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This article suggests an alternative mode of analysis of family patterns in nineteenth-century society. Historians fall victim to viewing familial or societal processes as dependent or as independent variables interchangeably when studying the relationship between the family and social change. When the relationship between societal change and family change is being analyzed, keeping one of these variables constant while analyzing the other must not be afforded.

This study reports on long-range consequences of student political activism. Three groups were selected: (1) former civil rights activists, (2) student government members, and (3) apolitical undergraduates. It was hypothesized that variation in political activism would be linked with differing occupations and political orientations. Former civil rights activists are heavily concentrated in the knowledge and human service occupations and are politically radical to liberal in their attitudes and behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report on social service agencies that helps to solve social problems. Until recently the controversy over strategies that deal with such massive social problems as poverty and delinquency involved two opposing schools of thought. On one side were the social service advocates who alleged that personal problems arose from personnel defects and therefore proposed strategies to help individuals cope more successfully with their environments. On the other side were the political activists who saw personal difficulties as the consequence of malfunctioning institutions and therefore advocated structural change. A new uphill struggle has begun in which legislators and the general public must be rearoused to the severity of the nation's social problems and the important role that the federal government must play in solving them. One consequence has been that social service programs, particularly those for the poor have come under mounting criticism. The public has been convinced that tax dollars and voluntary contributions are being squandered in programs with few discernible results. Legislators and foundation executives are being pressed to justify the outlay of huge sums of public and private money for services that do not seem to remedy pressing social problems.

This article describes a model of intervention for meeting human needs through structural rather than individual change. The assumptions are that social structures are the source of social problems, clients are adequate people victimized by inadequate social arrangements, and social workers should act as agents of social change. The author indicates the principles that might guide practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two major trends mark the transformation of industrial society into postindustrial society-increased social complexity and rapid social change. This article projects an image of social work in the future by describing some major problems people may face and presenting a model of an agency that might deal with them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A review of the literature on social movement organizations yields two key organizational variables: 1) the nature of the goals (instrumental-specific or expressive-diffuse); 2) the nature of membership requirements (exclusive or inclusive). These variables are cast in a paradigm which includes as other conceptual components: the kinds of membership incentives (solidary or purposive); the degree to which the social movement organization is detached from its community of concern; the leadership styles (directing, persuading, mixed); and the kinds of memberships (homogeneous; heterogeneous). The paradigm yields nine possible types of social movement organizations which in turn can be divided into congruent or non-congruent types. The paradigm is illustrated with data and observations from studies of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about social workers and social action and their attitudes toward social action strategies. Throughout the history of social work as a profession, leaders in the field have exhorted the rank and file to become more actively involved in social action. The strategies of involvement that have been urged range from participation based on professional expertise to forms of direct action. In recent years, however, the appropriateness or legitimacy of such involvement has been increasingly debated within the profession. The most frequently raised issues are whether the profession should endorse controversial social action and participate in programs of action based on conflict models of social change. Proponents of various positions on these questions, however, have necessarily expressed their own opinions, since no empirical data were available on the prevailing climate of opinion within the field. The issues transcended intramural discussion in the fall of 1964 when public officials, attacked Mobilization For Youth (MFY), an action-research program on New York's Lower East Side, the press and portions of the lay and professional communities for its sponsorship of rent strikes and other forms of protest by low-income people. Although MFY's programs were based on legal means of redress, they were defined in some sectors as non-professional and outside the range of social action appropriate for social workers.

Readers of the article by Herbert J. Gans, "Redefining the Settlement's Function for the War on Poverty," were told that the impact of the settlement house movement has declined steadily, with the failure of settlements to change their concept of their function in accordance with the changing population of neighborhoods and their resultant failure to reach this new population. Quite the contrary— the settlement movement has not only survived, but has in recent times been moving forward dynamically. Readers of the periodical "Social Work" who know the work of the 817 neighborhood centers affiliated with the National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers are aware of these changes. They may also know that the settlement movement, in spite of Gans's impression of it, has been redefining its function intensively since 1958. Gans is completely right about the problems facing urban society, but is handicapped in making recommendations for settlements by limited knowledge. The "three settlements" on which he bases his case are a settlement, a local boys' dub, and a denominational center.

