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In this first of a series of four papers on the effects of acculturation on personality and attitudes, students in four Uganda secondary schools, chosen to represent four levels of acculturation, were tested on sentence completion, thematic apperception and figure-drawing tests, in regard to their political awareness and attitudes toward authority figures, especially chiefs and Euro-peans. These 211 Ss in the Buganda province of Uganda were then compared with 144 Ss in the North Nyanza province of Kenya who were assumed to be less acculturated. The findings support the hypothesis that the more acculturated more frequently than the less acculturated feel hostile toward authority figures. The findings suggested further that the more acculturated more frequently than the less acculturated tended to perceive authority figures as punitive, but were mixed in their opinions about authority. In comparison with the less acculturated Kenya sample, the Uganda sample were more aware politically, more actively discontent with the political status quo and more nationalistic in their identification. Non-monotonic relationships with degree of acculturation were found in regard to readiness to identify with the European and covert tendency to view the European as dominant The significance of these findings will be discussed in the fourth paper of this series. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This, the second of four papers on the effects of acculturation on personality and attitudes, tested the hypotheses that the more acculturated, in comparison with the less acculturated, are more frustrated, hence more hostile, and have more effective modes of handling frustration and consequent aggression. Two criteria of degree of acculturation were used: (a) four Uganda schools represented four levels of acculturation; (b) the 211 Uganda Ss were assumed to be more acculturated than the 144 Kenya Ss. The frustration-aggression variables were assessed by means of the Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration Test and sentence completion and thematic apperception tests. The findings supported the hypotheses. The more acculturated were more aggressive than the less acculturated. They were more frequently frustrated by authority, by the aggression of others, and by their own failure or inability, and, less frequently than the less acculturated feared aggression or viewed it and rebellion against authority to be wrong. The more acculturated were more frequently intropunitive and need-persistent than the less acculturated, and less frequently obstacle-dominant (especially extrapunitive obstacle-dominant) and impunitive. The significance of these findings will be discussed in the fourth paper of this series. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on basic difficulty in historical sociology. The newly reawakened interest in the sociological study of historical events makes it worthwhile to raise again the question whether such a study is scientifically feasible at all. Obviously, all data anybody can deal with are historical data, events of the past. Science is a form of ratiocination dealing with past events and so all science is historical. Those who are interested in historical sociology are generally not interested in this kind of work, which falls into the province of general sociology. The historical sociologist tends to look at history not in the sense of the totality of all past events, but in the sense of recorded history. In other words, he tends to look exclusively, or at least primarily, to the works of the historians as his source of information about unique sequences of past events, which he tries to use as raw materials for the development of generalizations about interhuman behavior. It is the intention of this paper to show that the writings of the historians can be used for sociological purposes only with the greatest caution.

Within the limits set by structural arrangements and by institutions, individuals choose their course of action. Anthropologists have always been interested in the outcome of these choices either because they reflect ongoing change or because they elucidate interrelations between institutions. In order for decision-making analysis to be more than anecdotal, however, it needs to be guided by a set of assumptions concerning reasoning and cognitive processes, and the conditions germane to them. Economists, sociologists, psychologists, philosophers and mathematicians have already outlined many useful assumptions. Part of our task in this paper is to contribute to a systematization of those assumptions that are most relevant to anthropological interests. We also discuss the advantages and limitations of decision analysis for social anthropology, examine the theoretical and methodological implications of "rationality," and present a sequence of hypothetical steps that we regard as requisites for an adequate decision-making analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on acculturation in East Africa. It was hypothesized that in a changing society the need to exchange the goals and values of the old culture for new goals and values that could as yet be only imperfectly attained results in heightened frustration and consequently also in heightened aggression. The methods used to assess personality and attitudes were chiefly projective methods designed for or adapted to group administration, a specially constructed sentence completion test, five cards of an appropriate version of the Thematic Apperception Test, a figure-drawing test and the Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration Test. An Einstellung Test of the water-jar type was used as an index of flexibility-rigidity and a factual questionnaire was also given. It was assumed that frustration is heightened in changing societies because of difficulties encountered both in hewing to old lines and in pursuing new objectives, but this sample as a whole did not seem to be experiencing a high degree of frustration.

