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This article focuses on the new proposed changes in the conditions of awarding the Scottish Leaving Certificate in the filed of education. According to the author, the proposed changes in the conditions of award of the Scottish Leaving Certificate would at once bring it more closely into line with the recommendations of the Advisory Council on Education in Scotland and with the General Certificate of Education in England. The changes, reportedly, involve the issue of a certificate to pupils who leave school around the age of sixteen after completing four years of secondary education, by the institution of papers at a lower level than those taken usually in the fifth year. Scotland, like England, is faced with the problem of early leaving. Recent figures published by the Secretary of State show that 56% of pupils leaving five-year courses of senior secondary education do so before reaching the age of sixteen, without completing even four years of the course. It is proposed to institute advanced level papers designed for pupils who have completed the university requirements in their fifth year, and who remain for a sixth year at school. The effect of the new proposals would, supposedly, be to encourage the extension of Sixth Form work, which has never flowered so freely in Scotland and England.

The article focuses on the impact of the 1870 Education Act in Great Britain on trade unionists and artisans. The advanced sections of the working class--the trade unionists and skilled artisans and their representatives--took a deep interest in education and played an active part in both the campaigns and the debates that accompanied the passing of Forster's Bill. In addition to purely economic issues, the trade unionists of the period interested themselves in a range of social questions, including the extension of the franchise (achieved by the great majority of the urban workers in 1867), legal security and a recognized position for trade unionism and an extended and improved system of popular education. This desire for improved instruction reflected the low level of education among the working class as a whole. According to Thomas Wright, who had extensive experience of workshop life, the educated working man was in a small minority in any place of work. Looked up to as a "scholard" by his fellow workers, he was constantly in demand to read or write letters, settle disputes, draw up petitions or addresses and act as spokesman in putting forward demands or grievances to the employer.

The article presents information on some published sources for the study of contemporary British further education. It is first necessary to define the term British further education. British means concerning Great Britain, that is England, Wales and Scotland, but not Northern Ireland, the Isle of Man nor the Channel Islands. In one sense further education could mean any education undergone by someone who had left school, or was over a certain age, or both; but such a broad usage would cover activities conducted in a heterogeneous lot of establishments or in none at all. Because of this it is more useful to limit the term to a specifically-defined part of the statutory education system. In this article British further education is therefore defined as the education intended primarily for persons who have left school, through provision secured either by the British Minister of Education, by the Secretary of State for Education and Science acting in the capacity of the former Minister of Education, by the Secretary of State for Scotland or by local education authorities in accordance with appropriate Schemes or Plans approved by one of these ministers. Besides, the word sources is used loosely here; it means mainly government publications, reports of committees and conferences, and studies by individuals in published form.

This article focuses on the sources for the history of the British grammar schools. The most famous of all the girls' grammar schools of charity school origin are Red Maids' School, Bristol; Burlington School, Westminster; and the Grey Coat Hospital, Westminster. Usually a girls' grammar school incorporating or connected with an ancient foundation falls into one of two classes: it may be based on a charity school, or it was established in Victorian times, with a scheme under the Endowed School Act, for allotting it a cash endowment of its own. Parish records--even more varied in their content than are those of the counties--often throw light on the history of an ancient school. At the least, if a schoolmaster dwelt in the parish, the parish register should give the dates of birth of his children, and the date of his burial. Similarly a schoolmaster often served a parish office, and he may be found in the vestry minutes. Even before 1870 voluntary "higher grade" or "middle class" schools had developed among British and National School foundations. Of the rival institutions set up by the Boards, a very great number appear to this day in the list of recognized and grant-aided grammar schools. The movement for establishing them seems to have begun in Manchester.

This article presents information on the role of the National Advisory Council on the Training and Supply of Teachers in Great Britain. The council was set up in 1949 to provide the Minister of Education with the means of obtaining advice on national policy relating to the training, qualification, recruitment and distribution of teachers. The advisory function of the NACTST, endorsed proposals put before it by the Minister. References to such endorsements are found in the Ministry of Education's Annual Reports during the 1950s and it is evident that the proposals put to the Council were generally of a minor and non-controversial nature. In 1949 the first task of the Council was to review the future supply of teachers for maintained schools. This it did in its Report on the Training and Supply of Teachers, in May 1951. In all these early published Reports the NACTST were operating within narrow fields of inquiry, and they produced unanimous recommendations which were either acceptable to the Ministry and subsequently implemented, or were quietly shelved until official policy had been formulated.