The article focuses on Freedom Rides, a social movement, which was an aspect of social change. The author states that the struggle for equal opportunity for the Afro-American people is not a recent development but it has gained acceleration and more forceful impact since the 1954 Supreme Court decision that separate facilities for Afro-Americans are not equal. The Supreme Court in 1960 declared illegal any racial segregation in services provided for interstate travelers. In 1961 it decreed that the operation of a private restaurant in space leased from a public agency could not be conducted on a discriminatory basis. The slow, uneven, painstaking process of correcting racial discrimination has been welcomed by segregationists who are eager for loopholes that will further delay the social change involved. But many groups, both White and Afro-American, felt frustrated by the lack of the "deliberate speed" that had been ordered by the Supreme Court. The "sit ins' were the beginning of a non-violent protest movement to demand implementation of civil rights that had not been achieved effectively by other methods. The Freedom Rides were developed in 1961, following "sit-ins," which were at their height in 1960. They arose out of the need to end segregation at lunch counters in bus terminals, as well as in other facilities essential to the intercity traveler.

The two processes of aging and cohort succession underlie many of the changes and trends of concern to social scientists, and as the relevant data accumulate, better understanding of both individual and social change becomes more nearly attainable. The purpose of this article is to further such understanding by providing guideposts for the analysis of data that often appear to be deceptively simple. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role of strain in the growth of social movements. Though it is generally taken for granted that behind any episode of collective behavior lie some form of strains, little is known about the processes through which these strains affect the recruitment of people into a social movement. The central argument is that contrary to frequent assumptions, one should not necessarily expect a monotonically positive relationship between strains and the various modalities of participation in a social movement. Students in this field have usually failed to make appropriate distinction between these modalities. As will be seen in the article, it seems important to distinguish between recruitment to (or attraction to) a social movement, and intensity of activity in that social movement once it has been joined. Participation in a social movement is generally first a response to strains that the movement tries to correct. In this sense, racial strains must certainly have been an important determinant of activity in the sit-in movement.

This article reports the findings obtained from the solicited views of one hundred and fifty of demonstrators in mid-July 1963 when the Greek royal family visited London, England. Interviews were conducted while the demonstrations were in progress and ideological questions were by-passed. The demonstrations continued for three days and this made it possible to get two sets of random observations on separate dates. One hundred observations were taken orally on the first day of the demonstrations and another fifty on the last day, mainly because the first day's results were believed at the time to be extraordinary. Often several persons had to be approached before individuals capable of articulate conversation could be located. It should be emphasized that demonstrations can be a valuable tool to both emerging and established minorities. A demonstration makes it possible to inform, perhaps shock, and often educate public opinion with regard to relatively ignored issues. It would be unfortunate, therefore, if demonstrations based on ignorance, violence and hatred jeopardized this indispensable means of expression. This is a complex problem which the social scientist, together with the press and television, will probably find useful to probe more intensively in the future.

Although much of the public is made up of members of labor organizations and other people whose attitudes are predominantly shaped by direct contact with union members, a larger group holds attitudes toward labor which are shaped primarily by the news and commentaries disseminated through mass media of communication. The efforts of the American labor movement to reach these people and present its case to them are reported in this article. Gerald Pomper is Assistant Professor of Government at the City College of New York. This article had its origins in research he conducted at the AFL-CIO headquarters in preparation for his doctoral dissertation, "Organized Labor in Politics: The Campaign to Revise the Taft-Hartley Act." The new program is the latest result of a long and continuing series of events. As the labor movement has grown in numbers and in importance, it has become of more interest to the American public. Moreover, it has also become of more concern to the public. Greater power has brought more attacks on labor from its opponents in business, and these attacks have received more sympathetic attention from an apprehensive nation.

