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In addition to his official duties, the Director General of Finland's Central Office of Statistics, Mr. Martti Kovero, who died in 1955, found time to do important written work in the field of economic history. He devoted his last years to an extensive study of the history of Finland's sugar industry and lived to complete in broad outline the second volume of the work which covers the years 1808–1896. The projected third volume, which would have carried the account up to the present time, remained unwritten. The completion of the work was commissioned by Suomen Sokeri Oy. Finska Socker Ab. (The Finnish Sugar Co.).

(1974). Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government: Papers and Reviews, 1946–1972. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 2, No. 10, pp. 235-236.

(1974). The Lichauco Paper: Imperialism in the Philippines. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 2, No. 8, pp. 204-204.

(1964). Wool textile manufacture in Scotland. Scottish Geographical Magazine: Vol. 80, No. 2, pp. 81-89.

(1972). The Nixon doctrine in Asia. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 12, East Asia and the World System. Part I: The Superpowers and the Context Papers from the IISS 14th Annual Conference, pp. 13-20.

(1970). America and Europe. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 10, Europe and America in the 1970s. Part I: Between Detente and Confrontation Papers from the IISS 11th Annual Conference, pp. 1-9.

(1972). The Soviet Union in Asia. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 12, East Asia and the World System. Part I: The Superpowers and the Context Papers from the IISS 14th Annual Conference, pp. 9-12.

(1972). Japan's security in a multipolar world. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 12, East Asia and the World System. Part II: The Regional Powers Papers from the IISS 14th Annual Conference, pp. 21-29.

(1973). Force in modern societies: Its place in international politics: Foreword. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 13, Force in Modern Societies: Its Place in International Politics Papers from the IISS 15th Annual Conference, pp. 1-1.

Stratagems and Spoils: A Social Anthropology of Politics by F. G. Bailey. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1970. Pp. xiv + 240; £2.85 cloth and £1.50 paper. Gifts and Poison: The Politics of Reputation edited by F. G. Bailey. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971. Pp. 318; £3.50 cloth and £2.00 paper. Debate and Compromise: The Politics of Innovation edited by F. G. Bailey. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1973. Pp. 343; £5.00.

(1974). The industrialisation of New Zealand. New Zealand Economic Papers: Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 1-22.

* Revision of papers presented at the December 1951 meeting of the American Statistical Association and at the April 1952 meeting of the New York Chapter. The author is grateful to P. R. Lever, who provided translations of Russian materials in the course of a study conducted in 1949–51 for the Johns Hopkins University Operations Research Office; and to S. Fabricant, W. Galenson, and A. Gerschenkron for their critical comments on the original paper.

Summary This is the first of a series of papers which will endeavour to survey the development of British demography in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and to discuss the problems involved in studying population movements during that period. In the present paper an account is given of the background of the population controversy of the eighteenth century, with particular reference to the state of knowledge at the time of population movements, the contemporary views on the question of population decline in various European countries, and the specific proposals made in England and Wales for the improvement of demographic statistics.

(1969). Study of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in Japan. Canadian Slavonic Papers: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 156-166.

(1967). Armed forces in central and South America: Introduction. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 7, Armed forces in central and South America, pp. 1-7.

(1965). Chinese nuclear strategy: The early post detonation period. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 5, Chinese Nuclear Strategy: The Early Post-Detonation Period, pp. 3-13.

The present paper seeks to trace the origin of French native policy in Syria, as a case study in the changing style of European imperialism in the Mediterranean in the twentieth century.' It will deal with the little-understood impact of North Africa upon French policy in Syria and Lebanon during the early mandate period, 1920-25, especially the Gouraud years, 1920-23. Specifically, it will be argued that French policy in Syria was very strongly marked by the example of Lyautey's administration of Morocco, 1912-25, and sought in numerous ways to model itself upon this precedent. Unfortunately, as we shall see, the paternalistic methods characteristic of the Lyautey tradition of handling indigenous populations were ill-suited to the realities of the politically sophisticated and strongly nationalistic Syrian people. Syria thus provides an interesting case study in the limitations of the indirect rule methods of the great imperial proconsuls of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Finally, the approach here adopted seeks to present the impact of North African experience upon the French presence in the Levant as broadly similar to the kind of influence which the Indian imperial experience exercised upon the development of British rule in Egypt under Cromer, 1883-1907.2 The question of North African influence on the Syrian mandates has occasionally been noted in the historical literature, but no systematic attempt has been made to examine the precise ways in which this influence was played out.3 While no careful study of French native administration in the mandates has yet been made owing to the continued inaccessibility of the relevant archives, it is already possible to see, from the published materials which are available, something of the direction which research will take in the exploration of this question. In this paper I would like to examine some of this published material as a start towards a more comprehensive study. French interest in Syria was dictated by the long-standing French vocation to a position of power in the Mediterranean.4 The acquisition of the North African empire was one aspect of this policy, and as soon as the scramble for Africa had ended it was natural that French ambitions should tend to focus on securing a position at the eastern end of the Mediterranean. President Poincare made the first public and official statement of French ambition with regard to Syria in 1912, at the very moment when the solution of the Moroccan question was freeing the French to look elsewhere.5 French interest in Syria became clearer in the years which followed. In large measure such interest evolved out of French concern for the security of their North African empire, the crucial importance of

