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Authors present and discuss in this paper a set of data on turnout, party membership and candidate recruitment in Norway. Their approach is essentially ecological: they present their statistics by local administrative units and will be particularly concerned to highlight differences between the central, urbanized districts and the peripheral, sparsely populated districts. The authors' primary concern has been to throw light on the lags in the activation of the last entrants into the political arena, the women, and authors think that they have gone far enough in this context to demonstrate the consistency of the differences in recruitment rates between central and peripheral areas of the national territory. Some, but not all, the differences highlighted in this article might have been more fully accounted for if they had been able to get access to data on the educational and the occupational background of each participant at each of the levels distinguished, but whatever they could do in that direction would not affect the basic ecological design: the institutions of mass suffrage have to function in geographically, culturally and economically very different conditions and these conditions tend to affect both the range of alternatives open to the enfranchised citizens and the cost of each alternative.

The article focuses on the implication of protests and its theories that must be considered by protesters in achieving their intended purpose. It enumerates some tentative suggestions for a possible theory of protest which states that strongly felt dissatisfaction with existing programs and policies of government of other organizations may provoke protest and that it is more likely to be successful if it represents a view which is widespread in the society. Furthermore, it cites the impact of the protest movement against the escalation of the war in Vietnam which was conducted by a group of faculty in Michigan.

This article focuses on the French working class anti-militarism as revealed in the “Carnet B.” The opening of public records including a number of files of the "Carnet B" provide new material for an analysis of the nature of French working class anti-militarism. The Carnet B was the list of anarchists, trade unionists, and socialists, whom the Ministry of the Interior considered liable to interfere with military mobilization, that is presumably the most active anti-militarists. They permit us not only to discover the strength of these elements e.g. in particular localities, but also their social and other characteristics and functions in the labor movement. Not to mention the political danger they actually represented. The function of Carnet B is that it was originally designed to keep a record of possible spies, Carnet B had by 1914 become a device for preventing the possible sabotage of mobilization by the labor movement. These files clearly contained more than casual or improvised information, nor were men likely to be put on the list for some irrelevant activity that had brought them to the attention of the authorities.