This article discusses the futurist movement in Russia. The futurist movement was led by people in art who scarcely understood politics and was sometimes also painted with the colours of anarchy. Alongside people of the future went those trying to look young, screening their aesthetic putrefaction with the left flag. Joining the futurist group were the first production-futurists and the constructivists. In order to propagate the ideas of the futurists by agitation, the paper "Art of the Commune" and a tour of factories and workshops were organised.

This paper is a study of the behaviour of the aggregate savings coefficient in the course of Brazilian development. Brazil is especially useful for such a case-study. Unlike most less-developed countries, many of the economic and social changes and the policy measures which have been suggested on a priori grounds as conducive to raising marginal savings rates have in fact taken place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article throws light on the culture of the Southwest. Average Texans also are becoming widely, if yet vaguely, conscious of this culture may be inferred from the lively discussion of the subject which rather recently breezed through the State. The Texas Folk-Lore Society, through the leadership of John A. Lomax and J. Frank Dobic, along with other organizations like The Texas Poetry Society, has been emphasizing the reality of the unique culture of the Southwest- the turn of idiom, history, tradition, flavor of soil which arc highly individual. Some creditable publications, monthlies and quarterlies, devoted to regional culture have sprung up, and a group of zealous men and women has become identified with the movement. Grateful as the most flaming zealot of the regional culture may be for this sweet morsel, it turns out to be too much to be bolted down at one gulp by anyone, but must be looked over carefully and its digestible elements masticated piecemeal. This contributes to the gathering whirlwind of excitement on the plains of Texas and has put "Culture" in the headlines.

The article discusses about various forms of population movement. Human beings may be so scattered that they range through an area of two hundred square miles per capita, and they may be so crowded that they are cooped in much less than one one-thousandth of a square mile per capita. A variation so great as this would certainly make a difference in the types of social change correlated with movement within the several areas, and when one takes into account the manifold possibilities of movement between thinly and thickly settled regions, such quantitative inequality looms up as an element in movement that may mean a great deal in specific cases. Another category under which movement may be placed has to do with the relative complexities of the culture areas at the point of departure and the point of arrival. The type and extent of social change occurring in correlation with any given movement is influenced by the relative complexity, relative simplicity, or dissimilarity of the areas involved.

The article presents a tribute to Jeff Davis, the Junior Senator of Arkansas. A man of might in the days when politics was politics, he evoked a hierarchy of angels and demons in which there were no neuters. At every crossroads and hamlet in that most berhymed and bedeviled of commonwealths he wrestled mightily with powers and principalities, spirits of light and of darkness. In a state that possessed no aristocracy against whom they might rebel Davis led a revolt of the dispossessed poor Whites. Jeff's contributions to the science of penology are equally valuable and have been too long neglected by criminologists. He absorbed enough out of the general intelligence of the country to be fairly familiar with many of the leading questions of the day and could discuss them before an audience with a sufficient show of knowledge to impart all the lessons they seemed willing to absorb. There may yet arise a reincarnation of Davis to sweep the state. Businessmen and city dudes sometimes fear phantoms, and God knows the plight of the Arkansas peasantry is frightful enough to evoke phantoms.

The article focuses on the effect that changed conditions growing out of improved means of transportation and communication were bringing into the limelight. Under the stress of these new forces, it was pointed out, the old emphasis upon local neighborhood solidarity was shifting to the region as a unit of increasing significance. This statement of the newer trends in the community movement has provoked some criticism especially from those whose philosophy of community organization has been bound up with the problem of neighborhood reconstruction. It is quite evident from criticisms that have been made that the whole issue is still more or less clouded by hazy conceptions of what is involved in the field of community organization. This particular aspect of the community movement was discussed very inadequately in the article referred to above which was concerned primarily with a historical analysis of its growth and an appraisal of its chief activities. For this reason a supplemental statement seems in order with chief emphasis upon the actual role of community organization and its adaptation to the requirements of the present situation.