The complex phenomenon called "Russia" can be approached from various angles. One of these angles would be Russian language, literature, and the other manifestations of Russia's culture, such as her theatre, music, etc. It was from this viewpoint exclusively, with the addition, in some cases, of research on Russia's political history, that studies were begun at those few western universities which showed an interest in Russia in the nineteenth century. This is also the plan of study embarked on by the great majority of western universities in the present century, not only prior to 1939, but even today. In our day this is being done on a much grander scale, to the extent that there are now hardly any big universities which do not attempt something in this field.1 It is, however, possible to look at the same "Russia"apart from the traditional approach just sketched abovefrom the point of view of her foreign and domestic policy, her economy, her legal and social structure, etc. The aim of this paper is to analyze western research on the latter aspects of Russia up to the year 1939. In Part I we give a picture of the situation prior to the outbreak of World War I, while Part II, to be published later, will continue the story up to World War II.

(1968). Slovakia in the de–Stalinization and Federalization Process of Crechoslovakia. Canadian Slavonic Papers: Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 533-556.

(1968). The Czechoslovak Economic Reform. Canadian Slavonic Papers: Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 430-450.

(1966). The education of an economist. New Zealand Economic Papers: Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 3-17.

WOULD A MAJORITY OF AMERICANS vote for sound money, if this were a clear-cut issue in an election, and what does history suggest? Generally speaking, our country has been blest with a currency that commanded confidence and respect. For many years the dollar was freely convertible into gold coin. On a few occasions doubtful paper money was circulated; such as the currency issued by the Continental Congress, the wild-cat bank notes of the early 1800's; and the irredeemable "greenbacks" of the Civil War. Then the gold standard was challenged by freesilver proposals in the 1870's and again in 1896. Nearly all these problems were handled in Congress, without being submitted to popular vote, and beginning with Alexander Hamilton and down to recent times, our most influential statesmen recognized the value to the nation of a respected currency and good credit standing. There was no popular vote on the silver issue in the 1870's, when Senator Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar made his reputation for courage by voting his judgment against the expressed wish of the Mississippi legislature, which had sent him to the United States Senate. Nor were the voters consulted in 1933 when gold was marked up in price and withdrawn from circulation. In fact, the only national election in which hard money was the major issue was in 1896, when William Jennings Bryan wowed the Democrat convention with his peroration: "You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns! You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold!" The Republican platform that year said: "We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of the country." It was very much the main issue of the campaign, discussed on every street corner; and the Republicans won by a good margin, aided by quite a few members of the opposite party, who proudly called themselves Gold Democrats. The Democrats had also been defeated in 1868, when their platform advocated the retention of the "greenbacks" and payment of the public debt in depreciated currency; but this was not as much the major issue as in 1896. As in Bryan's day, there are some Democrats, like Senator Byrd, holding views considered old fashioned by many regarding the integrity of our currency; but it has been their party which most often has sought to win votes by favoring softer and cheaper money. The Republicans have been the defenders; but in recent times the defense often has seemed half-hearted and timid. It would be difficult today to present a money question in a form as simple as the issue of 1896. In those days many people were a bit skeptical of paper money of any kind. The phrase, "not worth a Continental," was in common use, and memories were fresh regarding wild-cat bank notes, worthless Confederate paper, and the depreciated and fluctuating Civil War greenbacks. Bond buyers looked to make sure they were getting the customary promise to pay "in gold coin of the present standard of weight and fineness." World-wide, the highest respect was accorded the pound sterling, and in the early 1900's there was no paper money in common circulation in England. Pocket money consisted of copper and silver coins and gold sovereigns. There were some Bank of England notes, but the smallest was a five-pound note, which had about the same buying power, and was as rarely seen, as a hundred dollar currency note around here today. Hard money meant gold. By the early 1930's, however, all the paper money in use here had been for 50 years readily convertible into gold, and people had come to think of it as real money. When bank troubles started in 1932, there was some hoarding of gold, but a great deal more hoarding of currency, although gold coin was still available.