The article explores the situation in higher education in Great Britain as of November 1965. It highlights the results of the report of the Committee on Higher Education chaired by Lord Robbins. The report proposed that the numbers in full-time higher education should grow from 216,000 in 1962/63 to 392,000 by 1973/74, and further to 558,000, by 1980/81. The article argues that the situation in higher education is very confused, full of uncertainty and charged with underlying ambivalent attitudes of the government, education and industry towards each other. It also discusses the establishment of cooperative schemes between industry and universities and the influence of the Science Research Council in developing relationships between industry and the universities. The article also suggests that need to fully utilize scarce resources is bound to become increasingly important as the number of students to be educated increases in the technical college as well as in universities and colleges.

The article focuses on technical education and the politicians in Great Britain during the period 1870-1918. In the half century under review demands for secondary and technical education were undistinguishable, and the latter was particularly "the scheme of Liberal Britain." This is noticeable in the strong Liberal support given to the National Association for Secondary Education, and in the support given to technical education by leading Liberals. Foremost among these was the Sheffield manufacturer and M.P., A. J. Mundella, the "animating force" of whose radicalism was the fervent belief that in technical change and progress lay the prosperity of the country. He claimed to have begun fighting for technical education in 1865. The appearance of the Report of the Royal Commission on Technical Education in 1884 may be considered as a watershed. Its declaration that the best preparation for technical study is a good modern secondary school once again established the connection between technical and secondary education and forced politicians to define their position in relation to the Report.

The article focuses on the areas of tension in and related to the teaching profession as far as they concerned the children of the poor in Great Britain. With the growth of the state system after 1870 new and powerful pressures confronted education. Government supervision and control aggravated innate problems of organization in a sphere of society which had no experience of mass movements and neither the facilities nor the experience to cope with them. Inevitably tensions appeared as the state provision grew in complexity and scope with remarkable speed. Since the Revised Code had been introduced in 1862 there had been no lack of evidence that its effect had been to create tension between the Education Department and the schools, between the teachers and the managers and between teachers and children. On the whole, criticism of the Code was leveled at its effect inhibiting the curriculum and on narrowing education generally, rather than as a possible danger to mental and physical health. The medical profession regarded it as a cause of ill health or even of death among children, while teachers tended to interpret it as stress on themselves which inevitably passed to their pupils and was the result of government manipulation of education through examinations. Before about 1860 leading medical journals concentrated on the containment of contagious and infectious diseases in the school setting, rather than upon the effect of general school life on children.

The article focuses on the importance of infant education in Great Britain. The tone of a school and its standard of discipline would improve in proportion to its success. It would attract by degrees a superior class of children, and appeal to a more fastidious class of parent. The state of infant schools appears to be improving. Yet when the proportion of London under-fives at school was dropping to one of the country's lowest at ten percent where the infant school movement was strongest the attendance of infants was at its weakest. The educationists pointed out that the public elementary schools were not providing a suitable type of education for children below the age of five, and that in some instances the training given tended to dull the children's minds. Certainly the ending of fee-paying in 1891 would make public infant schools more attractive to parents. Presumably a combined sense of compulsory attendance and of the specifically educational benefits available was beginning to affect even the younger children and of course they would tend to accompany older brothers and sisters to the board school.

The article discusses the evolution of secondary education in Great Britain. The schools, while meeting the needs of those pupils who can give their whole time to instruction, are also to serve as continuation schools for apprentices in towns and also for winter schools for the young members of the population. The establishment of new schools would conduce in the most certain and effectual manner to the improvement of the great public schools', of which the principal defect at the time to be too much pre-occupation with Latin and Greek. Thus it would appear that the term secondary education had a political aroma and for many years carried with it a presupposition of a reorganization of English education upon lines different from those recognized by tradition. The organization of middle-class education must be a State affair and that the intervention of the British Government would be indispensable in order to create a national and systematic approach to a widespread provision of education. In retrospect, the nineteenth century saw an impetus given to the development of elementary education, the first half of the twentieth century saw an impetus given to the expansion of secondary education.

