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In this article, the author responds to the rejoinder of A.R. Jensen to the author's article "The Promotion of Prejudice." Unequal treatment by the news media of opposing opinions on the genetic basis of racial differences is illustrated in the author's paper. Jensen concurs that at his insistence the public was excluded from the University of California symposium, held in an attempt to publicize various viewpoints. Jensen implies that he has referred to him as racist in a letter to the student newspaper. All of Jensen's verbosity cannot conceal the fact that the majority of eminent researchers in the fields of genetics, psychology, sociology, and anthropology do not support his contentions. The intent of the author's paper was not to single out Jensen but to show how various facets of society combined to result in the effective promotion of prejudice, even though none of the interacting agents can be accused of sole responsibility for producing such an effect.

It is the purpose of this paper to inform the debate on sexual equality by reference to the economic analysis of discrimination, which has by no means figured prominently in the public discussion of the issue. This to some extent may be explained by the fact that no detailed British analysis of the economics of discrimination exists, despite a mushrooming of the American literature on the subject (which is mainly but not exclusively devoted to racial discrimination).[1] The first part of the paper attempts to analyze differences in employment activity in the labour force between the sexes and to examine how far these may explain sex wage differentials. This enables us to define more precisely what constitutes (pure) discrimination in the second section which surveys various economic models of discrimination, analyses them in terms of their applicability to sexual discrimination, and derives various propositions. In the third section statistical evidence is examined in relation to these propositions in so far as this is possible given the availability of data.[2] Finally, certain implications are drawn from the analysis in comparing the likely effects of equal pay and anti-discrimination legislation on the operation of the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on an attempt to incorporate the element of personal selectivity or discrimination into the analysis of public-goods sharing arrangements. The justification for this attempt is that discrimination is a more realistic assumption about human behavior for a theory of public goods from which to draw implications for public policy. A good example is presented by non-discrimination laws applying to publicly provided goods which must be shared in consumption. The application of some of these laws represents an attempt to determine the composition of sharing groups for particular public outputs. In this paper an attempt is made to develop a model of consumption sharing that includes a discrimination variable, and it is used to discuss the problems of applying a non-exclusion rule to consumption-sharing arrangements of various scales. The discussion emphasizes the influence of club cost functions on the potential for de facto effects along wealth or income lines under the impact of the non-exclusion rule. It also undertakes an assessment of the operational meaning of freedom of association in the context of the interaction processes related to public goods.

Four groups, Young Males, Young Females, Aged Males and Aged Females, were run in a discrimination conditioning paradigm with a variety of autonomic and central measures. This paper deals primarily with Electro-Dermal Responses. The findings indicate that in all measures the Young Males and Young Females show the best discriminated conditioning, followed by Aged Females and Aged Males. In the GSP there are hints that the negative wave of the response might be related to the orienting phenomena whereas the positive wave is what becomes discriminately conditioned in the experiment. A cognitive questionnaire was accurately answered in the same rank order as the conditioning, that is, Young Males, Young Females, Aged Females and Aged Males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various studies of prerecognition responses to tachistoscopically presented words have indicated that an individual is capable of discriminating among words or classes of words below the visual recognition thresholds of the specific words themselves. More recent theoretical and experimental papers have been concerned with offering alternative explanations for subception effects rather than with demonstrating their presence or absence. A. Binder points out that discrimination between classes of objects may occur at a lower threshold than the recognition of a specific object if the class characteristics have a lower threshold than those characteristics peculiar to a specific object. The number of appropriate verbal reports is usually limited-explicitly or implicitly-by a particular experimental design. Thus, a given report may represent an attempt to reconcile what was perceived with the type of response required by the experimental instructions. The results indicate that recognition of tachistoscopically presented words is not an all or none process, but that it proceeds along a gradient. Some characteristics of the words have lower thresholds than others and are recognized at shorter exposure times.

The article looks at the paper "Is the Federal Reserve System Really Necessary," by Deane Carson, published in the December 1964 issue of "Journal of Finance." Carson presents an argument for the elimination of legal reserve requirements and for making membership in the Federal Reserve System voluntary. The author presents a theoretical analysis which shows that the discrimination factor which Carson's proposals are allegedly based on is not important. The author assumes that nonmember and member banks are in an equilibrium position regarding the amount of securities, cash reserves, and loans which are held relative to deposits.

