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The article analyzes merchant behavior in ghetto marketplaces. For this purpose, the article presents two position papers taking different perspectives in regard to a possible explanation for the racial-ethnic differences found through previous research. Walter E. Williams, research economist with the Urban Institute, criticizes previous articles on the grounds that they fail to suggest a behavioral model of merchant behavior and because they fail to suggest effective policy measures to modify this behavior. Williams suggests a rational behavior model: that minorities are characterized by more unemployment, higher residential mobility, and lower income, and that merchants use this readily accessible information to determine creditworthiness. Frederick D. Sturdivant, Meshulam Riklis Professor of Business and Its Environment at the Ohio State University, suggests that the economic model employed by Williams is outdated and inappropriate, that the behavioral model encourages racist stereotyping.

The article presents information on position papers on international exchange rates. International economic transactions are effected, directly or indirectly, through the exchange of national currencies. Obviously, therefore, the rates at which currencies exchange in such transactions is of extreme importance. Public debate relating to foreign trade is hardly a recent phenomenon. However, from mid-sixteenth century until the mid-1930's, most discussions presupposed either specie flow or fixed exchange rates with bullion convertibility, even when conditions and national objectives were changing drastically. Then, Henry C. Simons, in a series of essays, provided the context and one side's basic arguments for today's most interesting and lively debate. Certainly in the U.S. where bullion convertibility is no longer a real possibility so that changes in the size of the nation's money stock could no longer be tied critically, in any truly permanent and rigorous way, to changes in the size of the nation's "treasure," the crucial policy question now is what sort of exchange-rate system would contribute more to the attainment of the generally accepted and conflicting goals.

The article provides information on several books related to social science. One of the books "The Divorce Court," by Leon C. Marshall and Geoffrey May is a study of the Institute of Law designed to carry forward the investigation. Based on an examination of over 9,000 cases and a less intensive study of 11,000 more cases as a six months sample from Ohio, this study is limited to an investigation of the practical workings of the divorce law of this state. With the exception of certain obvious implications, no attempt is made to reform divorce law or practices. Alexander Hamilton's book "Papers on Public Credit, Commerce and Finance" reports on a national bank with an analysis of the powers and function of the Federal Government. Another book "Democracy and Nationalism in Europe," by Henry L. Stimson, contains the lectures delivered by the author at Princeton University in April 1934, on the Stafford Little Foundation. These lectures have as their main purpose to discover, in the light of history, some ray of hope in the existing chaos and gloom of European scene.

The article discusses Mexican American, Negro, and Anglo improvement in labor force status between 1960 and 1970 in Racine, Wisconsin. This paper is concerned with the level of economic absorption of immigrants (compared to the Anglo population in Racine) as measured by changes in their occupation, income, and employment status between 1960 and 1970-71. The paper utilized U.S. Census data for 1960 and 1970 in order to compare Mexican Americans and Anglos in Texas and Negroes and Whites in Mississippi with their counterparts in Racine. Statistics generated from the Texas, Mississippi, and Racine Census data were in turn compared with statistics based on the authors' survey research data. The latter were taken from a longitudinal study of the processes of economic absorption and cultural integration among samples of predominantly immigrant Mexican Americans and Negroes, whose 1960 and 1971 interview data were compared with that of a control group of Anglos, half of whom were themselves immigrants.

The article presents a paper that proposes a four step strategy for locating urban population service facilities. Although developed with regard to a specific problem, dealing with a system of public day care centers, the strategy has considerable generality and is applicable to a wide variety of situations and scales. Since population service agencies typically operate under budget, manpower, and other constraints that restrict the number and size of facilities and preclude serving the entire population, particular attention is given to applying the locational strategy to that situation. This includes illustrating the procedure by examining the need for public day care service among the poor in Columbus, Ohio, and locational options for a system of public day care centers in its Model Cities area. The total costs of implementing the locational strategy described in this paper were substantial. Those related to estimating and mapping the demand or need surface for day care service, which in itself would provide valuable information for a service or planning agency, are relatively small.