The article focuses on the role of political leader Richard Austen Butler in the education system in Great Britain. Butler, as a political figure is doubly rewarding, first as the originator of conservative compromise on social reform, then as an influential and controversial figure. There is, however a considerable body of evidence available to sketch in the background to his entry into politics and make an appreciation of his work for public education. The circumstances surrounding his appointment to the British Board of Education reveal a great deal, especially when associated with his subsequent career. His family had active and influential connections both with Cambridge University and the Conservative Party, for several generations. He made the most of this situation to obtain a first class degree, become President of the Cambridge Union and secure a fellowship at Corpus Christi College. In British public education there is a striking contrast to the high status accorded to academics, especially from the older universities, who are patently in no way contaminated with the system, and the low regard in which the practitioners in the schools themselves are held.

The article presents information on the development of the educational sociology in the in colleges of education in Great Britain. It is now possible to take sociology as a main subject in 50 colleges of education and at 29 of these it is possible to go on and offer the subject for the B. Ed. degree. A survey conducted by the British Sociological Association in 1968 reported that one quarter of the respondents gave sociology of education as a main interest. Many of the increasing number of sociologists trained in university departments of sociology go on to teach their subject at various levels within the educational system. It has been argued that the term educational sociology should refer to the discipline as practiced in the early years of its development when the emphasis was on the practical problems facing the teacher. Educational sociology is the applied branch of the subject where the concern is with solving practical problems which are likely to arise for the educationalist. Educational sociology has been given a normative orientation, being particularly concerned with solving problems, with fulfilling a social welfare role and with an emphasis on what seems to be sociologically significant.

The article discusses the problems of secondary schools which have been found to have inescapable consequences in the areas of organization in Great Britain. All linked systems of schools require regular functional meetings between heads, heads of subject departments, and sometimes between whole departments of cooperating schools. Continuity is always important in education. Task definition is extremely important and is at present a neglected aspect of educational studies. Without it, delegation may cause certain individuals to become seriously overloaded. Some knowledge of organization and management theory and practice has recently become important for all teachers, not only for heads, deputies and senior staff. Increasingly, all staff members need to know something of the problems of running large institutions so that they can help find solutions. The only fully effective organization is organization by consent, which means that all members need to understand how, and to what ends, the organization works.

The article discusses the efforts of the British government to provide good school education in Great Britain. The 1870 Act covered the country with elementary school buildings in an astonishingly short time. By 1876 their number had been doubled, by 1880 there were sufficient to enable the Government to make attendance everywhere compulsory. By comparison with the advance of elementary education between 1870 and 1900, that of secondary education was halting, and largely haphazard. While the English educational system was thus being administratively improved, new ideas were seeping into it from overseas, ideas which completely undermined conventional concepts of schooling; which declared that education was not instruction but experience, not preparation for livelihood but actual living. Today, a quarter of a century later, there is a tendency in some sophisticated quarters to look down the nose at the Education Act, 1944 to regard it as a rather feeble middle-class compromise which has not altered anything very much. The country inherited in 1870 a good infant school tradition, which it has immensely enhanced.

The article discusses the advantages of laissez-faire financing of education in Great Britain. Despite the rise of Keynesianism to the position of economic orthodoxy and the steadily diminishing significance of private finance in education, there has developed, in recent years, a mounting campaign for the laissez-faire finance of education, The objectives of this campaign were well illustrated in a document drawn up in 1969 by a joint working party of the economic and education committees of the Confederation of British Industry. The financing of education largely by direct charges was advocated, and specific recommendations included standard fees for nursery schools, charging the full economic price for school meals, and re:examining the need for school milk provision. A major role in the campaign for the laissez-faire finance of education has been played by the Institute of Economic Affairs which has published a number of works advocating a considerable reduction in the state's direct involvement in the finance of education. It can, of course, be argued that the objection to the existing distribution of incomes is a separate issue that should be dealt with directly and independently of the method of financing education. An illuminating example of the application of neo-classical economic theory provided by recent discussion of the brain drain. Among the problems which the panacea of laissez-faire finance is supposed to solve is that of student unrest.

The article focuses on the attitude of Henry Edward Manning, Archbishop of Westminster and the head of the Catholic Hierarchy, towards the Education Bill of 1870 in Great Britain. It is an over-simplification to consider Manning to be an advocate of the "Dual System" presented in the Bill. For in the pre-Bill period his proposal was that the Government should induce the several denominations to fill up the gaps by augmenting grants and also by utilizing local rate resources. In this way he hoped to ward off the admission of the secular principle into English elementary education. The British Government rightly dismissed such a scheme of reform as insufficient. One of the most unfortunate consequences of the existing grant system was that in those areas where voluntaryist zeal was weakest it had often proved impossible to raise adequate funds to secure state grants for school building. The key to an appreciation of both the Archbishop's policy and tactics in the crisis years of 1869 and 1870 lies in his cognizance and dread of the emergence of secularism as a force in English life and society. Wilfrid Ward has emphasized Manning's strong and mystical sense of a battle raging between the Church and the modern world as the impelling force in his episcopate.

