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Presents abstracts to articles presented at the 1948 annual meetings of the Association of American Geographers in Madison, Wisconsin. "Geographical Work in the Bureau of the Census," by C. E. Batschelet; "Delimitation of Urban Areas for the 1950 Census," by Margery D. Howarth and August J. Nogara; "Some New Climate Maps of China," by Charles Y. Hu.

The purpose of this paper is to suggest a procedure for constructing a city theology which effectively deals with the two major problems confronted in developing such a typology (1) the selection of dimensions 'along which cities vary in a relatively uniform way, and (2) the formation of homogeneous groups of cities on the basis of these dimensions jointly considered. The procedure suggested in this paper consists of uniting findings from previous research on the "selection of dimensions" problem with hierarchical grouping cluster analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the implications of outmigration as a means for easing the difficulties. The importance and the role of industrial relocation in aiding depressed areas is fully realized, but limitations of space demand this partial treatment of solutions to the depressed area problem. It will be therefore assumed throughout the paper that no government authority is trying to encourage the relocation of industrial activities in the depressed area. Two distinctions can be made as to the nature of depressed areas for the purposes of analysis. The first pertains to the environment. Depressed conditions may be present in an urban-industrial setting but they also frequently exist within rural milieu. A second distinction concerns the scale of the depressed area. The depressed community consists of an individual city, a county or a state economic area, the latter division being creation of the United States Bureau of Census. Such communities may be black spots in an otherwise fairly prosperous area or they may form part of a larger depressed area that could be labeled a depressed region. This larger entity might comprise, for example, an economic sub-region (another division being used for a unit breakdown of the nation by the United States Bureau of Census), a large metropolitan area, or a river basin. This distinction is arbitrary and in several other respects unsatisfactory. It is essential nonetheless because the outmigration will affect the two types of area in differing ways: what may be relevant and important in the case of a community may have less applicability and significance at the regional level.

The article, through the example of Nashville, Tennessee, convinces that progress in urban geography will be made only by a comparative study of a large number of urban centers. The study in this article is concerned with the commercial district or business area but more particularly with the retail section of the commercial area. The quality of buildings and business in general is the highest from Fifth to Seventh. Most of the buildings are new and are the largest in the retail business sections of the city.

In recent decades limited research attention has been given to those smallest population centers, beyond the individual farmstead, commonly referred to as hamlets. Alluding to this fact, the following statement made in 1943 by the geographer, Glenn T. Trewartha, is still indicative of the situation: "… one of the most numerous and widespread settlement types in the United States, the unincorporated hamlet, does not deserve the near oblivion that has been accorded it by geographers and other workers in the social sciences." The lack of research interest may be attributed partially to the dimunition of the farm population and rural institutions and the increasing significance of industrialization and urban development. Because of these and other changes, students of society may share the opinion that hamlets are rapidly disappearing and consequently not worthy of study. Various studies, however, are not in agreement concerning whether or not hamlets have increased or decreased in size and numbers. According to Fuguitt, the contradictory findings stem from the fact that previous researchers have not made "a clear distinction between (1) changes in population size categories over time, and (2) changes in individual places over time." In a study based on Census data, Fuguitt examined Wisconsin's incorporated small towns for the period 1880-1960. He simultaneously analyzed the two analytical components indicated above through the use of the Markov model. His general conclusion was: "While fewer small towns are being 'born' these days, they aren't 'dying,' but are growing up to be big towns, in some cases." Although it is possible, as Fuguitt also suggests, that small unincorporated places are declining in size and number, there is little reported data to suggest they are rapidly diminishing as a rural collectivity or settlement center in contemporary society. In general, the purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to our descriptive knowledge of hamlets. Initially, an effort is made to determine the main activity pursued by the principal family supporters within or near the hamlet area. Secondly, based on the major activity pursued by each resident family's primary income recipient, a statistically derived typology of hamlets is described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a regional interpretation of manufacturing as an urban function in the United States. But this interpretation is supplemented by the notion of a national systems of cities, which believes that urban and metropolitan functions are inter-regionally organized. This paper examines the occurrence of manufacturing activity in the larger urban and metropolitan centers of the West North Central geographic division, as defined by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. Using manufacturing activity as the dependent variable (Y) and an indication of accessibility as the independent variable (X), the regression of Y on X was computed for each groups as well as the correlation coefficient. Deviations of the actual percentage engaged in manufacture from the predicted percentage were computed for each city. On the basis of study three groups were identified: diversified manufacturing centers with metropolitan functions, diversified manufacturing centers with few metropolitan functions and specialized manufacturing centers. The second major grouping includes the regional metropolises and the regional capitals.