In this article, the author comments on the article "Racially Separate or Together?," by Thomas F. Pettigrew, which was published in January 1969 issue of Journal of Social Issues. Pettigrew has presented evidence against the contentions of both white segregationists and black militants who seek a racially separate America. Pettigrew's major point is that separation leads to increased prejudice, since there can be no interaction which allows each person to see the other for what he really is. The author focuses on his thesis that equal-status contact between Negroes and whites leads to more favorable attitudes. Although Pettigrew once mentions that contact can, in fact, make matters worse, his presentation of studies showing favorable effects, and his generally optimistic tone are misleading. In contrast to the optimistic view fostered by the studies which Pettigrew cited, the author suggest a more cautious interpretation, and also suggest a basis of hypothesizing whether or not equal status contact will lead to favorable attitudes.

In this article, the author responds to comments of Russell Eisenman on his article "Racially Separate or Together?," which was published in January 1969 issue of Journal of Social Issues. Eisenman emphasizes a well-known and important point: namely, that the effect of intergroup contact on intergroup attitudes is dependent upon the type of contact involved. Eisenman maintains that equal-status of the two groups involved is a necessary but not sufficient condition for assuring the reduction of prejudice. The literature on equal-status contact has long been confused by a conceptual ambiguity. If the equal status criterion can only be met by individuals who bring to the situation roughly equivalent status positions in the larger society, then obviously the racial ecology of our society severely limits the attainment of this condition. But the problem of testing Eisenman's proposition that equal status contact is not in itself sufficient to produce favorable attitudes is that four conditions are highly inter correlated.

In an earlier investigation, the present writers reported that aggressive responses are generalized relatively easily from the hostility instigator to other disliked people. These findings can be used to buttress the scapegoat theory of prejudice particular minority groups, such as Negroes or Jews, are the target for displaced hostility, it is suggested, not because they have some physical similarity to the hostility instigator, but because they are disliked. In essence, this hypothesis maintains that the actual frustrator and the minority group are equated, since both arouse unpleasant feelings, so that responses elicited by one can be generalized to the other. The present study was undertaken to throw further light on this presumed process. For one thing, hostility generalization was assessed in the earlier study by means of questionnaire ratings of a peer, and there is a question whether stronger and more direct aggression would show similar effects. The present report also seeks to account for the generalization of aggression.

The hypothesis is proposed that a small battery of factors can be isolated that will differentiate acceptors and non-acceptors of recommended farm practices. For ten Extension-recommended practices, acceptors and non-acceptors are compared on twenty-five factors. The data are for a 1941 Iowa sample. At an acceptable level of statistical significance, the hypothesis is not supported. However, a series of factors that discriminate consistently in the same direction was isolated. The discriminatory power of the individual factors was analyzed, and reading state college bulletins ranked highest. Other high-ranking factors were belonging to a cooperative, age, and frequency of trips to the nearest metropolitan center. The factors were shown to differentiate acceptors and non-acceptors with varying effectiveness for the several practices. The differentiation--and thus the possibility of prediction--was best for the more generally accepted practices and those requiring little or no cash outlay. It is suggested that future studies might focus on the relationship of specific traits to the acceptance of specific practices. Several theoretical questions deserving research attention are also suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a previous paper, a model explaining differences in economic performance of several predominantly white urban immigrant groups was developed. The present study extends this model to six racially distinctive minorities. It is found that the performance of these minorities does not conform well to the immigrant model. Tentative explanations in terms of discrimination and subculture are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looking times of 36 children were recorded during subject-controlled presentation of slides. Habituation was demonstrated over repeated presentation of 6 slides from a single conceptual category (e.g., animals). In an immediate generalization test the 6 habituated slides were intermixed with 6 unfamiliar but similar slides from the same category and 6 slides from a novel category (e.g., fruits). Mean looking times were shortest for familiar slides, longer for categorically similar slides, and longest for categorically novel slides. Females showed generalized habituation from the familiar slides to the categorically similar slides, but looked significantly longer at those from the novel category. Males looked significantly longer at new slides from either the similar or the novel category than at the familiar slides, but on unfamiliar slides did not significantly discriminate between the similar and novel categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infant recognition memory, defined by novelty preferences, was found to vary over 4 discrimination tasks as a function of length of familiarization for 5-6-month-old infants. Briefer amounts of familiarization were effective for eliciting recognition than had previously been demonstrated. Order of task difficulty corresponded to age-related differences in ease of discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two experiments four sets of both favorable and unfavorable verbal material were classified as belonging to four labels, two specific labels (politicians) and two less specific labels (classes of people). Ss' attitudes towards one of the politicians were more positive than towards the other. Ss stored these stimuli in their memory under casual, incidental instructions. Then Ss retrieved information by deciding which one of two labels was formerly connected to the given verbal items. Ss were expected to accentuate on two orthogonal dependent variables: (1) Discrimination performance between labels; (2) response preference for labels. Discrimination performance was improved for politician labels compared to classes of-people labels but was not affected by the favorableness of the verbal material. However, response preference for one politician label occurred when two conditions were fulfilled: (a) Both the verbal material and Ss' attitudes towards the label were unfavorable, and (b) the content of verbal material was characteristic of the label. The accentuation theories of Brunet-Goodman and Tajfel were reformulated and integrated into a two-level model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Social Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article describes various rating systems. The rating system may be absolute or relative. A rater employing an "absolute" system describes a ratee without making direct reference to other ratees, usually in terms of a point on some rating scale. In a "relative" rating system, on the other hand, rating is carried out in terms of comparisons among a group of ratees. Popular examples of the latter approach are rank ordering, paired comparisons, and forced distributions. These methods have been suggested not only because they make good sense at the outset, but also because "absolute" rating systems have had a strong tendency to fail their task of discrimination, especially in the form of "inflation," or packing of ratings near the high end of the scale. The nature of most "relative" systems precludes this deficiency. Thus, relative rating systems have been widely discussed in the literature. The Point Allocation Technique was suggested in a workshop conducted by the Air Force in January 1971 during which a number of schemes for new rating systems were proposed.