From the very beginning of its "peculiar institution," the South has seen danger in every social and economic movement destined to affect the status of the African American. There ever have been those who believed that his status should remain fixed even in a dynamic world. John C. Calhoun, the inspired voice of the South, declared that African American slavery was indispensable to a republican form of government, that without slavery the foundations of government itself would crumble. Calhoun's fears of freedom were not altogether groundless. The African American in fact at a single step moved from the plane of chattel slavery to the responsibilities of citizenship, theoretically at least. But the South survived this and arose to new visions of life, increased wealth and power. The African American question would not down in the South's vote on prohibition and the woman suffrage issue. It will not down yet in legislative councils, considering child labor laws, compulsory school laws and penal reform.

When the British Labor Headquarters had decreed the greatest general strike in history, there floated out through the night, to the wonderment of passers-by, strains of that emotional old hymn, "Glory, Glory, Hallelujah." Whether the reported incident be true or not, it illustrates clearly the fact that labor does not consider its major contests mere bread-and-butter battles. It does not act from a cold-blooded belief that an opportune time has arrived to put the screws to a disorganized consuming public or gouge its hereditary enemy, the capitalist. They conceive their struggle to be primarily ethical. It is because they stand at Armageddon that they sing. They do not talk of money but of justice. Although labor views its contests as being primarily ethical, the concrete issue is generally one wages. It struggles for a fair wage, a wage to which it has a right, a "just wage." Few people have any definite idea of what is meant by a just or unjust wage but the belief that wages are often unjust is probably as old as human society.

A question of long standing in sociology is the relative influence of the individual in social change. A most interesting fact about living organisms is that when a particular trait of a random number of living organisms of the same species is measured, it is found to be distributed according to the normal probability curve. Measurement in psychology also indicates that mental traits, like such physical traits as height and stature, fall into frequency distributions of the same general shape as the "normal probability curve. This distribution seems to be true not only for simple mental traits but also for combinations and complexes of traits, such as logical reasoning and even general mental ability. It seems probable therefore that such traits as inventive ability or any particular combination of traits of greatness would also be similarly distributed. People therefore think that the biological bases of the different kinds of greatness occur in the normal probability curve of frequencies.

Community Chest development in smaller cities in the past few years brings out a problem that is ever increasing as more and more of these cities adopt a Community Chest plan. The difficulty apparently comes about through lack on the part of the organizing group of knowledge, understanding or appreciation of the fundamental purposes of the Community Chest movement as conceived and developed in the larger Chest cities. The steps that were necessary to bring about the results obtained in these ether cities, the problems that are brought into being by the Community Chest method and the ways by which these problems have been successfully met are for the most part unknown. These thoughts are derived by them from what they have heard about the Chest movement in other cities. A superficial idea has been gleaned here and there from campaign publicity in other cities, from verbal statements secured through business connection, or from some business or professional than who has moved to their city from some city having a Community Chest.

The article discusses the origin, progress and outcome of the "reorganization movement" which began to gather momentum in the early 1930's. On January 1, 1945, the Mineworkers' Federation of Great Britain, which had been the dominant trade union in the British coal industry ever since its organization in 1888, was renamed the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). The development of a "National Union" from a "Mineworkers' Federation" had little or nothing to do with the nationalization of the industry itself. The "nationalization" of the industry and of the union in the mid-1940's was coincidence, not cause and effect. The modernization of the union's structure has greatly facilitated the union's adjustment to nationalization. The NUM has developed a new set of structural problems since and largely because of, the nationalization of the industry. The British mineworkers, unlike their American brothers, were organized into trade unions largely through movements with local origins. The aim of these movements was the establishment of effective district organizations in particular coalfields.

The article traces the position of labor unions during various stages of the recent history of Germany. The most recent development has been the suppression of independent labor unions by the government of German Dictator Adolf Hitler. This, coupled with the subsequent outlawing of the Social Democratic Party, marks the end of an epoch in German labor history. It marked the end of a movement which, in 1929, was considered to be one of the best organized and most effective labor union in the world. Prior to the First World War, the German labor movement had succeeded in freeing itself from the stigma of outlawry which had attached to it under German Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck. The German labor movement won recognition for the first time from the state during the war, despite a diminished membership and depleted funds. By 1918, union membership had risen to 13 million, and labor leaders were more perplexed than ratified at the sudden popularity of their organizations. The growth of the influence of the labor organizations was one of the most remarkable developments of post-war Germany.

