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India depends heavily on foreign experts to formulate its population policy because those domestic political leaders involved in policy making are alienated from the masses—they hold to Western values, lack competence in technical skills, are reluctant to come to grips with urgent social problems, and have given way to pressure from powerful vested interests. National and foreign priorities are closely identified. Policy formulators have sidetracked the fight against the basic social and economic problems of the country and have identified population planning with a birth control that masquerades under the name of family planning. This has been a fundamental and almost fatal mistake. Because of this approach, all attempts at family planning have failed to bring their intended results, and it has not been possible to make a significant dent in India's population problem. A threshold level of social and economic development must be attained before any family planning program can begin to bring about a sustained drop in the birth rate. Family planning should be part of a broadly based integrated plan of social and economic development. This will require changes at the political, administrative, social and economic levels to allow development of suitable plans to effectively and expeditiously implement the social and economic development programs.

The federal grant strategy found in the Older Americans Comprehensive Services Amendments of 1973 represents a marked departure from earlier strategies of the Older Americans Act. While the national goal of the legislation is more clearly specified and funding has sig nificantly increased, the introduction of new substate plan ning bodies—Area Agencies on Aging—is seen here as the most important change. The new national strategy is geared toward the development of these new agencies, and its success will depend very much on their discharging the functions assigned to them. This paper argues that, because the new legislative strategy is based on a rational goal model and conceptualizes the area agencies accordingly, it neglects certain requisites of organizational life. Using, instead, a social system perspective of the area agencies and their environment, the paper suggests that these agencies will, of necessity, concern themselves with matters other than those mandated in the legislation. These other con cerns will affect both the national objectives which the area agencies choose to emphasize and the intensity of their effort. Specifically, the area agencies may view the mandate to draw-in and mobilize resources at the area level as not in their organizational interests. The paper concludes that: their engaging in this role in tentative fashion will result in either incremental or goal-displaced activities; their em barking in this role wholeheartedly may prove dangerous to them organizationally and may result in substantial mod ifications in the national strategy and their role in it.

The rise of new participatory citizen movements for consumer and environmental protection, peace and social justice are grounded in an almost intuitive understanding of the persuasive power of information. In many affluent economies, such as those of Western Europe, the United States, Australia and Japan, the overarching strategy of these citizen movements has been to manipulate information and, in turn, to change prevailing views of what is rational. Thus, their chief mode of operation consists of assembling, restructuring, deploying and amplifying well-validated information and, then, with varying success, infusing this new data with the political power to affect social and economic decisions. Since I am a participant in, as well as a chronicler of, these movements, my observations are experientially and empirically based. Therefore, I make no claim to objectivity in this review of the innovative concepts, strategies and tactics of such citizen movements and their significant contributions to the political processes in advanced, complex societies. While such movements are now gaining strength and sophistication in many countries, this paper will focus on those in the United States—which Daniel Bell has described as the first postindustrial society—where it seems that the goals and values of the citizens are undergoing the most rapid and qualitative changes.

Can research be studied in a way that is neither logical reconstruction nor empirical psychology or sociology of science? In contemporary philosophy of science this is usually denied—in spite of the recent 'paradigm shift' there. A system-philosophy approach in theory of research is outlined by means of some models: a research enterprise is viewed as a productive, innovative system, the research process as a transformation of complexes of knowledge-problems-instruments (software and hard ware). The direction this development takes is guided by preconceptions about the subject matter and a programmatic conception of the discipline based on them ('internal steering factors'). The dynamics of the research process are schematized as a co-agency of 'theoretical and 'empirical' moments, which is viewed as a flow of problems, information, and conceptual frameworks. Empirically discovered pieces of knowledge may resist all attempts to explain them: the flow is disturbed, and only an extraordinary innovation on the 'theoretical' level can restore the balance. This involves a shift in perspective: a shift in the 'internal steering factors'. (In this way one type of 'scientific revolution' (Kuhn's type) is conceptualized). After a perspectival shift one will ask 'Does it constitute progress ?' Types of criteria are suggested. Although they do not apply to all research situations, they over-arch research-traditions. Eventually the above models are applied in the reflection of Research Theory on itself. Research Theory should improve our knowledge about knowledge-production. This knowledge should contribute to improving our image of science and the researcher's sensitivity—by providing better tools for concept ualizing research situations and for imagining possible alternatives.

"Rebellion arises equally from objective and subjective conditions. The rebel perceives an imbalance in the allocation of resources or access to power, and is outraged to find that imbalance sanctified by a definition of himself as unworthy of or, more subtly, as unready for those resources or power. Relative scarcity and racist justification are thus conjoined in the rebellious upheavals of the Third World." Yet both the advantaged and disadvantaged are socialized to accept the legitimacy of the status quo. According to the author, the truly committed social or behavioral scientist must become aware of the contradictions evident in the theories he has been trained to believe in and the concrete social conditions of oppressed people. He must lead the way in rethinking the concepts of Authority and Equality for man. He must build new "conceptual mansions" that will transform Man and bring about a new Society of useful individuals and nurturing institutions.