Comments on an article by Glenn L. Wood and C. Arthur Williams on high cash value life insurance policies and unfair discrimination. View that the article by Wood and Williams is a scholarly piece of work; Impact of cost decreases on policy size; Overview of a section of the article that deals with New York's Regulation 39 and the subsequent Actuarial Bureau Standards; View that the most unusual relationship between Regulation 39 and the subsequent Actuarial Bureau Standards was overlooked entirely.

Presents a complementary collection of the articles focused on the various aspects of discrimination in employment, published in the October 1971 issue of the journal 'Industrial Relations.' Complexity and multi-faceted nature of discrimination; Commentary on the proposals to eliminate poverty; Arguments on the pervasiveness of discrimination; Misuse of psychological testing in employment.

The differential effect of incentive on finger sweating compared with the effects on various other physiological measures was investigated in a group of 59 Ss. Finger sweating (FS) appeared slightly superior to palmar conductance (PC) in discriminating between low and high incentive conditions, but heart rate (HR) and muscle potentials appeared to be the best of those discriminators used. Correlations between PC and visual ratings for FS were 0.65 and O.O9 for high and low incentive conditions, respectively. There were numerous significant correlations between physiological measures (at relatively low levels), but the two FS measures correlated only with PC and with each other. Correlations between physiological and performance measures were also obtained. On the one hand HR and electromyograms (EMGs). and on the other PC and FS ratings, differed with respect to the incentive conditions under which significant correlations with performance were obtained. In the main, HR and EMGs showed significant correlations with performance under low, and PC and FS ratings under high incentive. Further evidence for less sweating by dark-skinned Ss compared with light-skinned Ss was reported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines various grounds of discrimination and their pertinence to the economic condition of India. Provisions of the Indian Constitution which relate to employment opportunities; Suggestions for promoting equality of opportunities among citizens.

Propositions and concepts are reexamined and modified as a result of the discussion on social mobility. Social structures which are ethnically differentiated give rise to the kind of definition that would apply the label 'minority.' An imbalance arises between aspirations and actual chances of mobility leading as a rule to partial mobility. Social mobility is seen as the movement in social status or social position by individuals of diverse social origins measurable by the occupational index. This is a search for the causal explanation of differential mobility rates between coloured minorities and white minorities. A number of studies have stated and others have implied that the immobility of coloured groups is due to discrimination on grounds of the special racial factor of colour. A factor which influences the social mobility chances of minority groups is the stereotyping or homogenization of attitudes in the receiving country with regard to social class. Another factor is the socio-economic structure and politico-legal condition prevalent in the receiving country. Re-statements of the propositions include that social mobility in terms of socio-economic indicators is not caused by a rigidity in social structure and that it depends on the rank order in which the minority group is.