The article discusses the role of higher education in changing the U.S. society. The author cites that the central problem of higher education is how to bring up new generations, fit to live as individuals and as citizens. He appreciated the role of science in the framework of a stable democratic society and how this society can be adapted to the rapid changes in style, circumstances, accomplishments, and dangers of life as science changes and shapes it. In addition, the integration of general education is considered important for wider teaching of physics, chemistry, biology and anthropology on all levels.

The article presents a discussion on human survival, focusing on the option of making the perpetuation of the human race a primary positive goal in a thermodynamic view. The choice to make survival a primary option is not going to deprive man of its freedom of choice or the task of determining over what to do next. Man in his lifetime is presented with countless numbers of alternative choices, and these choices are connected to another, affecting one another that collectively it determines history or the future of man. In man's effort to survive, there are two societal considerations that matter, the stable and the unstable considerations. For a society to survive it has to make a distinction between the two and focus on the keeping the distinction while maneuvering towards stability.

The article serves as a reply to comments made on the author's article, wherein the commentator suggested that a congruence exists between the authors' description of the mystique in anthropology and the idea of cultural primitivism unobjectionable. The authors of the article in question claim that nowhere have they identified the mystique as a theory and deny that they proposed a reversal of the direction of valuation of the dichotomic theory in anthropological thought. Anthropology, according to the authors, is the study of culture, and culture not in any restricted range of manifestation.

We have shown that, for a limited sample, the sexual behavior of a new immigrant population tends to approach that of the receiving population. That sexual acculturation follows the pattern of acculturation in other fields provoked our interest since the norms guiding the former are considerably less socially visible. We have accounted for the learning, in part, through the concept of "inferential visibility." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principal investigators of acculturation have been anthropologists. They study the old society as it presumably existed before contact with an outside or new society; the conditions of the contact; and the effects of the contact. Psychological theory and techniques can be of assistance in connection with the third phase. The assistance can be most efficiently rendered by concentrating upon the problem of explaining why some people in a society learn and others reject new modes of behavior. A pilot study conducted in three African societies (The Ganda in Uganda, the Luo in Kenya, and the Zulus in South Africa) has been summarized in order to demonstrate some of the fruitful hypotheses which can be formulated and some of the difficulties which are encountered when an effort is made to determine whether there are very general psychological predispositions associated with contact. The contact variables used in this report are education and leadership. Samples of adult males from each society were drawn as carefully as conditions permitted. Through an interpreter each informant was given a two-hour schedule which consisted of direct and projective questions and a small battery of tests. The results are presented in terms of trends. The education variable is more discriminating than the leadership one. Eight of the nine hypotheses tend to be verified in one or more of the societies. The principal reasons for failing to obtain more dramatic results are offered in order to suggest how future psychological research in the area of acculturation can be improved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A brief period of experiment on a psychiatric, observation ward for adolescent boys with the "sociometric" technique of Dr. Jacob L. Moreno, reveals that it is possible to obtain plots of choices which significantly reflect many important aspects of and changes in the social organization of the ward. These plots proved of value in understanding the social organization of the ward. A method of plotting the results by small groups is described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on system-functional, anthropological and person-functional approaches to the sociology of law. One of the approaches of the sociological theory compares the views of social reality taking the individual or the society as the starting point. The individualistic approach has predominated in the social scientific thought from the beginning of the modern epoch. The goal determination of a function refers to the stable existence and social unity of a structurally and normatively characterized state of an integral social system and to the process of bringing about this state. The functional view of culture insists upon the principle that in every type of civilization, every custom, material object, idea, and belief fulfills some vital function. U.S. anthropologist Bronislaw Kaspar Malinowski embraced a concept of function intended to refer to a social task or agency that represented an indispensable part within a functioning whole. But he also developed a definition of function which almost outdoes its system-functional definition in abstraction.