This article presents information on productive co-operation in France. France is the birthplace of productive co-operation. First, because that form of co-operation is the only form which has developed spontaneously within France. It was in France that this form of co-operation sprang up as the final solution of the social problem, as the breaking of a new era in which a regime of free labor should succeed the wage system, even as the wage system itself had succeeded a regime of selfdom and slavery. It was in France that productive co-operation in 1848 enrolled its legions of pioneers among the workingmen, whose story, if it is less celebrated than that of the Rochdale pioneers, does not relate less heroism. It must not be forgotten, too, that it was the form of productive co-operation indigenous in France which gave rise to a new gospel, and appeared as the star of noble spirits as John Stuart Mill and the Christian socialists of England. Finally, it is in France that productive co-operation has worked itself out in several of the most perfect and most justly celebrated enterprises in the world.

The article focuses on crisis situations and ideological revaluations. Students of social change and practitioners attempting to predict human behavior have long been interested in changes in systems of belief. In this article the author describes the kinds of situations which have produced ideological changes as well as the mechanisms involved in these revaluations. It has repeatedly been noted that systems of belief tend to be conservative, in the sense of having their status and identity maintained by means of various psychological mechanisms such as suppression of incompatible cues, weighing of conflicting evidence, or rationalization. The present paper is concerned with circumstances under which these supporting mechanisms become totally or partially ineffective, leaving the individual with an invalidated or inoperative ideology. This type of condition is here referred to as a crisis situation. This paper has attempts to spell out the mechanisms involved in this process and their operation, with the premise that clear thinking about the ideology of individuals is a sine qua non for an understanding of the "why" and "how" of social movements.

The article reports that values, attitudes, and opinions constitute the climate of political and social change, and the constructive politician is one who can transform tensions between technological-economic necessity and ideological preferences into policies and administrative programs that are reconcilable with prevailing systems of belief. The elements of politics, however, also consist of the persons, institutions, practices and relationships through which the community adjusts conflicts of interest among its component aggregations of social and economic power. In this context, which emphasizes the adjustive, integrative, balancing concept of government, knowledge of the personnel, membership, structure and functioning of the private as well as the public organizations of power is essential alike for the politician and the political scientist. Both must have a thorough acquaintance with the relations between group organizations, political parties, and administrative agencies, between groups and the legislative processes, and the alignments between the competing public agencies of policy planning and coordination and the private interests.

A MOVEMENT away from the "social gospel with the introduction of a note of social pessimism seems observable in the preaching of American Protestant ministers during the period from 1929 to 1940. Since the pulpit is of some importance in the formulation of public opinion such a trend is worthy of note by students of that subject. If the change in the nature of the utterances of ministers were found to be paralleled by similar alterations in the disseminations emanating from other formulators of public opinion the phenomenon at hand would be of even more significance as part of a larger pattern. Much of the American religious thinking of the early '20's was concerned with the problem of "the Kingdom of God on Earth" and man's improvement of his worldly lot. This tendency to equate religion with contemporary social movements or with anything temporal or human has been rejected by a group now prone to speak of the former position as "defunct liberalism," and to charge it with failure to recognize great qualitative differences between the temporal and the eternal. W. M. Horton in commenting upon Karl Barth in this connection says: "such pessimism as this was no doubt irreligious according to liberal Christian notions, but as Barth despairingly searched the Scriptures it struck him that a certain pessimism about human affairs was characteristic of theft teachings; and when he turned to the Biblical commentaries of Luther and Calvin he was pleased to discover that these men of faith viewed the secular scene pretty much as he did. Perhaps, after all, it was not wrong to be 'embarrassed' when one attempted to make God intelligible in terms of contemporary social movements; perhaps a God who could be discovered on the human plane would not be God; perhaps 'embarrassment,' inability to talk without involvement in verbal contradictions and rational paradoxes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the feminist movement in the U.S. during the period of 1870 through 1930. The author contends that despite all of the agitation of that era, which resulted in the attainment of many political and social rights, women then returned to the domesticity which dominated their sex in the Victorian era. Several theories which attempt to explain this phenomenon are presented and analysed, and the author concludes that attempts to reconcile feminist thought with Freudian social ideology resulted in the idea that feminism represented deviant behavior.

