Search

The widespread existence of political passivity and apathy among the citizens of the democratic nations is deeply disturbing to many people. The concept of an enlightened citizenry exercising its franchise in pursuit of its rights and interests is so basic to the theory of the democratic state that the flagrant failure of a sizeable portion of the electorate in Western societies even to take the trouble to vote appears to challenge the essential validity of the ideology of popular government. Most of what people know about the passive citizen comes from studies of the vote and most of this information comes from election statistics. Evidence from many different countries has given a general picture of the sociological characteristics. When people seek to understand the motivational situation, which underlies political passivity, they feel the need of information going beyond their knowledge of the sociological characteristics of non-voters. Knowing a person's social status, people can infer something about the political forces that may be acting on him, but this is only moderately satisfying. Psychological analysis requires an understanding both of the person and the psychological world around him. Sociologist Kurt Lewin originally stated the proposition that behavior depends on the state of the person and his environment. In order to understand or to predict behavior, the person and his environment have to be considered as one constellation of interdependent factors. The bulk of this paper is devoted to a consideration of those characteristics of the person and his environment, which may be thought to underlie political passivity.

The purpose of this paper was to investigate the attitudes of foreign students toward American democratic ideals as carried out by most people in the United States, and to examine the conditions under which they develop their attitudes. The subjects were 304 foreign students who attended Purdue University during the second semester of the academic year 1959-60. Data were gathered by mailed questionnaires. The statistical analysis showed that almost all foreign students felt that most people in the United States were less democratically oriented than the students themselves. The only exceptions were Arab, Greek, and Siamese students. Democratic orientation scores of subjects from six countries, namely, Great Britain, Scandinavia, Iran, India, Japan, and Nigeria differed significantly from the scores attributed to most people in the United States. Favorable attitudes toward American democratic orientation were found to be related significantly to two intervening variables, namely, favorable experiences encountered by foreign students in the United States, and adjustment to the academic and social life on American campuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have examined some aspects of the discussion group and the democratic and anti-democratic forces that exist in it. In this paper we have limited our discussion to three main groups of factors; these are interpersonal factors, group phenomena, and personality. All three factors, embodying most of the usual group behaviors, are seen to be anti-democratic. It is shown that in all cases different behaviors are possible and with a different perspective these factors can be viewed as democratic forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of sociology and its status in a democracy. In this sense the readers of this paper may say that sociology, properly understood, is the science of democracy and liberalism. As an independent analysis of social phenomena, it keeps awake the attitude of criticism which is essential for the maintenance of democratic self-government. Sociology is the never relenting counterpart to political, social, and economic power. Some of the readers might think that the political system of democracy provides for such a counterpart within itself, giving free play to an opposition. The author knows, but the political opposition is not enough or it is not the kind of counterbalance the author has in his mind. The appropriate medicines against an ideology is not an opposite one, but unadorned truth. Sociology as the seizure of social facts is the national counterweight not to this ruling group or another, but to power as such and its ideological camouflage. It is a safeguard of democracy.

The article presents news related to research work in the field of sociology. The Council for Democracy is carrying on a vigorous and effective local action program in which members are urged to take part. Volunteer participants in the Letters to the Editor Plan are asked by the council to write to editors of their local papers on crucial democratic issues. At Sarah Lawrence College an Institute for Democratic Morale has been formed. The program includes community meetings to discuss needs and problems of minority groups in the community, lecture series by psychologists on children in wartime, a psychological consulting service for parents, and a survey by psychologists of needs for day-care of children by the psychology and social science faculty.

The article discusses the author's perspective on the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in Prussia, Germany. He points that GDR is the last Stalinist in East Europe and its existence depends upon the Soviet divisions stationed within its boarders. He adds that the stressing of things in the East represents a deliberate attempt to identify their own state with the real German past. He also mentions that the East German government has strong historical antecedents from the time of Otto von Bismarck has consistently voted communist.

The article discusses the U.S. crisis on government secrecy and its impact on American democracy. In Denver, Colorado, farmers noticed an agriculture problem which poisoned the crops in the farm. The farmers thought that it was caused by Army's nearby Rocky Mountain Arsenal. This arsenal dumped waste from manufacture of war gases into a reservoir located on high ground southeast of the affected farm lands. Government scientists and geologists responded to the case and had agreed to keep whatever scientific results confidentially to the public. This decision has become an illustration of one of the most critical problems facing U.S. democracy. It creates denial to the people of the important information necessary for them to complete their role as self-governing citizens.