The article presents a paper that has attempted to illuminate the problem of the persistence of specific organizational forms, a problem which has received some theoretical attention, but for which few operational clues exist. A notable exception is researcher Arthur L. Stinchcombe's hypothesis stating that when organizational elite structures are compatible with the interests and purposes of relevant external elites who control the resources upon which the organization depends, then the organizational form has a better chance of survival. The example analyzed in this paper was that of a city police control system that by all odds should have died a hundred years ago. The first task of this paper was to show how the Police Control Board, gradually worked out a routine police control operation that proved to be of great comfort and satisfaction to nervous elites suspicious of the city's will and ability to keep the dangerous classes in check. The second task of this paper was to analyze the social backgrounds of commissioners in order to show that they could hardly be anything but acceptable to elites since they themselves were recruited from elites and brought an elite perspective into the organization.

The article presents a paper that summarizes the present status of output measurement in urban government--the state of the art as well as the use being made of it--and discusses briefly prospects for its use and further development in the immediate future. The paper is concerned with measurement of both the quantitative and qualitative aspects of local government services. Two services, solid waste collection and recreation, are used to illustrate problems of measuring output and how they are being resolved. An important quality factor of solid waste collection is the resulting cleanliness. To measure this output the Washington D.C. government has implemented a method of inspector ratings of street and alley litter conditions. Three general conclusions regarding the present state of output measurement in local governments emerge from the two surveys. First, most governments collect some data on quantitative outputs. Second, some local governments collect data on qualitative aspects of output. And third, the state of measurements varies dramatically by service or program area.

The presents a paper that analyzes the nature of power. The authors say that the word power itself is ambiguous. So, in this paper, by power they do not mean a faculty, such as thinking or willing. Neither do they mean simple capacity, nor do they mean the mechanical force or energy. Rather, by power they mean the power that is social in nature and that involves, in some way, the imposition of one's will on others. Power involves something more than merely directing or intentionally influencing the actions of others. This something more is the ability to impose one's will on others even though they are opposed to this imposition or the ability to impose one's will on others whether they approve or not. Thus, government is considered to have power over its citizens because it can impose its will on them even though they are opposed to this imposition, because it can punish them and because it can give them certain commands and cause them to obey these, even though they do not want to do so, by threatening to punish disobedience. Power, therefore, may be defined as the ability to impose one's will on others even though they are opposed to this imposition. A final point to note about the power that lies in the ability to give and compel obedience to commands is that one can exercise it without having personal contact with the persons over whom one exercises it. The three specific types of power are: economic power, political power and absolute power.

The article discusses management-labor relations in context of the 1951 New York Wildcat Dock Strike. The problem with which this paper is concerned is the effect of the structure of a labor union upon management-labor relations. The industrial system that has been chosen for study is the longshore industry in the Port of New York. Since the system is highly complex, the attempt of this paper is to provide a framework within which the system may be understood rather than to present the complete picture. The existence of the longshore industry is due to the fact that the water- front constitutes a transportation break and therefore necessitates a loading and unloading process. A social system is necessary to perform this function. The effect of the structure of the International Longshoremen's Association upon its relations with the New York Shipping Association will be shown by the analysis of a particular act, the October-November 1951 wildcat dock strike in the Port of New York. The ILA and the New York Shipping Association concluded negotiations on October 8, 1951.

The article presents information on the schedule of the eighteenth annual meeting of the Southwestern Social Science Association. The first paper, titled Labor Relations in the Southwest, was presented by Edwin A. Elliott, regional director of National Labor Relations Board, on March 26. The second paper, Struggle Between Fascism and Communism in Europe, was presented by E.E. Hale of University of Texas. The other papers for the day were National Banks and Bank Failures and Private Affiliates, by George L. Anderson; Europe's Efforts at Peacemaking, by W.C. Askew of University of Arkansas; French Opinions of the Confideracy, by L.M. Case; A Study of the People of West Texas, by Gus Ford of Houston; The Geography of Ancient Carthage, by Edward E. K&eacaute;so; The Distribution of Mexican Population in the U.S., by Bea Mantooth; Retail Trade as a Primary Urban Function in Oklahoma, by Allen Belden; Survey of Youth in Arkansas, by J.C. London; Survey of Welfare Activities in Oklahoma City, by Fred A. Replogie.

The article presents some observations concerning confederate ordnace during 1861. The paper discussed in the article has as its purpose only the sketching of certain interesting features of the source of supply and the maintenance of the arms and ammunition of the Confederate army during the very early period of the war. It does not propose to show, in any measure, the whole of the sources, nor all of the interesting features of supply for the short period which it covers. Certain commonly understood features of supply, such as the seizure of arsenals and posts by the states, are merely mentioned. Only a few incidents are chosen from certain phases of the story as representative of a greater number which might be given in detail. In the main, the paper covers incidental situations during 1861 and only previews incidents of the later period, where completeness of the topic is essential. It was no easy task to furnish an army, when there was on hand no infantry accoutrements, no cavalry arms or equipment, no artillery, and above all, no ammunition; nothing save small arms, and these almost wholly smooth bore which were altered from flint to percussion. At the head of the Ordnance Department the new government placed Josiah Gorgas of Alabama.