Presents a response article regarding the invalidity of the author's prediction equations. Validity of modified model; Removal of hypothesis on suburbanism-Conservative vote causal link; Establishmenf of functional relationships.

The main trend in urban/rural migration is a continuous gain, in net terms, of towns from villages and large cities. But this is a result of two distinct migration streams associated with the process of family formation. While before marriage there is positive net migration from villages to both large cities and towns (and from large cities towards towns), after marriage there is a tendency for couples to move towards villages. This is explained by the desire of families, particularly those belonging to the middle class to move out of the urban centres to better accommodation in smaller communities. Considerable variations in migrations within and into regions are observed. These reflect the continuation of long-term trends in internal migration (as described in Part I of this paper) in particular, population dispersal from Greater London and larger distance migration into the Southern and Eastern regions. Some social characteristics of migrants and non-migrants are compared. Associations between the intensity of internal migration on the one hand, and occupational status, education, social mobility and family size on the other are observed. An attempt is made to assess the extent of migration associated with the marriage process. Although this process increases mobility, its relative contribution to total adult mobility appears to be only slight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Personal Rapid Transit (P.R.T.), with access points within walking distance from the home, is often put forward as the principal alternative transport mode to the private car in urban areas. This paper examines the aesthetic, accessibility and constructional implications of developing such a system in existing residential areas and concludes that serious problems would be encountered along most existing residential roads which would seriously limit its extensive implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study, conducted by the authors, which investigated the relationship between amount of information and group effectiveness when the information can be validated, and the problems have verifiable solutions. The 75 subjects in were undergraduates (all women) at the University of Florida. Five groups of three persons each were assigned to each of five experimental conditions. Except for scheduling difficulties, assignment to groups and conditions was random. The tasks used in this experiment were city ranking problems. Six U.S. cities of about 100,000 population or more were listed on a sheet of paper. Subjects were required to rank order these cities according to population as given in the 1960 census, first individually, then as a group, and finally again as individuals. Five experimental conditions were created by varying the amount of census data available to the group and the method of distribution. As expected, group effectiveness increased with increased amounts of information, both when the additional information was given to one member and when it was given to all.

The article presents a study concerning with a group of 143 boys of the Ford Republic. A brief description of the institution, its policies and purposes, may be helpful in defining the setting in which this study was made. The Ford Republic was organized 30 years ago in an attempt to assist delinquent boys between the ages of 12 and 17 to readjust their lives. Boys, regardless of creed and color, must be committed by the juvenile courts. They are admitted to the Republic if, upon admission, they are not known to be mental defectives. Forty-five per cent of the enrollment are admitted from the metropolitan area of Detroit, Michigan, and the remainder from other parts of the state. These boys, committed to the Republic, present a variety of symptomatic behavior. Breaking and entering, larceny, habitual truancy from home or school or both, and incorrigibility in the home, school or both, in the majority of the cases are stated on the commitment papers as charges leading to their allocation to the Ford Republic.