The article presents the author's discussion about the role of communism in the American democracy. His main objective is to present a thesis showing that the fear of communism may damage the essential part of the American democracy. He mentions the forces within the framework of the American society such as the cultural, political, artistic and intellectual life and their relation to the external environment. He also discusses the effects of these forces in the political and academic community in the United States.

The article discusses the consideration on the chances for the continuance of science in the light of man's historical development. Accordingly, man is considered as the primary path of scientific development in which through his intelligence and capacity, inventions and discoveries especially in science become possible. Through man scientific development is in constant progress which is really needed in agriculture and urban life's demand. In addition, this constant progress of science can be seen in the democracy's improvement, socio-economic reform, and strengthening defense.

This research examines the view of Robert Dahl on pluralism as a working model of political decision-making and not with the prescriptive pluralism of political theorists. In some ways Dahl's New Haven, Connecticut findings are not very different from those of the elitists. In this light, it is interesting to compare Dahl and Hunter, the two main protagonists of the elitist-pluralist debate. Besides the infinitely better methodology used by Dahl, one of the main differences between the two writers is the way in which they interpret and particularly the way in which they appraise their data. Hunter is highly critical of politics in Atlanta, Georgia and obviously believes that the city falls far short of the democratic ideal. He writes that his concern for the future of democracy prompted his study of power in Atlanta. Dahl is much less critical of New Haven politics and believes that it is not so very different from a reasonable man's expectations of democracy in operation. He holds the view that over-optimism about democratic possibilities in modern large scale industrial societies will only breed cynicism about democracy. New Haven may not operate in the way that perfect textbook democracies should operate, but that is all pie in the sky, and New Haven is a good example of what a real, feasible democratic system looks like, warts and all.

Democracy refers in some rough way to the degree to which power and influence over significant decisions for a society is diffused throughout that society. Political participation, therefore, will increase the extent to which a nation is democratic only insofar as such participation involves at some point influence by the participant over governmental decisions. Participatory acts whose function is to express support for the government are important, but not as crucial to democracy as are acts that involve influence. The data on differences among social groups in citizen competence suggest that it makes a great deal of difference who you are within your own country whether or not you believe yourself able to influence a local regulation. If you have more education, a higher status or are male, you are clearly more likely to consider yourself competent. In this sense, one's self-perceptions of one's role as a citizen vary greatly with one's social position within a nation. But whether or not the local competent believes that his friends and neighbors are available to help him in a situation of this sort depends relatively little on his social position within a nation, but depends heavily on what nation he happens to be in. Political competence, thus, grows with higher education or occupational status, but the style of political competence seems to be rooted more in general political culture.

Geographers have paid little attention to the study of federalism, despite the fact that it is the most geographically expressive of all forms of government, and spatial interactions in the functioning of federal States are most easily recognized. Though a particularly complicated form of government based on Western-style democracy, federalism is a dynamic process and not a static phenomenon. Although specially relevant to political geographical study. Federalism seems of interest also to social, economic, and historical geographers. Here is a research frontier which provides great scope both for students of regional political geography and for theory-minded political geographers who want to think in terms of concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deals with issues in the concept of compulsory public education under a democratic government. Analysis of the concept on compulsory schooling; Beneficiaries of the abolition of compulsory schooling; Discussion on universal schooling and the ideology of efficacy.

The article presents a study, which examined the prevalence of ideological "militancy" and "pacifism" in democratic individuals. It is opined that a "pacifistic democratic" ideology is one which advocates slow change to reach projected goals, which sees these changes originating in formal educational methods, which prefers not to press democratic demands until there is more universal acceptance of them, and which hopes to achieve democratic goals within the existing socio-economic structure--or if it be necessary to disturb the social order, to obtain the consent of contemporary authority for this action. A "militant democratic" ideology is one which rejects or makes secondary pacifistic methods, which proposes the use of law and force to achieve democratic values immediately, or within a relatively short period of time, whether or not there be universal acceptance of these values, and which would attempt to change the existing socio-economic framework wherever present institutions hinder democratic achievement.

Discusses the use of rhetoric in the U.S.-based periodicals from 1815-1850. Importance of rhetoric in the democratic process; Use of theoretical emphasis in the teaching of rhetoric; Contribution of the integrated approach to the study of rhetoric.

Discusses standards for evaluating speech courses in the senior high school. Significance of the study of speech; Role of speech in the promotion of democracy in the U.S.; Aims of the evaluation standards; Organization of the Speech I course.

Comments on politics and government in developing countries in Asia. Emphasis on behaviorism; Significance of democracy; Key features that are essential to democracy; Practice of election by vote in Indonesia.