The article discusses female participation in several radical movements in Russia with examples from as early as 1870. The author argues that the socialist view of female enslavement as an element of capitalism allowed for gender egalitarianism among revolutionaries. Integral to the Marxist cause, the emancipation of women was considered an ingredient to the overall social revolution; due to this, the revolutionary atmosphere of late 19th and early 20th century Russia was uniquely conducive to female activism as compared to other countries.

The article looks at the first U.S. federal prohibition of marihuana. The author compares the first federal ban on marihuana to the alcohol prohibition. According to the author, the marihuana ban was an effort to try and control a private type of social behavior and it shows how moral prejudice can become public policy. The article discusses the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937, the national narcotics policy in 1914, the sensationalism surrounding marihuana in the 1930s, Harry Anslinger, the Commissioner of Narcotics, and the Bureau of Narcotics.

The article considers national character and European labor history between 1890 and 1914. National characteristic of German, English, French and Belgian workers are considered in terms of the relative radicalism of the labor movements in various countries. National characteristics are more relevant to the formal labor movement and the elite classes than the workers themselves. The article argues that using national characteristics to define national labor movements may obfuscate the problem more than it clarifies it.

This article discusses Italian immigrants to Argentina, Brazil, and the United States during the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. While Italian immigrants to the United States were excluded from labor unions and from participating in the labor movement, Italian immigrants were essential in the development of the labor movement in Argentina and Brazil. The author examines the reasons for this discrepancy, and describes the social situations during the time period for all three countries.

This article discusses social history. The author defined social history as the history of society or social structures, processes and trends. He said it is also involved in sociology and not just history. He explained that one cannot conceive of social history as being in a position to resolve the differences between history and sociology. He said, however, that it is possible for social history to bridge the gap between the two disciplines. He also said that in the nineteenth century, the concepts social and political were not so consciously separated by historians as they were the spokesmen of the rising social movement.

The article focuses on the theory of feminism and the economic independence of woman. One of the important facts to be considered in a discussion of any phase of feminism is the apparent lack of organization of forces. There are innumerable women's clubs, all seeking in one way or another the right of woman to be recognized as a thinking individual, yet failing to realize the strength which a united effort would bring. It is too much to expect that in a group of many millions, all should agree upon the method of achieving anything so abstract as the right to be considered capable of intelligence, or even that all should be concerned about this right. The two chief doctrines of the radical feminists, around which all others revolve, are economic independence for women and birth control. The latter doctrine at least, is one which has met with favor by many students of reform, and is considered by them not only as a means of relieving woman from the bondage of incessant child-bearing, but, more important, as one solution of the world's population problem.

This article focuses on the educational movements in the U.S. Education is essential to enlightenment, though by no means the only essential. An enlightened citizenship is necessary to the very life of a democracy. By taxes, the people support the most extensive public school system in existence. Through state, religious and private benefactions, they donate billions of dollars to colleges and universities devoted to every branch of learning, classical, scientific, professional, technical. By far the most significant new movement in the educational field is that inaugurated by organized labor itself, the Workers' Education Movement. There are those who see in the motive that animated its origin only a subject for carricature. They would sustain their opinion by such incidents as the one related of a janitor at a southern university. Labor has been forced, in self-respect as well as self-defense, into the field of education. At present. Workers Education is a conscious class movement. Ideally, it is, and ultimately it will be, something more than a class movement.

