the respective position of the illegitimacy ratios between Scotland and England and Wales is accompanied by an urban-rural reversal. (2) The increase in illegitimacy has been most marked among women aged under 20. (3) These changes have taken place within the context of a changing attitude towards sexuality in general.

THE AUTHOR STATES THAT CURRENT METHODS OF TRAFFIC FORECASTING ARE UNSATISFACTORY, AND THAT THIS MAY BE DUE TO THE FACT THAT THE BEHAVIOR OF THE TRAVELER IS NOT ALWAYS INCLUDED IN THE FORECASTING MODELS. THIS PAPER OUTLINES THE MAIN SHORTCOMINGS OF THE CURRENT METHODS AND SUGGESTS ELEMENTS RELATED TO A "THEORY OF THE BEHAVIOR OF TRAVELERS". THESE ELEMENTS ARE BASED MAINLY UPON RECENT STATISTICAL EVIDENCE AND AN ANALYSIS OF 50 IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS WITH URBAN RESIDENTS, SPECIALLY CARRIED OUT IN DIFFERENT FRENCH TOWNS. THESE INTERVIEWS THROW LIGHT ON THE MAIN FACTORS AND CONSTRAINTS WHICH COULD EXPLAIN THE POTENTIAL TRAVEL DEMAND AND CHOICE PROCESSES OF URBAN RESIDENTS. EMPHASIS IS PLACED ON THE FACT THAT IN MODAL DECISION, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL FACTORS AND CONSTRAINTS SEEM MORE IMPORTANT THAN ECONOMIC ONES. CONCLUSIONS ARE DRAWN AS REGARDS THE APPROACH TO VARIOUS TRAFFIC PROBLEMS AND IMPROVEMENTS IN RECENT OPERATIONAL MODELS, AND SUGGESTIONS ARE MADE FOR FUTURE RESEARCH. /TRRL/

The purpose of this paper is to examine the significance of post-school socialization in the health occupations, to suggest perspectives in which to scrutinize the process and to outline the elements which should be included in investigations of this process.

Despite its rapid growth as a substantive area within anthropology, medical anthropology is unable to produce sufficient numbers of trained persons to fill positions now available in academic and medical settings. This paper reviews the goals American Medical Anthropologists recently have set for themselves, discusses their significance for the field as a whole, and examines each one as it is relevant to the development and organization of the field. On the basis of the discussion conceptual, organizational, and educational priorities for enlarging the corps of specialists in medical anthropology are delineated.

This paper is primarily concerned with whether the social position occupied by pregnant women in Western society can be regarded as the same as that occupied by the sick. After an introductory discussion of some important sociological concepts consideration is given to the idea of a sick role as conceptualized principally by Talcott Parsons. It is suggested that for a variety of reasons, the state of pregnancy is in some ways different from “ordinary” illness and cannot be viewed in terms of any of the four expectations thought to be associated with the sick role. Intercultural and intracultural variations in conceptions of illness and pregnancy along with the unstructuredness of the state in Western societies are also briefly touched upon. It is argued that, although women who are pregnant occupy a special position in society and in certain situations fulfill unique expectations, this normal state cannot be considered a form of illness, and cannot ordinarily be viewed in terms of Parson's sick role paradigm.

This paper examines Urwick's view that confusion of two meanings of the term “organization”, due to social scientists, has diverted attention from the study of organization structure and the task oriented nature of management. It is maintained that this view is not an adequate characterization of Organization Theory. The relationship between social science and management theory is examined, and the approaches are held to be symbiotic, not, as Urwick suggests, competitive.

As our society has become complex and integrated, both the opportunities and the needs to manage the physical and social technologies of society have become more urgent. At the same time tools are developing which permit a more reliable anticipation and assessment of alternative futures. This paper focuses on a number of structural situations in our society which impede the effective management of the future. Among these are the intellectual orientation of the intelligentsia; a general ignorance of both science and technology; a failure to appreciate the strengths, functioning, and relationships of our political system; a lack of awareness of the intrinsic time constants of social change; the substitution of piety for hard study; a pervasive pessimism often grounded in ignorance; a special pleading on the part of many interest groups; a lack of historical perspective; a widespread aversion to social experimentation as well as a fear of new knowledge. A new fallacy common in discussion of social issues is proposed, “the fallacy of the argument from incompetence.”

My predecessors in this lectureship, Mr. R/lorris Llewellyn Cooke and Mr. Ralph Flanders, set two or three good precedents for me. I follow their good example by beginning these remarks with a word of thanks to the founder of this lectureship. The men who have stood here, by your invitation, on previous occasions, R/Ir. Cooke in 1944 and R/lr. Flanders in 1945, may have had the advantage of a more intimate acquaintance with Mr. Day, with RiIr. Day’s life work, and with the ideals of public service which he demonstrated in his professional work and for the furtherance of which this lectureship of the Franklin Institute has been established. As I understand, it was the intention of those who instituted this lecture foundation to remind us from time to time by these annual lectures that professional men, particularly the scientists, engineers, and managers of industries, have social and economic repsonsibilities of some magnitude, that each has a debt to society beyond all that he owes to himself and to his profession, to his employers and to his stockholders. I undertsand, too, that the founders chose not to prescribe that spokesmen here under this lectureship are expected to accept any one fixed doctrine of industrial philosophy. They did not set up for the lecturers a creed, nor was it stipulated that we must pass certain tests of orthodoxy. The freedom given us proposes in itself certain reasonable restraints and tends to discourage reckless and unconsidered speech. The previous lecturers have also indicated certain precedents as to the conclusions that are likely to be reached by a Charles Day lecturer. I have read the interesting papers presented from this desk by my predecessors, Mr. Cooke and Mr. Flanders. These are contemplative essays on the subject of the public responsibilities of all of us, no matter what callings we follow. Examining the lives of several men of affairs whom he admired, the first lecturer, &Ir. Cooke, undertook to identify “the sometimes overlooked sources of power” in the intellectural equipment of a business executive: He took his examples from the lives of certain of his friends

This paper seeks to diffrentiate more precisely than hitherto between the continents which are to be defined in terms of physical geography, and the anthropogeographically determined “Erdteile”. An examination is also made of why the many previously proposed categorization of the oecumene, adapted to the interest and findings of human geography, have failed to become established. From the discussion of the particular possibilities of areal delimitation offered by individual branches of geography and through an analysis of ten of the more familar “Erdteil”-classifications, criteria are abstracted which the concluding new attempt at an “Erdteil”-categorization, based upon the data of cultural geography, seeks to satisfy.

A modern descriptive linguist who claims that the analysis of linguistic structure is, in the first instance, undertaken without reference to meaning is deceiving himself. The very definition of language by modern linguists makes implicit reference to meaning. For this definition has been worded to distinguish a system of socially meaningful noises of human beings from their socially meaningless variety. Linguists, therefore, cannot, and actually never do, ignore meaning. Only the quality and the extent of the consideration of meaning varies according to the specialization. The paper will attempt to demonstrate how a branch of semantics, actually belonging to general linguistics, often may supply objective information relevant for the solution of certain problems of historical and comparative linguistics.