This paper, which focuses substantively on the demography of the militant segregationist vote in the post-Brown years, uses the state as the principal unit of analysis and seeks to test V.O. Key's argument on an explicitly comparative basis. The significance of the topic extends beyond the question of the applicability of Key's general theory of southern racial politics to elections in 11 different states. The paper has attempted to show that a parsimonious theory of the politics of race, Key's black belt hypothesis, is still highly relevant to an understanding of southern politics. Even if attention is restricted to the size of the black population and urban-rural differences, much can be learned concerning the structure of electoral cleavages. Comparative analysis of the core militant segregationist vote within and between the 11 southern states demonstrated that consistent support for selected militant segregationists in the post-Brown era typically increased along a demographic continuum from large metropolitan centers to rural counties with high black populations. The geographic sectionalism of the segregationist vote was clearly established through maps; and most of the deviant segregationist counties were explained by variables related to the black belt hypothesis.

This paper examines fertility differentials by income among Mexican Americans, taking these problems as points of departure. The paper first considers alternative hypotheses relevant to the income-fertility relations. Then it proposes a decomposition of the income variable as a preliminary strategy for dealing with the problem of measuring income posed by the economic theory. Finally, it examines the relations between the income components and fertility, as well as their interaction with other variables, and discuss the results in terms of their implications for the economic theory of family formation. The analysis of the relations between social status income and relative income and fertility is based on data from the 1969 Austin, Texas Family Survey, which consisted of a sample of 348 Mexican American couples, married three years or more, in which the wife was no older than 35, married once, and the husband was no older than 50. The unusual restrictions on duration of marriage were made in order to concentrate on that stage in the family life cycle when couples would have had a reasonable opportunity to have had children and possibly to have considered family limitation.

This article presents a study, discusses the trends in fertility of Mexican Americans. The present paper will examine trends in Mexican American fertility in comparison to Anglo American fertility from 1950 to 1970 in the southwestern states. Attention will be devoted primarily to cumulative fertility rather than current fertility since the former measure is the only one available for all the time periods and areas studied. The principal obstacle to investigation of the dynamics of the Mexican American population is the inconsistency in definition and identification of the population over a substantial time span. The Mexican American population has been variously defined operationally by race in the 1930 Census, by Spanish mother tongue in the 1940 Census, by Spanish surname in the 1950 and 1960 Censuses, and by questions on origin or descent in the November 1969 Current Population Survey. Information compiled in the 1970 Census will allow tabulations of data according to varying combinations of mother tongue, Spanish surname and Spanish origin or descent. At the time this paper went to press, the materials published from the 1970 Census relating to the Mexican American population consisted only of data for the population of Spanish language or Spanish surname.

This article presents information on program schedule of the Southwestern Social Science Association annual convention, held in April 1949, at Fort Worth, Texas. The first session of the convention began at 9 a.m. on April 15, 1949 on the topic of accounting. Some papers presented in the session are: "Accounting of Social Security," by Z.E. Avery; "A Uniform Plan for Teaching Elementary Accounting Within the College or University," by Zeb Freeman; and Corporate Reorganizations Under Chapter X of the Bankruptcy Act," by Reginald Rushing. Panel discussion on regional research related to agricultural economics was conducted o the topic "Financing Regional Research," and "Organization for Regional research." Some other papers presented on topics like economics, geography, government are: "Inflation and Government Policy," by H.L. McCracken; "Competition As a Concept and a Guide to Policy," by F. Howard Forsyth; "New Gulf, Texas: The World's Largest Sulphur Mine," by John I. Stroup: and others.

The article presents information related to the Southwestern Social Science Association. Professor J. Linus Glanville, Second Vice-President of the Association, at Dallas, died on November 18. Glanville was one of the southwest's outstanding historical scholars and has been an active supporter of the Association for many years. The Executive Council of the Association announced that the 1948 meeting will be held at the Baker Hotel in Dallas, on March 26-27. The Executive Council will hold its preliminary session on the evening of March 25. Five new panel sections have been selected for the 1948 meeting of the Southwestern Sociological Society. Members of the society who will have projects for review in the spring are asked to advise the section chairman in whose panel the papers might appear. Society members are also asked to inform section chairmen if they are aware of possible papers from other members of their departments or other members of their faculties. Section chairmen are particularly interested in giving scholars who have recently moved into the Southwest full opportunity to participate in these sessions.