This article focuses on the organic theory of social reform movements. Social reform movements are essentially organized efforts to change current ideas of right. They may be approached from the historical angle as a series of recorded events or from the viewpoint of psychology as a social process of mass suggestion and imitation. These types of movements represent clearly contrasted attitudes toward social problems; the attitude of the visionary extremist who places his faith in a natural law or in some supernatural agency; the attitude of a similarly extreme idealist who places his faith in organized effort of individuals; the attitude of the statesman, the opportunist or the "reformist" who may place his faith almost anywhere, but who invariably criticizes the impracticability of utopian and revolutionary points of view. Eighteenth century France and England afford striking examples. The individualism of this period was manifest in each of the movements described. As regards the revolutionary movements, anarchism, which sprang up about the middle of the nineteenth century, is a striking exception, but this movement has made little headway in comparison with the various types of socialism.

This article presents information regarding the educational policy of the Brookwood Labor College, New York. It can be of service to the labor movement. A new chapter in the history of labor in this country is about to be written. A loose federation of autonomous crafts is beginning to give way to a more articulate labor movements. The rule of thumb methods of the past are beginning to give way to a procedure based upon knowledge and vision. The great gulf which has separated laborers and the intellectuals is beginning to be bridged. A college, avowedly sympathetic to labor, can do much to stimulate and direct this movement. Any consideration of the curriculum and activities of the college must proceed from an adequate conception of its functions. In spite of its commitment to an end, the college must be unbiased in its search for truth. It must diligently search out the facts and think through the problems incident to the formation of programs for the realization of this human end. Yet, in its activities, it must avoid the temptation to evade or conceal the truth.

The article discusses the social movement in the interest of the country churches that has had continuous growth for fourteen years from known beginnings in the U.S. The leaders of it are men of the type of the instructors of sociology in the colleges. The years 1910-16 were a season of national realization with reference to rural matters. According to the author, various conferences were held, addressed conventions of many thousands assembled in the name of "Conservation, Country Life," the "Rural Program," and people delivered their message to scores of hearers who met in country conventicles. There have been in this practical application of the Country Life program both successes and failures. Some communities have been set up with an excellent community equipment including residence for the minister in the country and a community house with an adequate budget of expenditures and a minister permanently settled. There have been, however, not a few communities in which the program, greeted at first with enthusiasm and started sometimes with too great hopes, has been a local failure. Another great advantage, however, in this method has been its power to break the blockade of opinion in the country.

This article attempts to determine the salient sociological factors behind the origin and growth of the new Ku Klux Klan and to estimate the significance of those factors. If only these two factors had not cooperated so closely, researchers should have had an interesting example of the role of propaganda in the expansion of a social movement, or a still more interesting example of the role of post-war conditions in creating unusual psychic reactions. But these two sets of forces happened to act in combination, and the investigator can only attempt to determine indirectly what the influence of one would have been independent of the other. Among Klansmen there seems to be a tendency to attribute the major portion of credit for the organization to its founder, William Joseph Simmons. The chief articles of faith in the Ku Klux creed might be reduced to; white race supremacy; pure Americanism; the preservation of protestant Christianity; and the protection of womanhood and morality. In brief, the World War necessitated the making of quick and radical adjustments to new conditions.