This paper is concerned with the consequences of urbanization, industrialization and increasing societal complexity upon the social relations and social roles of certain community members (Winch and Blumberg, 1968). The generalizations are based on primary and secondary analyses of the life styles of widows aged 65 and over, who are located in different types of communities in various societies. The assumption is made that sociological understanding of life styles of widows in rapidly urbanizing countries will contribute to knowledge of the changes occurring not only in family roles, but in other social relations as well. The shortage of data about widows all over the world necessitates the positing of these generalizations as exploratory rather than as final statements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is not offered, even by implication, as an explanation for urban riots and confrontations. It is an exposition of a point of view, a methodology, and a body of evidence which hopefully may shed some light on this complex and pressing social problem. Within the social sciences several levels of analysis exist, each appropriate to the study of a certain type of problem (Devereaux, 1963; Bendix, 1963). Experimental approaches to social psychology have been particularly valuable in the analysis of individual behavior in a social context; emphasis has been on finding both the social determinants and the social implications of the behavior of an individual. While we believe that part of the explanation of collective phenomena, such as urban revolts, lies in the analysis of the behavior of individuals (cf. Brown, 1965), we do not advocate naive reductionism. We propose only to use data from the laboratory to form some operational definitions and hypotheses to guide further study and interpretation of collective events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies of public apprehension about crime indicate that people hold conflicting orientations regarding the nature and extent of the problem (McIntyre, 1967). On the one hand, they feel that throughout the country as a whole and even elsewhere in their own communities, the threat of crime, especially violent crime, is severe and increasingly so. On the other hand, however, they feel that people and property in their own neighborhoods remain relatively safe, this being the case even among residents of high crime risk areas. The issue of crime deterrence, particularly in residential areas, involves a number of dimensions, depending partly on threatened and partly on actual apprehension of offenders by actions of residents and police. The threat of apprehension exercised through informal channels has been demonstrated in the work of Maetoby et al. (1958) which shows that the crucial factor differentiating high from low delinquency areas of the same lower socio-economic level is the shared expectations among neighbors that residents would intervene to prevent the commission of offenses. More recently in a study of ghetto riots, Warren (1969) has demonstrated the importance of actual informal intervention in crime deterrence, finding that the more cohesive the neighborhood, the more likely that residents attempted to prevent looting, burning, and disorder. The significance of formal controls as deterrents to crime is somewhat more problematic. Even though crime prevention is a major manifest function of police (Banton, 1964; Bittner, 1967; Wilson, 1968), one is left to assume the degree to which formal controls do deter crime, and as Blumstein (1967), for one, has stated, "although the question (of what people are deterred from eommitring what crime by what actions of the criminal justice system) is central to much of the operation of the criminal justice system, and especially to police operation, there has been no systematic attempt to answer it." Some light is shed on this issue in studies of police response to citizen complaints which show the mutual dependence of formal and informal structures for the control of crime. Black and Reiss (1970) report that the majority (72 percent) of police encounters (at least with juveniles) stem from citizen calls rather than from police-initiated action, yet the results of victimization studies reveal that this still represents only a limited proportion of all offenses reported by citizens to police (Biderman, This paper is concerned with the issue of how people view the nature and extent of crime in their own neighborhoods, and whether they attribute their area's safety (or dangerousness) to the exercise of formal or informal controls, comparing rural, suburban, and central city residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significance of occupational status and income for suicide is not clear. One study indicates a positive relationship; five reveal a negative relationship; two show a higher suicide rate for very high- and very low-status occupations than for middle-status occupations; and the combined results of a study of three English cities are inconsistent. Although evidence is strongest for a negative