When speaking of ideology, I employ the term in a somewhat broader and more inclusive manner than is commonly found in the literature. Throughout the essay I will use the term to denote any and all "patterns of belief" adhered to by a group of followers regardless of content. This means that political and philosophical as well as religious belief patterns are included. We shall consequently be concerned with Christianity as well as socialism, with Catholicism and communism, with democratism, fascism, protestantism, Islam, Birchism, and many other ideologies. Whatever their names, whatever their specific content, as long as they can be classified as patterns of belief sufficiently attractive to generate a following, they can be termed ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the political organization of the National Association of Teachers of Speech in the U.S. Contributions of the association to developments in speech education; Impact of the application of principles of democracy by the association council; Comments on the application of democracy in academic practice.

Focuses on the modernization and the shift of the democratic ideal to an institutional order in the U.S. within 1960 to 1970. Association of the modernization to a pattern of political dislocation in states; Relation of the shift to government policy in dealing with its states; Correlation of shift to domestic politics.

This article reports that democracy, as seen from the domestic angle, is rather the declaration of interdependence and voluntary dependence than it is one of independence. There seems to be an agreement, by now, on the fact that modern warfare is determined, among other factors, by the clash of ideologies, ideals, interests, and is the result of human decisions. Whatever role the determinants of economic order, or the urgent needs of raw materials and manufactured goods may play, neither the half automatic nor the full automatic guns do open up if there are no war minded individual statesmen backed and prodded by war minded nations. If the psychological theory of the causes of modern warfare is not altogether wrong, the hope for a benign influence, upon international relationships, of the interference of psychiatrists, psychologists, and sociometrists, in short, of the spread of better knowledge of individual and group interrelationships, would not be exaggerated. It is opined that the aim of an allied war is never complete smashing of the enemy. The allied war has always a political aim, but this aim is very difficult to state.

The article presents a study that focuses on responses to stereotypes in light of two assumed characteristics of the response--directionality of the response, and the uniformity of the response. Directionality means that an individual's reaction to a stereotype falls somewhere on a scale of favorableness-unfavorableness, while uniformity means that an individual's reaction falls somewhere on a scale ranging from idiosyncratic behavior to cultural behavior. This study investigates both directionality and uniformity, as they exist in the responses of college students to various stereotypes. In the main part of the experiment two groups of college students served as subjects. One group consisted of fifty students who strongly opposed to Communism and the other of 50 students strongly approving of Communism. The subjects were given a list of thirty statements, which had been prepared in the form of a questionnaire. Respondents were instructed to check those statements, which they considered characteristic of democracy, fascism, and communism.

Focuses on the issue of racism in the U.S. Principles of democracy; Americans' lack of toleration of democratic motive; Contents of the book 'Black Fire,'

Provides a solid basis of theory and precedent to determine when and how the right to silence may be lawfully invoked by U.S. citizens. Basic aim of the courts in fundamental liberties cases; Other federal constitutional sources that contribute to the case for an implied right to silence which may lie in the First Amendment; Examination of the Immunity Act of 1954 and its application.

Focuses on the ethics of public speakers in a democracy. Standards by which a speaker and his speech are evaluated in a democracy; Change of an ethical evaluation system into a moral system by the critic of the speaker; Steps in evaluating a speech according to the situation in which it was given.

Discusses the concept of democratic leadership. Definition of the democratic leadership; Distinction between leadershipless group and leaderless group; Psychological relationship between leader and the group.

Presents a discussion on democracy and dictatorship. Description of a caravan procedure to illustrate pure democracy; Possible ways of securing obedience when dictator's policy encounters unfavorable attitude among people; Attribution of success of the leader of Germany Adolf Hitler on his mass propaganda techniques; Obstacles in applying democracy to solution of modern social questions; Comparison of democracy and dictatorship.

Analyzes the public discussion programs in Japan. Importance of public discussions in establishing democracy; Impact of public discussions on the people.

The article focuses on the book "Psychology and the Third Dimension of War," by Carroll C. Pratt. Pratt reviews the background and essentials of German military psychology, particularly the Propaganda and Morale division which on Germany's home front has kept civilian morale high, while it has also sought to weaken enemy morale. For the U.S., he advocates that the principles of democracy be clarified by "good" propaganda, reminding us that propaganda serves truth as well as falsehood and that it is not incompatible with democracy. His readers will share Dr. Pratt's conviction that necessary wartime restrictions of some of our civil liberties will be for the duration only. But many will not agree with his final sentence, "If and when the blackout and nightmare are over it will then be time to indulge in dreams of a better democracy."