The article presents information on various reports and research papers. The Report of the National Resources Committee entitled "Regional Factors in National Planning and Development" presents a thought-provoking, excellent and concise discussion of certain major problems facing American federalism today, the solution of which is not only necessary under modern conditions but hardly susceptible to attack from the old point of view of state versus national jurisdiction. Charles O. Fenwick, in his paper "Cases on International Law" steered a middle course among the opinions as to what should go into a case book. "La Victima," by José Heriberito López is the easy and intensely interesting narrative of two dictatorships in Venezuela. Douglas Waples and Harold D. Lasswell's "National Libraries and Foreign Scholarships" intends to show especially the resources of national libraries in the field of social science as well as to evaluate the various libraries on a comparative basis as far as financial aspects, political implications and books of certain countries are concerned.

The article presents the authors' reply to the criticism of their paper "Notes on the Color of the Volunteer Army," published in the December 1969 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." In their paper they argued that a predominantly black army would probably not result from the shift to an all volunteer military system (AVMS). They also argued that the shift to the AVMS might actually have detrimental effects on the employment prospects of African Americans and other disadvantaged groups. The criticism of the demand side of their analysis is based on an implausible assumption that if conscription is abolished, it seems likely that the price of human capital will rise relative to the price of nonhuman capital and labor. What is dubious is the additional implicit assumption that the wages of human capital will also rise relative to the wages of unskilled labor. In fact the opposite assumption seems far more plausible. If one takes the remuneration of officers as indicative of the salaries paid to educated or skilled military employees, and the salaries paid to low ranking enlisted men as indicative of pay scales for unskilled military labor, it can be argued that the salaries of officers currently approximate the free market more closely than the wages of low ranking enlisted personnel.

The article presents information on the paper titled "Prestige and Esteem As Power Components: An Experimental Analysis," by E. Gartly Jaco. This paper is appealing for a number of reasons. It is an empirical study, but one with theoretical implications and relationships which are clearly delineated. This represents research as it should be. As an empirical test of the basic concepts of prestige and esteem, the research is not an effort to stand alone, but rather to contribute to the building of a body of knowledge relating to personal power and its exercise. As such, a number of theoretical conclusions are drawn, providing the suggestion and the basis for further research. For example, the contention that prestige sets a limit on the range of esteem a person may achieve requires additional examination of the dimensions of power and the relation of those dimensions to social stratification. Jaco's suggestion that, in a static society, personal power tends to be concentrated in prestige, while in a highly mobile society it may be centered in esteem, also deserves further consideration.

The article focuses on the author's response to the paper "Theories of Policy Outputs, and Assessing Measurement Error: Comments on Liebert," by Terry Nichols Clark, that appears in the December 1974 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Many theories, including the original decentralization theory by Clark, employ expenditures as an indicator of local effort in generating public goods, pertain to the effects of the structure and dynamics of community-based political actors working through municipal government, and are concerned in some way with all of that government's programs. Clearly, for this general paradigm, some procedure is needed to reduce or eliminate extraneous effects on expenditures by such phenomena as differential state assignment of governmental functions or functional inclusiveness. With this there seems to be agreement, as well as with the finding that the relationship reported by Clark between his measure of decentralization among reputed elites and aggregate municipal expenditures drops nearly to zero when an indicator of functional inclusiveness is introduced as a control.

The article focuses on issues related to voter registration and voting in the U.S. Of the decisions the potential voter must make, one may indeed be whether to participate in the presidential election. More often, however, the potential voter must decide whether to vote in mayoral, city council, or other local elections. Though these latter races are far more common than the selection of a president, the great bulk of electoral research has used presidential elections as the focal point. And this overemphasis is substantially magnified in voting behavior texts, which consistently disregard elections below the national level. This lack of attention to local elections would not constitute a serious problem if it could be convincingly demonstrated that one can generalize from the national to the local level. There are strong reason to believe that the findings of national studies are often inapplicable to local voting behavior. This paper focuses on one area of significant difference between national and municipal voting, the influence of registration on turnout.