The article focuses on the Infant School System in Great Britain. Infant schools were incorporated as a natural part of the state provision when Board Schools were set up after the 1870 Education Act. The London School Board took the lead in planning quite separate infant schools or departments, but other Boards were not far behind. Although the new Act did not require it, the Board felt that some provision should be made in their schools for infants under the age of five. This tradition of having young children in school had continued without a break since New Lanark school. The Sheffield Board insisted that in its infant schools special attention be paid to singing and such physical exercises as are practised in infant schools. Sheffield was by no means the only School Board which advocated kindergarten methods in infant schools at this time. Nor was it only the Boards which were interested in developing the infant school, but also the Education Department and Inspectorate. Building regulations issued by the Department specified that infant schools were to be quite separate and were to include galleries and playgrounds amongst their provisions, and infants were not to be taught in the same room as older children.

The article focuses on the Education Act of 1870 in Great Britain and its role in educational development in Great Britain. Recent commentators have stressed that it brought neither free nor compulsory education, and its importance has thus tended to be diminished rather than increased. Prior to 1870, there was little feed-back of the new wealth to repair the damage done in creating the industrial framework. The Education Act of 1870 was the first major measure which did anything constructive for the classes which had been exploited. There were four separate ways which could have been the basis on which education was to be offered to the mass of children. First, it could have been through charity and voluntary societies which had been the development up to 1870. Secondly, there was the possibility of extending the Factory Acts. A third proposal concerned the extension of the Industrial Schools Act of 1866 to recruit children into the schools. The fourth choice, the Poor Law, was the traditional organization for making help available to the poor.

The article presents information on the Education Act of 1870 in Great Britain. The superintendent of schools in Philadelphia, Pennslyvania reinforced the case made by Follett Osler, Fellow of the Royal Society on October 13, 1869 for a comprehensive Education Act by the British government. In its original form the government bill proposed that the Committee of Council be given powers to ascertain existing deficiencies in schooling by dividing the country up into school districts based on boroughs and parishes. Existing denominations were to have a year's grace to make up these deficiencies. They were also to lose their own inspectors. If they failed, School Boards were to be elected by Town Council or select vestries. These boards were to be themselves endowed with powers to rate, remit fees, assist existing schools and, if they wished, frame byelaws compelling children between the ages of five and twelve to attend schools and offer religious instruction subject to a conscience clause.

The article focuses on the role of local education authorities and teachers in education in Great Britain. Inspectability is an awkward, intractable word--not unlike inspection itself, some would add. Freedom from external inspection is, in fact, often taken to be the hallmark of university freedom in Great Britain. By "teacher" is understood, in this case, a teacher in a school maintained by the local education authority. Teachers in direct grant and independent schools are thus excluded. By "local authority" is meant any or all of the 62 County Councils and 83 County Borough Councils in England and Wales. It is the duty of local education authorities, under the 1944 Act, to provide for the physical, mental, moral and spiritual development of children in their areas of compulsory school age (at present from five to 15 years of age). Such education should be in accordance with the age, aptitude and ability of the child. The Minister of Education's job is to ensure that the local authority does this; but, within its own terms of reference under the Act, a local education authority, has wide power of policy-decision and its implementing.

The article focuses on the origins of full-time compulsory education at the age of five. Its purpose is to throw some light upon the origins of a situation that is patently not discussed as often as it ought to be. An exposition of the historical roots of an apparently time-hallowed arrangement, to which some vested interest may well attach, should facilitate an informed re-examination of it. Until a few years before the passing of the Forster Act, there had been little in the educational thought and practice of the 19th-century Great Britain to suggest that the age of five would constitute the dividing line between voluntary and universal education. Although comparatively few years have passed since the Education Bill became law, it is no longer an easy matter to trace its genesis. In the end, one is left with the deduction that the Forster Act deemed the downward extension of school age a practicable way of increasing the length of school life, and sought to protect from parental exploitation at home all children whose age made this a strong possibility, even if they were unlikely to find gainful employment outside. It appears certain, however, that it attached little importance to the point, and held no strong and decided views upon it.