relationship, no definitive conclusion can be made. Very likely, the relationship varies depending upon other conditions. In particular, it may vary with employment status; income may be directly related to suicide under conditions of unemployment, but inversely related under conditions of employment, or vice versa. In this paper an attempt will be made to determine whether and in what way employment status may influence the effects of income. In addition, effort will be made to determine whether unemployment is related to suicide at all income levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the ubiquitous trends in social behavior is the formation of comprehensive systems of interaction known as communities. Everywhere in the world and throughout man's existence on earth, the formation of communities has been evident, from the primitive tribe to the contemporary nation-state. Among the exciting developments within the more complex communities of mankind, such as cities and nations, is the emergence of subcommunity forms which both complement and contest the arrangements of the larger society. Status communities and ethnic communities of many sorts belong among the contemporary sub-communities. It is instructive to apply this concept of sub-community formation to areas of behavior such as the worlds of art and jazz, when that behavior can be shown to approach closure and completeness with respect to a distinctive way of life. This paper deals with two major tasks: (1) the development of a special theory of the jazz community as an unique form of status community, and (2) a judgment as to the validity of referring to the social world of the jazz musician as a community. It should be mentioned that while this formulation is conceived in terms of the jazz subculture, it also has widespread application elsewhere in the area of social deviance. Since the concept of status group has its roots in the general theory of community, we shall briefly outline that concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Almost without exception, students of community life have held that the neighborhood as a basis for association disappears as the degree of urbanization increases. Simmel and Park provided the early theoretical basis; Bernard, McClenhan, Roper, Sweetser, and others, conducted early empirical studies which provided the factual basis for Wirth's later restatement of the Simmel-Park position. After this initial research, which could be characterized as "Chicago style," interest in the problem waned. Recently there has been a resurgence of interest in the problems of urbanization including studies of neighboring as well as other forms of social participation. On the basis of these theoretical statements and empirical studies, most students of the community have continued to point out that contacts with neighbors are less frequent and more superficial in the city than they are in the country. Unfortunately, however well conceived and well executed the empirical studies in this area have been, they do not provide a factual basis for the comparative statements given in most urban-sociology textbooks. The research has been confined to studies of one neighborhood, or two or more neighborhoods in the same city. In addition, none of the studies uses the same "valid" scale for populations from various points on a rural-urban continuum. The problem of testing the above hypothesis, i.e., that there is a negative relationship between urbanism and frequency or quality of neighborhood contacts, is two-fold: to develop a "valid" scale applicable to people located at any point along the urbanism continuum; and to interview a sample of people located at various points along that continuum. Work that tests this hypothesis and is aimed at solving both the problems outlined above is the interest of this paper. Because of the resurgence of interest in the area and a possibly wider use for the scale, it was decided to report these results even though the full work was completed almost eleven years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the present paper is to test empirically the covariation between a few partial measures applying to ecological distance on the one hand, and to geographical distance on the other, within a given area of investigation, viz the city of Stockholm, Sweden, in 1947. The distance in question is the distance from the centre of the city. The investigation was planned as part of a sociological study of the city of Stockholm, the data used covering the years 1945-4950. Result of the study seems to indicate that the geographical distance is, with certain adjustments, a barely acceptable measure to be applied to the ecological distance in zone divisions within the area investigated, but only provided a rough division is considered sufficient. At the same time the study diminishes the importance of substituting geographical distance for ecological distance in the actual ecological analyses of Stockholm of the given time. It provides two partial measures of ecological distance which could be used in the analyses as well.