Before talcing up in more detail this customary indifference to social activism, we will try to sketch some key elements in this mystique of anthropology as it shapes the anthropologist's conceptions of himself and his discipline. These observations do not fit all anthropologists or all points of view within anthropology equally well. They are most apt if applied to American cultural anthropology and characterize less accurately the ethos of British and Continental anthropology. In addition, they bear most appropriately on the posture frequently assumed by anthropologists that Jules Henry calls the existential: "There have always been two trends in cultural anthropology; the formalistic and the existential; the preoccupation with parts versus the concern with wholeness; an interest in structure versus a search for meaning; the insistence on plotlessness versus the perception of plot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are primarily concerned with exploring the dynamics of symbol strategy as a device for conceptualization of social structure. We have tried to indicate their relevance for social relationships in three divergent contexts. Much systematic conceptual and empirical analysis remains before the value of this approach can be determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses China's anthropology and policy towards minorities. Of the 583 million Chinese population as in 1954, within China 547.5 million belong to the Han nationality, while 35.5. belong to various minorities. The Chinese officially counted with some 60 minority groups. The Communist regime's policy towards the minorities had dual goal: in part to preserve and to strengthen the political unity of the country, in part to transform the entire China-included the regions of the minorities-into a modern industrialized society, and, of course, on a state-capitalistic basis. All minorities shall have the right to develop their own spoken or written languages, to preserve or reform their traditions, customs and religious belief. The Central Government shall help the minorities in their political, economical, cultural and pedagogical work of construction. The Chinese anthropologists stress out that there is a final goal superior to all the other ones, and it is the task of politics to coordinate the movements towards the realization of this goal, which is, then, defined as the complete political, social and economical equality between all Chinese.

In recent years anthropologists have been engaged in intensive research on a number of topics that have been of traditional interest to geographers. Although this research covers a wide range of anthropological specializations (e.g., social organization, tribal and peasant economies, cultural evolution), it is most clearly expressed in the abaundant literature on cultural ecology. Viewed from the standpoint of the prior commitment of geographers, and especially cultural geographers, the studies examined in this review show convergence and even overlap in substantive research, whereas the trend of philosophical or methodological writings has been one of independent but mainly parallel development. This generalization, which constitutes the main finding of the review, is derived from a survey of the history and current orientations of anthropology and a critical analysis of some studies that are especially relevant to geography. The growing popularity among anthropologists of cultural ecology and other geographic perspectives could lead to fruitful collaboration between two disciplines that have been linked thus far only by a rather vague awareness of their mutual interests and common ancestry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses a scheme of culture-area classification for Middle America. Division of the area between the Euro-African Caribbean Rimland and the Euro-Indian Mainland; Basis of the delimitation upon the racial make-up of the population of the two segments; Use of the racial factor as a primary criterion for the Rimland-Mainland differentiation.

Explores the aspect of the social geography of Indiana. Distribution of numerous products in the state; Correlation of this distribution with the aspects of the climate, soil, topography and geologic formations; Differences in climate influence and the production of notables.

Discusses an outline of a theory of area studies in the United States. View of area studies as the chambermaid of politics; Nature and purpose of area studies; Link between anthropology and area studies.

Presents an introduction to the spring-summer 1970 issue of the journal "Chinese Sociology and Anthropology."

Inverse semigroups are introduced as a model for kinship structures. It is shown that semigroups are implied by the traditional anthropological law of uniform descent, and that inverses are suggested by the principle of reciprocity. A separation into a 'surface' and a 'deep' level of analysis was induced by viewing a kinship system as a partition on an underlying inverse semigroup. Some Omaha-type kinship systems are decomposed into direct and semidirect products. Additional assumptions are made to derive a theoretical similarity measure, which is then compared with a judged similarity task on Tenejapan Indians. The results of this preliminary experiment seem to he encouraging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rate of growth of the human population has not been uniform throughout history, nor have those of the societies comprising it. Some societies have become extinct, most have experienced periodic ups and downs in population size. While scholars from many fields may contribute substantially towards reconstructing the history of human population dynamics and understanding its determinants and consequences, anthropologists have their own contribution to make. The present article shows the increasing interest of cultural anthropologists in population and identifies some significant research issues in population studies which are relevant to their discipine. It has not been possible to include all the areas of population studies to which anthropologists have contributed. Anthropologists have traditionally conceptualized the spread of man over the surface of the earth in terms of migratory movements rather than in the framework of population growth which is a result of the balance between the three demographic processes: fertility, mortality and migration.

This article presents information related to geographer William Churchill who was a philologist primarily. His life for several years in Melanesia, as Consul General at Samoa and Tonga led him into the study of ethnology and anthropology. For thirteen years he was a departmental editor of the New York Sun. He felt in sympathy with the Pacific Islands and looked backward to his life there with deep appreciation of his opportunities and looked forward to the opportunity of returning. Owing to his first hand acquaintance with peoples, languages and regions of Melanesia, his services were of great value to the society through the Committee on Public Information.