The article discusses the effect of alternative age adjustment procedures on the analysis of urban mortality patterns. Analyses of mortality differences among populations need a single index of the overall mortality experience of each population. The conclusions one draws about the nature of mortality's correlates are a function of the type age adjustment used. In this paper housing was more important than income in explaining variations in the crude death rate and the indirect standardized rate. However, income was more important than housing in explaining variations in the direct standardized rate. Indirect standardization in itself is not necessarily enough to eliminate the compositional effect of age. Attention must be given to the extent to which there is a correspondence between the standard population's age-specific rates and those for the population studied. Census tracts, since their populations are comparatively small, are quite subject to great fluctuations in the number of deaths per year in the different age categories.

The article focuses on an examination of urban mortality using age-adjusted death rates. Authors Kent P. Schwirian and Anthony J. LaGreca attempted to assess the relative impact of demographic, environmental, and social organizational factors upon differential death rates. Their data led them to conclude that mortality may be explained largely in terms of subarea differences in age structure, social status levels, and housing conditions. With respect to ecological theory per se, and more specifically the ecosystem frame of reference, Schwirian and LaGreca have made a significant contribution. Prior to their analysis there was little research on the impact of ecological variables on mortality, especially within the perspective of neoclassical human ecology. The paper aims to demonstrate that the use of a crude, rather than an age-adjusted, death rate at best confounds the theoretical issues of the causal model, and leaves unanswered any question concerning the precise empirical impact that environmental and social variables have on urban mortality.

The article focuses on the discrimination against Negroes and Puerto Ricans in the New York Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA). The paper is concerned with an assessment of the impact of occupational and educational differences on 1970 earnings levels of White, Negro, and Puerto Rican males in the New York SMSA. The analysis suggests that earnings differences between races largely reflect real skill differences rather than color based employer discrimination. It has been suggested that individuals within given occupations, especially in narrowly defined occupations, are likely to be of equal productivity. However, despite being rather detailed, the census occupational data are in no way sufficiently disaggregated to warrant the assumption of equal efficiency. Furthermore, within narrowly defined occupations there are likely to be productivity differences between workers as a result of differences in native ability, education, and training. Therefore, an attempt has been made to account for differences in skills.

The article focuses on the relationships of information and personal characteristics to vote choice. This paper discusses one aspect of an electoral campaign, a campaign debate, by which information about candidates and their stands on political issues are communicated to the voter. A political campaign permits candidates to communicate to voters. In the process of communicating, the candidates attempt to project favorable images, discuss the issues most helpful to themselves, and manipulate symbols to elicit voter support. The media links candidates to publics by serving as a conduit for informational exchanges. As a conduit the press relies primarily on information provided by the candidates, seeing itself as mirroring events, with the result that the public is provided a bland, uniform, filling, but not satisfying diet of campaign information. In dealing with the supply of information, the usual psychological and sociological variables may be included as modifiers of informational exchanges.

The article focuses on the relationship between city characteristics and racial violence in the U.S. Previous research examining the impact of city characteristics on racial violence has generally failed to support most commonly asserted hypotheses, and/or has not systematically treated complex theories requiring multivariate controls. These ambiguous findings strengthen earlier explanations which deemphasize intercity differences in the condition of blacks and attribute primary importance to societal determinants, notably institutionalized deprivation of blacks and white racism. Although the emphasis is perhaps warranted, it is easy to overemphasize deprivation and racism as societal causes when such factors can be conceptualized as varying by cities. An unresolved issue, which can only be verbally addressed in this paper, concerns qualitative variations in racial violence. Those incidents occurring early in this century were characterized by white attacks on blacks and set against the background of black competition in the white labor markets of the North.

The article discusses the parameters of presidential politics in the U.S. This paper analyzes data that have been by-and-large neglected, the State of the Union Messages. The 26 Messages delivered by former U.S. Presidents Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson from 1946 through 1969 have been studied by means of a computer content analysis. Since the unit of analysis is the sentence, there are approximately 7,500 data points drawn from a 24 year time period. This data set is certainly comprehensive enough to sustain analysis. The State of the Union Messages are exceedingly useful vantage points because they are important statements of administration policy. Another point about the State of the Union Messages is that they are comparable from one year to the next. They come in January after the president and his aides have completed the intensive policy review that is occasioned by the State of the Union Message, Budget, and Annual Economic Message.