The article discusses communication, consensus and the community involvement of urban husbands and wives. Sociologists rarely attribute the cohesive power of community to the urban way of life. To the contrary, the city is often depicted as a place where social relations are marked by traits of transiency, superficiality and anonymity. Urban dwellers have been described as people living together much like sardines in a can yet treating each other indifferently. In urban centers, however, a clear distinction is often made between work associates, neighbors, and social circles and these do not automatically constitute a coherent social whole. Furthermore, the segmental demands of urban life tend to emphasize some of these social roles at the expense of others. Under these conditions, two main tasks must be performed if a symbolic mechanism is to establish harmonious relations between the consensual and symbiotic bases of community. The first is to energize local identification and involvement. The second is to interpret this activity so that some meaningful linkage is made between the interlocking of households in neighborhoods and the urbanite's increased commitment to groups extending beyond his own immediate territory.

The article throws light on professor Richard Pillsbury's recent article on the urban street pattern of Pennsylvania. It is a welcome indication that geographers are turning to the urban plan as a valuable and as yet little exploited, source in regional analysis. This highly visible element of urban form is particularly suited to the systematic study of urban phenomena in an international context. Useful though the paper is, it prompts some comments upon its methodology and conclusions and the broader context of urban-historical research.

Statistical information on the size and characteristics of a population can be cartographically illustrated by the so-called value-by-area cartogram. Although geographical details and relationships must mostly be ignored, it is practical to keep to certain fixed points to help orientation. The paper presents a population cartogram of the USA with particular regard to the SMSA-population. The tendency has been to retain both the rough placings of cities and states and some features typical of the USA map. Examples are given of the practical utilization of the cartogram.

Most cities are influenced by those cultures which they serve and represent. At the same time, the cultures are influenced by their respective cities. This mutual relationship among cities and cultures constitutes a complex of processes of functional interrelationships. The geographic approach to these processes leads to the delimitation of twelve major world-regions and several sub-regions that are characterized by the areally varying processes associating cities and cultures. A system of world-regions of this nature is proposed in the present paper. The proposed system places every city of the world into a hierarchy of functional regions, far beyond the city's own hinterland. Every city is then visualized as a molder and reflector of its cultural environment. In addition, the following implications of such a regional system on the field of urban geography are discussed. First, the urban geographer is able to contribute to regional studies by considering the influence the cities have upon a given region. Secondly, the urban geographer adds another aspect to the research on any city by purposely studying the city as the expression of the surrounding cultural realm. Thirdly, the proposed regions are a tool for systematic and comparative study on the regional variation of cities from one culture-region to another.

In Australia most manufacturing firms are force to make at least two kinds of location decisions, one involving the merits of the six capital cities, and the other based on variables operating inside the metropolitan areas. This paper is concerned with the behavior of the individual manufacturing firm when making the letter decision; empirical data have been obtained from three case study areas in Sydney. There is purposeful economic behavior by firms in locating, the most important influences being closeness to product market and the cost of land. The spatial effect is an arrangement of manufacturers strongly oriented to the CBD and to centrally located transport terminals. In a theoretical context, the neglect of rent considerations is a serious weakness in traditional manufacturing locating theory. The growing ability of firms to substitute among production factors also has important locational effects.

Warren C. Robinson and others have presented strong evidence that a substantial portion of the variation in urban-rural fertility differentials is attributable to variations in infant and child mortality when the child-woman ratio is the index of fertility. This paper focuses on the contributions of several additional factors in accounting for variations in urban-rural fertility differentials. 1960 census data for 23 urban and rural areas in Mexico are investigated by means of correlation analysis. City growth and literacy differentials are found to be significantly related to the size of the urban-rural fertility (child-woman ratio) differential, but their effect appears to be indirect, and brought about by their association with urban-rural differentials in the sex ratio at the reproductive ages, age at marriage, and the percentage married. The latter three factors are positively related to the size of the urban-rural fertility differential. City growth is inversely related to the magnitude of the fertility differential. This analysis suggests that changes in (urban) population composition may favor higher as well as lower urban fertility and thus affect the size of the urban-rural fertility differential. If this is true, it would appear that urbanization does not necessarily lead to lower total fertility (at least in its early stages), but may lead to the modification of certain demographic characteristics which formerly favoured lower urban fertility. The long-run effects of urbanization are more difficult to assess, but it is suggested that migrants to urban areas may require several generations to manifest lower fertility. This would constitute an additional factor favouring higher urban fertility. The possible contribution of changing mortality conditions is also considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of using computer-based data banks for future planning. A data bank is a system of storing useful information in such a way that it could be made available for future use. It highlights the benefits of utilizing computer technology for data banking to store relevant resources for regional and metropolitan planning. According to the author, the main advantage of computer storage of data is that it processed quickly and accurately. It outlines the criteria to be considered in developing a data bank including the specification for selected information, its communicator and the bases for the design of alternative plans.