The article presents an account of the creation and early growth of the Board of Education Act, 1899. The need for some central authority charged with the oversight of elementary, secondary and technical education had become very pressing by the end of the nineteenth century. Although various government departments offered the aid or guidance of the state to schools of most varieties, their efforts were uncoordinated, with the consequence that in some fields there was overlapping while in others neglect. So, the want of a more rational system of educational administration pressed hard. Thus in 1896, the government introduced an Education Bill with the twin aims of dealing with the problem of educational administration and relieving the financial plight of the Church schools. However, the bill encountered so much hostility that it was withdrawn by the government. The question of re-organizing the administrative structure could hardly be entirely abandoned, however, and at the beginning of 1898 a memorandum on this subject was submitted to the government. This memorandum marked the beginning of work on a new bill which eventually became the Board of Education Act, 1899 and which created for the first time a central authority responsible for the various fields of education.

This article focuses on the current state of grammar schools in Great Britain by making a brief survey of their development since the beginning of the twentieth century. In the field of English education, it is generally asked whether a traditional institution like the grammar school is really fitted to meet the varying demands of a world in which the pace of change increases in both social and industrial organization. The debate about the implementation of a legislation in 1944 has caused a revival of interest in what happened in 1902, when large-scale provision first became possible for the education of the more able. During this period it was a commonplace to point out that the schools were preparing a disproportionate number of their pupils for the black-coated jobs. The maintained grammar schools, supposedly, have always had a bias towards mathematics and science, the subjects that can make a very good preparation for an industrial career. This became apparent as soon as the schools were encouraged to develop sixth form courses by the new grant system of 1917, by which each Advanced Course earned an additional grant of #x00A3;400 per annum. According to the author, in providing the technicians of the future the grammar schools are not doing too well, but there is no doubt whatever of the willingness of the schools to play their part in meeting the needs of a technological age.

The article presents a discussion on segregation in the U.S. and Great Britain. Segregation is an issue vitally affecting the whole of American society--not just in the sense that an unresolved problem in the South America is a matter of conscience for all Americans, but also because the present existence of segregated populations is woven intimately into American thoughts and habits everywhere. The black reservoir of underprivileged humanity that is universal in the South affects every enterprise everywhere, directly or indirectly. It is well known that some states maintain segregation officially; but not many people in Great Britain realize that it is possible for counties and cities even in states that are officially integrated to keep up segregation in practice. This may be done by local by-laws or by gentleman's agreements. As long as housing is zoned, or subtle or overt preferences in employment have the desired effect, the African American is effectively segregated. The law cannot easily reach gentleman's agreements or hidden pressures. Moreover, just as each of the forty-eight states in the American union is its own master in important matters such as education, the constituent counties and districts of a particular state may also contrive to control their own destinies to an unexpected extent.

This article focuses on various initiatives and developments brought by the Ministry of Education of Great Britain during its first ten years which was completed in August 1954. During that decade there were five ministers and three permanent secretaries; three miscellaneous provisions acts were passed; and the face of education was re-planned at an unparalleled rate and on an unparalleled scale. The Ministry of Education evolved from the Education Department of the 19th century and the Board of Education, which had existed since 1899. The Education Bill in its original form preserved the tradition of a Board and a President. The new bill imported a distinction between the minister and the Ministry which called in practice for a division of functions. The largest achievements of the bill were two: Firstly, it defined education as a series of stages in the child's life and thus put an end to the old distinction of "elementary" and "higher" with its Poor Law associations. Secondly, it re-planned the system of county and voluntary schools. The Special Services Branch of the Ministry covers a wide field embracing medical and dental services, the health and nutrition of pupils, and the provision of special educational treatment for the physically and mentally handicapped.

The article presents information on the Annual Meeting of the Standing Conference on Studies in Education that was held in the New Lecture Theatre, at King's College London, England on December 17, 1971. Its theme, introduced by Professor J.R. Webster, of the University College of North Wales, Bangor, was based on the role of education as an undergraduate study. In opening the discussion one of the speakers suggested that the traditional concern of UDEs, the postgraduate certificate course, did not provide a basis for either a rigorous study of education or a training for research workers. The PGCE course was too brief, the backgrounds of the students taking it too varied and, most problematic of all, when training teachers it was necessary to show a direct and immediate relationship between theory and practice. It was sometimes suggested that UDEs should abandon teacher training altogether and concentrate on research. A more fruitful approach was the introduction of undergraduate and postgraduate degree courses so that UDEs became ordinary university departments who were also involved in the initial and in-service training of teachers.