This study examines the transformation of the May Movement in Curacao, Netherland Antilles, in the context of social movement theory. Initiated by an economic strike, the movement became increasingly politicalized. Its initial protopolitical phase was characterized by a violent outburst, then moved into a political strike. The resulting labor solidarity led to the resignation of the government. The movement eventuated in the formation of a new labor party which was successful in a subsequently called election. The study suggests that internal conflict within the labor movement promoted, rather than hindered, political mobilization. The structural setting, however, maintained the movement, in Smelser's terms, at a norm-oriented rather than in a value-oriented direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A study of denominational participation in the National Council of Churches illuminates the processes by which organizations reap unanticipated consequences from their commitment to coalitions. This paper contends that NCC members experienced unanticipated involvement in the civil rights movement, resulting in loss of members and reduction of financial support, especially for those denominations with heavy commitment to the South. When an organization forms a coalition with others who do not share its environmental commitments, those commitments may be neglected, causing resistance from the organization's environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An evolutionary change in the objectives of the southern civil rights movement has produced a consequent change in the leadership structure of its component movement organizations. Forcer encouraging this change operate both within and outside these organizations. The net effect has been to reduce the importance of the general charismatic leader in favor of a cadre of specialized leaders. The transformation of movement organizations has transformed the charismatic leader into a specialized leader in organizations which, upon accomplishing short-range goals, have changed to meet the challenge of new and long-range objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Webers suggestion that the greater one's involvement with the politics of social reform the less his aversion to the use of morally dubious means is tested in a population of clergymen. The data are consistent with Weber's suggestion. Specifically, it is found that the more a clergyman is involved in attempts to alleviate social problems the less he objects to the use of a strategy for social change which employs deceit, threats, bluffs, and hostility; the less he disapproves of the use of power and conflict in general; and the less he rejects the use of power by the underprivileged in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toennies' views on social change were never systematically brought together by Toennies himself, but they are implicit in many of his writings, from Gerneinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887) to his posthumous fragment Gels! tier Neuceit (1936). In Toennies' parlance, they are identical with "applied sociology," but must be considered in the light of the concepts of "pure sociology." According to Toennies, the principle of change is inherent in the contradictory or dialectical nature of human nature which is based on communal or shared feelings but disturbed by arbitrary or reflective will. In other words, individualism as the carrier of change arises out of gemeneinschaft and sustains gesellschaft. Individualistic striving primarily becomes operative in trade, secondarily in politics and in science; it is in evidence throughout history, but becomes extraordinarily virulent in the modern age, through the medium of capitalism. The increase of trade and population and the growth of cities are indicators of this development. Toennies differs from Durkheim because he is a typologist and from Weber because he is a dialectician. He shares Weber's pessimistic appraisal of present trends, but envisages a possible reversal in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James C. Davies proposed a "rise and drop" hypothesis to explain the origin of revolutions. The present paper attempts to place this in the more general context of analyzing conditions which produce both social movements and revolutions. Three additional temporal hypotheses ("rising expectations," "relative deprivation," and "downward mobility") and one nontemporal hypothesis ("status inconsistency") are suggested. These five hypotheses are subsumed under the Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. This provides a general social psychological -theory of motivation which could account for individual predispositions toward participation in social movements and revolutions. Predictions are made regarding the direction and intensity of such movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been hypothesized that status inconsistents are prone to participate in social movements. Collective behavior literature is examined in order to isolate indicators of this disposition. Status inconsistents are found to exhibit these symptoms. An examination of particular status consistency profiles reveals a significant variation in propensity between types of inconsistents. It is suggested that future analysis in this area should focus primarily upon consistency profiles rather than status consistency per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The classical approach to the study of the transformation of social movements (here called the Weber-Michels model) predicts that a movement organization will become more conservative and that its goals will be displaced in favor of organizational maintenance. Using organizational and incentive analysis, the classical approach is subsumed under a more general set of concepts which lead to predictions about growth and change. The movement organization responds to the ebb and flow of sentiment in the larger society, to its relations with other movement organizations and to success or failure. Leadership and schismogenetic tendencies affect the nature and vicissitudes of its goals, and the recruitment and commitment of members. Neither greater conservatism nor organizational maintenance are iron laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to describe and interpret the ecology of mortality in a metropolitan area in terms of the structure of population aggregates. Explanations for both the statistical distribution of mortality rates and the processes by which individuals become mortality cases are considered. The data are analyzed according to socioeconomic status, Shevky-Bell social rank and family status, geographical mobility-racial status, and residential conditions. Several hypotheses are suggested in interpretation of the research findings, based on (1) social change, (2) population drift, (3) genetic inheritance, (4) interaction problems, (5) cultural differences, (6) differentials in medical assistance, (7) adoption of the sick role, and (8) societal reaction. Finally, it is suggested that the pursual of a dual research strategy of rates and individual behavior will ensure a more integrated and comprehensive sociological theory of mortality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]