The article presents abstracts on planning which include the methodological difficulties encountered by urban economists in defining an urban area as a separate economy by George C. Kottis, the public participation and political priorities for planning by Roger D. Scott, and the performance of local authority planning departments operating under the 1968 Town and Country Planning Act by Peter Graham.

The article presents abstracts on city planning which include recreation in the countryside, comments on the concepts and techniques of local planning, and social aspects of second-home occupation in Auvergne, France.

The spatial and temporal distribution of delinquency has been described for a number of large metropolitan areas, but it is doubtful if juvenile delinquency has been followed as carefully and over such a long period of years in any other place as it has in Chicago. While the Chicago area studies were pioneering efforts in the field and probably have contributed much to our understanding of delinquency, it is risky to generalize these relationships and apply them to cities of other sizes or to cities whose population, social organization, and institutions are quite diverse. If generalization is considered a possibility, we must first determine the extent to which middle-sized cities have a range of social areas and institutions similar to those found in large cities: we would then look for and expect to find similar types and patterns of delinquency in middle sized cities as are found in large metropolitan areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of recent studies have presented classifications of geographical data using numerical methods which have been adopted from other scientific disciplines. Before a classification can begin, however, the investigator must make three sets of decisions regarding the exact process to he employed. Some of his choices are predetermined by the nature of the data and the research design but others may be taken on subjective grounds alone. Computational examples demonstrate the effects of third stage choices on the results of two classifications. The results are analogous to the general geographical problem of regional cares and zones of transition, All methods extract virtually the same core but choice can govern the classification of units within the zone of transition. Classification is thus basically a subjective process despite the apparent objectivity of the methods employed.

Few attempts have been made to study the interrelationships existing between the morphology and the function of urban areas, either within or between centers. Accordingly a partial theory of the morphological structure of commercial places is proposed. This theory recognizes that any new commercial function locating in a central place can either occupy an existing building, convert the building, or destroy the original structure and create a new form. Several cycles of these morphological alternatives may be recognized if distinctive building styles exist at different historical periods. The sum total of all the individual decisions taken throughout time gives the present form of the commercial place. This process of development is applied to an area of the South Wales Coalfield in which a functional hierarchy of central places has been recognized. The morphological composition of each of these centers is measured and is shown to be significantly correlated with their functional status. Fringe-core differences within the central places are also recognized whereas the change in functional status of the larger centers is shown to have a noticeable morphological effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In explaining agricultural patterns near urban areas, Von Thünen's theory is generally applicable where the primary force determining the pattern is transport cost to the market. When this is the case, the pattern of agricultural land use is one of decreasing intensity with distance from the city. Von Thünen's theory still applies in underdeveloped parts of the world, but his basic premise has been outdated in more developed areas. In many advanced industrialized parts of the world, the basic forces determining agricultural land use near urban areas are associated with urban expansion. Where these forces are in operation, the agricultural pattern quite often is one of increasing intensity with distance from the city, quite the reverse of the pattern generalized by Von Thünen's theory. A theory is developed to explain the agricultural pattern near such modern urban areas, and empirical evidence related to this theory is examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on the distribution of central places has suggested that, when defined in terms of the range and threshold of a good, a hierarchical spatial structure of central places will occur The results of a central place investigation Presented here show that variations in the settlement pattern of an area preclude such a development. Instead, variations in the ratio between threshold and range values show that, in any part of the area studied, the spatial structure of central places does not correspond with an overall hierarchy.

Six hypotheses are formulated and tested on the conditions under which primate cities occur. Using worldwide data, it was found that high urban primacy occurs most frequently in countries with small areal extent of dense population. low per capita income, export-oriented and agricultural economies, a colonial history, and rapid rates of population growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interdependence of the urban places in a dispersed city is reflected most strongly in their retail trade patterns. One place may have a large furniture store patronized by customers from the whole of the dispersed city; another center may have a large clothing store, yet another excels in footwear or radio and television sales and service or automobiles and so on. Functional specialization patterns may be reflected in retail sales returns, in traffic flow and in other readily available data. Certain types of specialization may be concealed in such statistics.