The article presents a paper that offers an alternative explanation for the purported inability to make better use of the expanded productive capability which provides the base for an "affluent" life style. It is suggested that inability to understand the ethical questions raised by a high rate of economic growth and failure to make the institutional adjustments that would humanize the contemporary economic process derive in part from neglected but critical developments in economic thought and social philosophy. Now according to those who are critical of the life style of affluent America, it is obvious that economic activity as carried out in contemporary society does not achieve that ideal terminus which, according to the philosophic presuppositions of classical economics, ought to be the end result of such activity. As a matter of historical fact, the economy seems to have been forced into a developmental path which permits economic activity to escape its proper subordination to the "good life" of man. Theologically, one might argue that this tendency for economic activity to degenerate into a process which degrades man is but part of that tragic train of events which entered human history as the consequence of sin.

The article discusses issues related to subjective powerlessness in the U.S. The paper focuses on changes since 1952 in citizen efficacy or feelings of control over government for various sub-groups in the U.S. population such as blacks, blue collar workers, Southerners, Jews, young and old people. As with most issues in the study of social change, there is widespread disagreement on trends in citizen efficacy for industrial societies such as the U.S. Most theory predicts trends in objective powerlessness, rather than subjective powerlessness, although it is possible that trends in objective powerlessness do not match trends in subjective powerlessness. Within the U.S. at each point of observation, powerlessness does not vary much by stratum, except when education and race are used as indicators. And within the white population, some of the differences are heavily explained by educational differentials. It therefore seems fair to conclude that white subordinate interest groups are not oriented toward government as a result of what would seem to be objective powerlessness but more on the basis of their educational achievement.

The article presents a paper that examines the pretrial detention institution. The data were gathered from a pretrial institution located in a north-eastern metropolitan region of the U.S. From June 1970 through May 1971 information was obtained through observations of the daily life in jail as well as interviews and conversations with various persons involved. The focus is on patterns of and reactions to infractions of jail regulations. The jail has a legal system of its own. It has its own set of rules for guiding behavior and its own mechanism for handling trouble when it arises. Infractions of these rules reflect regularized cycles of life within the institution. It is in this sense that it becomes useful to approach the criminal justice system as a series of interlocking legal levels. Each level constitutes a society apart. Individuals are confronted with one legal system in the courtroom. They face another when spending time in jail awaiting trial. This "non-systemic" aspect of the criminal justice system is often noted when discussing its workings.

The article presents a paper that addresses the ways in which black citizens from 15 large American cities broadly assess the performance of their local economies and municipal administrations. These findings about black perceptions are part of a much larger study using a rather unique set of data and reflect the critical impact of five aspects of institutional urban life--police practices, welfare policies, employment, retail merchandising, and public education. The initial purpose of the research was to detect critical political differences between "riot" and "non-riot" cities, a task which was aborted in the spring of 1968 when three of the five "non-riot" cities experienced some of the most severe civil disorders of the entire 1960's period. The findings indicate that it is possible to uncover connections between political regimes, the behavior of municipal delivery systems, and citizen responses of confidence or despair in local political regimes. The crucial point is that the actions of city officials and delivery system personnel have substantial consequences for local residents.

The article presents a paper that seeks to explicate the many serious obstacles to obtaining reliable and valid measures of the outputs of urban criminal courts. Given the importance and relevance of the operation of criminal courts, two facts are particularly pertinent to the measurement of their performance in comparative urban research. First, the knowledge of the impact has not kept pace with the increased recognition and importance accorded to them by society. Detailed statistics on admissions to local, state, and federal penal institutions are not available. The best strategy to use in measuring the performance of courts is to use defendants as the standardized unit of analysis. Such a choice produces the most valid indicators of outputs because in most instances researchers as well as policymakers are concerned with what happens to people rather than what occurs to descriptions of events. For instance, the conviction rate would tell the proportion of defendants convicted independent of the specific charge, it would disregard the additional charges which were dismissed.

The article presents information on the work of sociologist Vilfredo Pareto. The paper attempts a conjunction of the two perspectives in the case of Pareto's sociology. The first refers to Pareto's role in relation to the crisis of the utilitarian-positivistic model of social action and the second concerns the "subjectivistic" crisis of both social and "natural" sciences. Pareto's recognizing the predominance of the non-logical element in human action has counterparts, even if couched in different terms, in the works of diverse scholars. More than any one else, Pareto then endeavors a super-historical generalization. It is this effort that allows him to recognize the importance of the immutability of the domination of some men over others and also to direct attention to the cyclical nature of human affairs, precisely at a time when the fashion was the search for linear directions in human evolution. The contradictions that may easily be brought to light through a reading of Pareto are, however, the very same one find in more recent authors.