(1974). Indonesia's future and South-East Asia: Introduction. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 14, Indonesia's Future and South‐East Asia, pp. 1-2.

S ECURITY ANALYSTS may find a numerically measurable although normally ever-accelerating base of growth on which to found economic predictions. That base is located independently of any individual's opinion of how change may be defined and of where it is taking the world. The figures given develop out of the attempts of American chemists to keep abreast of world advancement in chemistry as published month by month. In Chemical Abstracts, about 800 abstractors set down summaries of recent articles of interest to any chemist, taken from the 5,000 scientific journals currently scanned. This keeps "up to date," within four or five months, a survey of chemistry that has been published in almost every language. Forty-five annual volumes of Chemical Abstracts have recorded the volume of worldwide annual progress, as selected in the articles published by editors who have increased in number almost every year until they now reach 5,000. Thus it is that the number of journal articles abstracted each year in Chemical Abstracts has become a numerical measure of progress for that year. Articles deemed worth abstracting in 1907 were a little less than 8,000. That number rose (see accompanying curve) almost 2,000 each year to about 19,000 in 1914. It fell during the First World War, as journals diminished in size, to about 9,000, and then turned upward, continuing in almost a straight line to 1938, when it reached 46,000, all but a few odd. During the Second World War, the number of articles abstracted fell each year (except for irregularities due to paper shortages) until it reached 23,000 in 1945. Since 1945, except for paper shortages, the number rose steadily to almost 47,500 in 1950. The editors of Chemical Abstracts budget their expenses in advance and, for that reason, are forced to predict expected progress more than a year in advance. Twice they have admitted serious errors. First, looking at depressed financial conditions in 1929, they made budget provision for no increased printing in 1931. They discovered, too late, they had ready 2,500 abstracts at the end of 1931 with no funds for publishing them. These were held over and added to the following year-hence the jog at 1931. Second, looking at the rapid recovery after 1945 to 47,500 in 1950, they estimated a need for funds to publish 54,000 abstracts in 1951. But Korean events were taking their toll of 1951, and (estimating as of July 1951) they will publish only about 46,000 in 1951. Thus, financial depression failed to block chemical progress, but war, in a corner of the world like Korea, turned an expected 14% progress into a drop of 2 %, just as

E. S. Higgs, ed. Papers in Economic Prehistory. Studies by Members and Associates of the British Academy Major Research Project in the Early History of Agriculture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973. x + 219 pp. Illustrations, figures, tables, bibliography and index. $15.50.

The satire of Thomas Haliburton has generally been considered as highly ambiguous. The inability of critics to find a consistent social norm in his work is partly the result of their failure to read his satire in context with his historical writing. This paper examines the character of the Yankee clock peddler, Sam Slick, in light of Haliburton's later statements about American society published in The Rule and Misrule of the English in America. In Rule and Misrule, Haliburton started from the premise that American Republicanism began with the Puritan experiment in New England. This experiment was unique in the world's history, and it almost worked because the people involved were both rural and moral. The American Revolution, however, began a movement away from the pre-revolutionary values, and the resulting decline in religious and social values indicated to Haliburton that American Republicanism was headed for the despotic conclusion which other republican models in Europe had evidenced. Sam S...

If any community needed to understand its own character, its place in the world of men and ideas, that community was the Lagos of the nineteenth century. It was a community dominated by men who had grown up in foreign lands — in Sierra Leone, in Cuba or in Brazil; men who had now returned to their homeland with a sincere sense of attachment to its people and to its values. According to Rev. Mr Townsend of the Church Missionary Society, these early immigrants viewed their return to Lagos with immense patriotic enthusiasm. "This is our country", they said, "this is Eko [Lagos]." But they were men, also, who from many points of view, especially from their own, were considered to be at some advantage over their own people because of the opportunity that slavery had indirectly offered them to acquire the characteristics of European civilization. These men were at the cross-roads, and knew it. One of them, John Craig, told Rev. Mr Townsend in October 1865, "We have always considered ourselves as Middlemen between you and the Egbas." Their instinctive and deep-felt attachment to Yorubaland and to Yoruba life made them at times stern critics of those Europeans who believed that the African had no culture of his own. At the same time, their deep-felt appreciation of European life, and their belief that their return would bring similar benefits to Yorubaland made them equally stern defenders and apologists of European values. Any community suddenly thrown into the confusing and often confused thinking of the mid-nineteenth century would be expected to inherit many of the uncertainties of that age. Lagos was no exception. Its own uncertainties were, however, made even more disastrous by the ready platitudes of a section of the population, the self-righteousness of the 'civilized' elite and the general indecision of the vast majority. It is the pattern of these reactions that we will be considering in this paper.