Examines the research methods and the findings of several studies of urban business in Chicago, Illinois. Information concerning urban business pattern, including a classification of business types and shopping centers; Application of the classification of business types developed; Study of business establishments located in ribbons along major arterial highways.

The purpose of this article is threefold. First, it is to present the secular trends of fertility decline in Taiwan, pointing out that family-planning programmes began only after the birth rate had already shown a substantial decline. Secondly, it is to evaluate specifically the impact of family-planning programmes in the Taichung area, since its "success" has been widely proclaimed and led to an extension of the programme to the whole country. Thirdly, the authors argue that the dynamics of Taiwanese fertility changes may be related to declining infant mortality and accelerating educational development, and that these institutional effects, rather than the family planning programme, should be given credit for changes in fertility. The evidence shows that Taiwan's fertility was neither induced nor accelerated by the programme. This fact was especially obvious in Taichung city, where the action programmes were concentrated. Among the villages, the standardized partial regression coefficient of infant mortality was significant in many time periods. Yet, the effect of education on fertility was rarely significant, until the later periods. For the urban townships both infant mortality and education are found to be significant; however, educational level maybe more important in determining fertility than mortality decline.

In this paper the mean intelligence quotients of 11-year-old children living in rural areas have been compared with those of children in urban areas. Comparisons were made, first between different types of area within the same county and secondly between rural areas as a whole and different types of urban areas. All comparisons showed that the rural school children obtained lower scores than urban children, and that the spread in intelligence among them was also smaller. Girls recorded higher scores than boys; their 'superiority' increased with the fall in the concentration of population. However, although the superiority of urban children is statistically significant, the difference is so small as to have little practical importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis on several practical problems and solutions of town planning in England and its process. The planning process includes three stages such as demand for land in terms of the number of people it serves, land should be measured in acres or other units and it must be defined on the ground. The economic and social analysis of town planning are discussed. Assessing future housing demand, determining the trends in employment and planning of the transport system are among the difficulties identified.

The article discusses the significant measurements and damage estimates regarding nuclear fall-out. According to the authors, they have kept track of the radiation level at a few points in the United States, with the help of our friends. However, the sketchy and sporadic nature of their data means that they can make no claim to completeness, in which many questions arose which they simply can not answer. Nevertheless, they have tried to estimate damage and although they found no indication of imminent race suicide, the genetic effects of the tests were clear. Moreover, they are concerned with the increase in the radiation level in urban areas at large distances from Nevada, wherein this increase may appear a few days after tests and decrease fairly rapidly thereafter.

The article talks about the dispersal of urban population as a defense measure against the threat of atomic attack. It focuses on the examination of the meaning of urban dispersal and attempts to appraise its feasibility. A program concentrating on the practicality of building new cities or reducing old ones to a size of about 50,000 population is discussed. The article provides the estimated costs for such a program and concludes that the municipal governmental integration for this urban dispersal, excluding the possibility of oppression, will be in the distant future.

The common assertion that the major residential divisions in South-cast Asian cities, as a class, are along ethnic lines is not appropriate for Philippine provincial cities. The various Christian language groups amalgamate without serious difficulty, and Muslims and Chinese, though ethnically distinct, are in most cases too few (and Chinese are too intermixed) to determine the basic residential lineaments of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Geocoding” includes a broad array of activities associated with systems of referencing data spatially. Urban geocoding has rapidly in response to preparations for and utilizations of the United States 1970 Census of opulation and Housing. Geographic Base Files which represent the street system as a dual network, Street segments and areas, are a powerful tool with which to relate data. Current work is directed at making geocoding available to planners, managers, and scholars, and at exploring applications of geocoding to the land parcel and natural resource inventories and analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the emergence of conservation areas in Great Britain and discusses its impact on the regional planning of the area. The three principal objectives of the conservation movement are mentioned. These goals are the preservation of aesthetically valuable architecture, buildings with historic interests and threatened biological species. It also discusses the different aspects of community conservation. Information about the current conservation policies and practices in Great Britain and the so-called flexible conservation policy is presented.