The article studies relative deprivation and participation in the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement, like many social movements, incorporated several sub-movements which utilized different types of tactics. It incorporates a variety of different patterns. This paper explores the extent to which different patterns of relative deprivation may be differentially associated with a variety of movement tactics. Relative deprivation may be one state of mind which motivates participation in social movements. Reference group comparisons may result in feelings of either relative deprivation or relative satisfaction depending upon the reference group selected. It has been suggested that black participation in the civil rights movement was a consequence of an inability to achieve at a level commensurate with societally induced aspirations. Social movements undergo changes over time in terms of goals, tactics, population base contributing support, and reactions of the wider society. These variables influence participation. It may well be the case that different types of relative deprivation are associated with participation at different stages of a movement.

The article analyzes the dynamics of access among the welfare poor. Participation in political society is often considered from the perspective of the theory of democratic pluralism. This theory, which, in the 1960's, inspired a lively debate between those who found decisions controlled by monolithic elites and those who found multiple points of decision-making, has increasingly seen the empirical grounds of contention moving toward questions of participation and access to decision-making processes by non-elites. Access has been studied by analyzing the resources of individuals, the experience of new participants, the potential for manifestation of "quasi-groups," the effectiveness of group organization, and the response of competing groups, elites, and the public to the access-seeker. To comprehend the two-sided process of access-seeking, one must examine the forces that grant or block access as well as the parties that seek access. The central problem to which the empirical study of this paper is directed is the question of how difficult it is for a newly-formed group to gain a foothold in a presumably pluralistic structure of power.

The article discusses various issues related to welfare research. One of the biggest conceptual dilemmas in welfare research is the definitional problem. A few social scientists have stepped back from empirical data and have developed a panoramic view of the welfare system or have struggled to provide a conceptual framework for a field one might term the social science of welfare. These analysts have not been content with the everyday situation. Even among those who have made important contributions toward delineating a science of social welfare there is as yet no agreement on what should or should not be included in definitions, and by implication social science analyses, of social welfare. Despite definitional limitations, current welfare research has developed substantial information about public assistance programs and recipients. Several research papers, particularly that of economists, have zeroed in on the determinants of work-welfare choices. In spite of the growing literature on recipients little attention has been given to demographic or ecological analysis. Since public assessments have accentuated speculative propositions linking demographic change to welfare problems, it would be appropriate for more social scientists to undertake such analysis.

The article presents information about forum on various sociological issues, published in the March 1, 1968 issue of the journal Southwestern Social Science Quarterly. In a recent article in this journal, Caron R. Waits attempts to fill a "gap in the literature of industrial organization which extends roughly from 1500 to 1700." Despite Waits' many insights into this important transitional period, he offers little toward explaining the underlying forces of the actual process of change. The author could have come more fully to grips with this crucial aspect of his study if he had incorporated Max Weber's concept of the Protestant ethic. One very curious facet of the search for knowledge or understanding is the dilemma one faces when he speculates about what he does not know or understand. For instance, it appears that there are only two ways to obtain insights into the world of the unknown. Professor Roland Warren comments on the paper entitled "The Vertical Axis of Community Organization and the Structure of Power" by John Walton takes up three topics. The first concerns the need for further substantiation of the explanation of changing patterns of community power, which has not been systematically tested.

The article reports on diversity, consensus, and eclecticism in political science. Although there has been considerable debate recently about scope and method in the various social sciences, no discipline has been so involved in this as political science. The argument of this paper is threefold: the debate or dialogue is a sign of health rather than sickness, especially if the contestants really try to understand each other; in spite of the differences there is an underlying consensus on such basics as the need for a separate discipline dealing with things political and also on the general scope of this discipline as well as on the use of the scientific method; and where there are differences, and there are many, the best hope for the future lies in the continued use of an open-ended, eclectic approach which in fact is the approach of most political scientists. The third point in effect ties together the disagreement or diversity found in the first and the agreement or consensus found in the second. This may be illustrated in the name used to refer to the discipline. Although "political science" is the name most frequently used, "government" is also used as is "politics," "government and politics," and such also-rans as "public affairs," and "public law and government."