A report to the Nuffield Foundation on the seminar, “The Sociology of the Police”, held last April at the University of Bristol.

The team approach is the answer to administering today's secondary schools, the writer says, and the assistant prin cipal is an important member of this team. She adds that the team will work only when the principal places his complete confidence in his assistant(s).

Path analysis is too concerned with the observable and not concerned enough with the conceptual. Many path analyses are rendered trivial, and overly complicated by this emphasis. A method proposed by Hope (1971) within the framework of path analysis is shown to add its own further confusion, and to be invalid. The same data is analysed by two (differing) approaches which are less concerned with the observed and more concerned with what underlies the observed. Basic deductions from both methods (one is regression-based, the other factor analysis-based) are the same. One, the data armed by Hope contains much redundancy in conceptual terms: two, the underlying process is very simple: `A person's level of education is predicted (caused?) by his mental ability and type of parental home environment, with ability being a more important factor. Most systematic variation in a person's occupational prestige is "caused" by the person's level of education'.

This article is devoted to an elaboration of the adoption phase of Clark and Guba's R and D model. A brief discussion of the normative structures of organizations and organizational boundary permeability provides the rationale for a set of suggested procedures for adoption of innovations at the school building level.

This paper is intended to illuminate the processes of resistance to new scientific ideas within science itself. Ironically, this part of the research cycle is relatively unexplored.' Therefore, to help 'describe, in needed detail, the ways in which scientists actually do think, feel, and act',2 one particular case of indifference and resistance to new ideas is examined. This concerns the reception of spatial diffusion theory by researchers in human geography, and centres round the recognition of work produced by one individual, Torsten Hagerstrand. A series of studies has shown interaction among scientists to be structured by a highly stratified and clustered social organization.3 Access to new information, productivity, reward and eminence follow a 'core and scatter' pattern, where socially-defined cores of influentials dominate and organize the scatter of less prestigious scientists. Within this system, the most efficient means of communication are informal, usually face-to-face and

This writer questions some of the basic conven tions of foreign language teaching in this coun try. As an alternative approach, he suggests an exploratory concept for grades 5-8.

An unexamined problem in the history of American sociology is how to understand cross-societal transference of theoretical structures. The case study considered here is that of the cultural migration of refugee scholars from Nazi Germany to the United States. This paper treats this event as a problem in the sociology of theory structures. Habermas' work on the social character of scientific knowledge aids in conceptualizing our frame work.

Protecting the vanishing species of the healthy person should be the school's primary goal. Yet, cognitive and technical skills continue to get top billing, says this author. He outlines some aspects of the healthy individual and challenges school administrators to combat society's sickness.

This paper offers a typology of social change efforts based on an analysis of their divergent root assumptions about values and the nature of reality rather than a categorization of their various activities. Analysis of change agents' images of society and of the individual, their diagnoses of contemporary society, and their priorities for action yields three perspectives of planned social change: the professional-technical, the political, and the countercultural, which the authors discuss in terms of such issues as their varying kinds of constituencies, resources, roles, and institutional bases.

The social consequences of geographical mobility are usually conceptualized in terms of unidimensional dichotomies, such as those of Merton (`locals' and `cosmopolitans'), Stacey (`traditionalists' and `non-traditionalists'), and Watson (`burgesses' and `spiralists'). Despite their different meanings and limited generality, these typologies are applied and misused by current writers such as Bell, Frankenberg and Pahl. Typologies, even correctly applied, do not adequately cover the complexity of the processes involved in changes of place of residence. An alternative approach is suggested which rejects typologies and reduces both migration and orientation to local social milieux to their component factors.

With a good grasp of what the assistant principalship is all about, the author cites verse and chapter about the likes and dislikes of persons in this job and about what they should be doing if the position is to attract careerists.

Authority as it existed in public schools is discussed and redefined in light of cultural changes, judicial decisions, and state law. Particular attention is given to the “Tinker formula” which led to the greatest recognition of First Amendment rights without concern for age or maturity. Accordingly, the implication of Fourteenth Amendment rights for disciplinary practices in schools are included. An approach to strengthening student government and developing policy guidelines for rights and responsibilities in school communities is proposed. Emphasis is on involvement of school and community, the role of the school as an agent of change and educational leadership. “Permit me to observe,” said Nikolay Petrovich, “that if you deny everything, or to put it more precisely, if. you destroy everything, then you must also construct, you know.” — Turgenev, Fathers and Sons