The article focuses on the conceptual determinants of two archetypal city forms, the circular city and orthogonal city, in Great Britain. The three categories of relationship between cosmological concepts and the architectural creations are discussed. These relationships are symbolic, allegorical and imitative. The ideological approach and cosmological concepts of circular cities are examined, and the basis of orthogonal layouts and the conceptual influences of the layouts are explained. Inherent characteristics of the grid layout of orthogonal cities are also taken into account.

The article discusses the appropriation for citizen participation in the city planning process in Great Britain. It cites that the British present system for citizen involvement in planning of local government and the conduct of town have exacted disillusionment. It also cites that the desire to improve political recognition has prompted the virtually inevitable impartation of the U.S. procedures and philosophies. Moreover, the article discusses the U.S. Workable Program for Community Improvement and examines the possibility of adapting its aspects into British practice.

This article focuses on Japanese Vs American Values. Japan is the most Occidental of the Oriental countries. The multistoried buildings of Japanese cities, their elevated traffic lanes, Western clothes, American movies, electrical appliances and high rates of juvenile delinquency bespeak a cultural kinship with the West. The casual tourist to the metropolitan areas of Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, or Sendai coming with the expectation of savoring the exotic flavors of the Orient may be disappointed by the absence of rickshaws and the presence of taxis running in packs from one traffic light to the next. The quiet, mysterious serenity of the Orient is no more true of the foregoing cities than it is of Sunset and Vine, Times Square, or the Chicago Loop. On a visit to any of the major industrial plants Sony Electronics, Suntory Distillers, or Canon Camera one finds highly automated equipment matched with assembly-line procedures not essentially different from their competitors on the eastern side of the Pacific.

Monterrey is the commercial and industrial capital of northeastern Mexico and the most vital link between Mexico and the U.S. It is growing rapidly, is now the third city of the Republic in population, second in manufacturing, first in metallic industries. The site of Monterrey has the advantage of almost unlimited room for expansion, especially toward the north. The sub-surface is easy to excavate yet firm enough for ordinary building. Underground streams, springs and numerous wells supply good water. There is the disadvantage of the flood hazard which is not too difficult to overcome.

Focuses on centrifugal and centripetal forces in urban geography. Evolution of the modern city; Functions in the central zone; Centrifugal forces and movements;Uprooting conditions in the central zone.

This study examines attitudinal manifestations of anomia and militancy among the Negro populations of three lower-class neighborhoods. Translating these ideas into the present research context, the basic question asked is: What is the relative impact of ecological setting and of the social characteristics of persons (such as social participation and socioeconomic status) in predicting attitudes? The two attitudes studied are anomia, measured by the Stole Anomia Scale, and militancy, measured by a recently published Militancy Scale. The study focuses upon anomia and militancy at two levels of analysis—the neighborhood level and at the individual level. The neighborhood analysis is directed toward measuring the impact of a given ecological setting on the attitudes of those residing in the area. The individual analysis centers around the social attributes of the respondent (the standard socioeconomic indicators, as well as several social participation measures) and their association with militancy and anomia. While sociologists have examined the effect of social context, they have seldom separated the consequences of social conditions from those of a person's own attributes, principally because most sociological data furnish information about social aggregates rather than individuals, (Blau, 1960:179; Coleman, 1969:86-114). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events of the decade of the 1960's that have led us all here to a symposium on urban confrontations—in their cumulative significance and in their direct implications for the structure of democracy in America—are of unique historical force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]