Luther P. Gerlach and Virginia H. Hine. Lifeway Leap: The Dynamics of Change in America. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1973. xiv + 460 pp. Bibliography of visual supplements and index. $12.50 (cloth), $4.95 (paper).

George M. Foster. Traditional Societies and Technological Change, 2nd ed. New York: Harper & Row, 1973. vii + 286 pp. Bibliography and index. $3.95 (paper).

In this paper it is argued that basically the same agrarian structure once predominated in both Europe and Latin America: the manorial or hacienda system. Two types of manorial or hacienda system are distinguished, the Grund‐ and Gutsherrschaft, and their implications are analysed for the complex of conflicting relationships between landlords and peasants. An attempt is made to single out the crucial factors which explain the development pattern of the system, and special emphasis is given to the dissolution process, particularly to one of its aspects—the proletarianization of the peasantry.

“In the very earliest days of the primeval oceanic soup the world may have been a single ecosystem; but certainly for 2 billion years or more now, the world has had a large number of simultaneous but isolated ecosystems, and within each one the evolutionary process has pursued its way in relative independence of the other ecosystems of the world.”Kenneth E. Boulding, an economist, is at the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado, Boulder. He presented this paper in July 1973 to a symposium on science, development and human values during the first international conference on “Science and Man in the Americas,” organized jointly by the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the Mexican National Council for Science and Technology.

Mark P. Leone, ed. Contemporary Archaeology: A Guide to Theory and Contributions. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1972. xiv + 460 pp. Maps, figures, bibliography, and index. $15.00 (cloth), $8.95 (paper).

In an attempt to overcome the influence of the German school of historiography and to free itself from the "long, and not always fruitful imitation of Soviet historiography/'1 Yugoslav historians specializing in the twentieth century are courageously blazing a new trail in Marxist historiography. With a few exceptions, they are basing their conclusions no longer on political considerations but on objective study and evaluation of documentary and other source material. They are also using, with increasing success, their Marxist views as a guiding methodology in their approach to the problems studied. They believe that: "Problems reveal their true significance only when the historical process or event is placed into the largest possible framework, when politics is regarded as a result of the social, economic, and cultural situation in which it takes place. Political, economic and cultural developments occur in history not in isolation and independently from one another, but make up an integrated whole within the development of society/*2 No serious historian would quarrel with this statement of aspiration. However, such an integrating and synthetic approach can be properly handled mainly by teamwork and division of labour. Appropriate institutes have been founded with such a purpose in mind. In addition to the chairs of history within faculties of arts and law, each republic has its own institute of history and of workers' movements. Twentiethcentury Yugoslavian history is studied at the Institute of Social Sciences (Institut Drustvenih Nauka) in Belgrade, founded in 1958. Its history section publishes the periodical Istorija XX veka: Zbornik radova, of which eight volumes have appeared. Studying recent history is a treacherous task. Some scholars even go

period following the formal cessation of hostilities the young lions of the trenches frequently emerged into the packs of new paramilitary political movements: the Free Corps and the Einwohnerwehr in Germany; DAnnunzio's freebooters in Italy; the Hungarian officers who gathered at Szeged in 1919; the Austrian Heimatwehren; the Czech troops strung out along the Trans-Siberian Railroad; the forces of General Mannerheim in Finland, of Korfanty in Silesia, and of Mustafa Kemal Pasha in northern Anatolia. Civil war and revolution raged on in Central and Eastern Europe, finding ready recruits in the returning officers and men, many of whom were emerging not only from the front but from the prison camps of the belligerent powers. In Germany and Russia hundreds of thousands of former prisoners of war returning home added fuel to the fire. German and Austrian prisoners threatened to bring the bacillus of Bolshevism into their countries. They were said to have played a significant role in both Bela Kun's soviet republic in Budapest and its Bavarian counterpart in Munich in 1919. In Soviet Russia the danger was different. Hundreds of thousands of Russian prisoners still remained in Germany at the time of the Armistice, prisoners who might easily form a new army of counter-revolutionary intervention under Allied direction. In both countries the orderly repatriation of these men was desirable. The fate of approximately one million Russian war prisoners caught in Germany at the time of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in the spring of 1918 forms an important and little-known episode in early Soviet