Understanding of the Afrikaners' present behaviour and attitudes is perhaps facilitated by viewing them as an emergent minority. They have enjoyed political supremacy for so long that this is difficult at first. However, the required alteration in focus has merits simply as an exercise in objectivity, and may also serve to illustrate the unpleasant truth that the worst effects of discrimination are often on personalities of its victims. Few care to recognize the extent to which minority status can be morally disabling. The Afrikaners' experience includes military defeat and occupation, a long history of discrimination of many kinds and at least two determined attempts to suppress their language. It should perhaps be emphasized that since minority status is relative, Boers under British rule were no less a minority than the still lower status Africans. Minorities come into being because territory, political authority, people, and culture only rarely coincide. At various times and in different areas Afrikaners have been subject to a wide variety of governments, both their own and other peoples.

The purpose of this article is to abstract and synthesize sociologist James Baldwin's views and wherever possible to extrapolate their relevance to sociology. He seeks desperately to define his identity as an American Negro writer and spokesman for his people. In order to know who he is, Baldwin must examine his cultural heritage for the past is all that makes the present coherent. And it is advisable to understand the present before looking forward to the future. It is this goal that has both guided and driven Baldwin as a Negro and as an American. Despite his distinct antipathy for sociology, Baldwin's writings are highly relevant to that discipline, perhaps even more than many works by professional sociologists. Though obviously prejudiced on the subject of Negro-white relations, Baldwin's personal experience and literary freedom yield an insight and comprehensiveness that social scientists lack. His definition of the problem and its causes provide a viewpoint that white writers and academics are simply not in a position to contribute. Equally useful is his knowledge of Negro people and their society. Baldwin's combined writings imply a new system for classifying Negro responses to discrimination. They also furnish a fruitful picture of the Negro social structure.

This article discusses the colour values in the society of Jamaica. The Jamaican society can be divided into three sections: the black lower class, the coloured middle class and the upper class composed of Europeans and fair coloured people. The criteria used by the Jamaicans to evaluate these terms are some-what complicated. Colour is evaluated in terms of actual skin colour, hair formation, features and skin texture. Colour is not the sole determinant of social position or status. The economic value and prestige value of the individual's employment are factors of considerable importance. Colour prejudice is directed much more against dark or black women than it is against men. Legal discrimination on account of colour, class, race or creed does not exist in the island. But there is much discrimination supported by public sanction. Jamaican society has as one of its activating features the desire to become more white or European. This desire is dependent upon the practices and behaviour of individuals who are both consciously and unconsciously striving to lighten themselves. The factors which have produced and perpetuate the colour values of Jamaican society are numerous and complex. Outstanding is the fact that for generations the black and coloured people have been governed by Europeans. The European has been the source of all real power. From this source flows the whole complex of attitudes and emotions which make up the colour stereotypes which are an inherent part of the fabric of Jamaican society.

In this article, the author responds to Elizabeth Alfert's views on the rejoinder of the author on the article "The Promotion of Prejudice." Dr. Alfert states that four out of five discussants at the videotaped symposium "opposed" his views. Dr. Alfert gives Webster's definition of "racist," and since she bas called me a "racist" in print, she apparently has decided that this dictionary definition fits the author. Anyone who tries to find anything in any of my writings or personal activities that corresponds to this definition will get some idea of Dr. Alfert's recklessness in making these accusations. Dr. Alfert's activities were mainly stimulated by my contention that genetic hypotheses of racial IQ differences are reasonable and tenable and have not been discredited by evidence. The author urged that genetic hypotheses be subjected to appropriate scientific study. But, the statistical matching of racial groups on SES and other environmental factors is an invalid method in any of these studies, since it presumes that SES, etc., are entirely causal variables.

This article comments on the promotion of prejudice. Studies of prejudice have often been concerned with demonstrating the relationship of prejudice to personality factors, to child rearing, or to social conditions. Social scientific journals have described expressions of prejudice, as well as ways to decrease it. It might be of interest, however, to follow a case in which the publicized views held by an educational psychologist would appear to increase prejudice and to examine the various factors that interacted and contributed to such an effect. Essentially a review of the literature, it included a section on racial differences in intelligence in which the author expounded his by now well-known theories on the genetic inferiority of Negroes in intelligence and learning ability. One might well ask at whom all this publicity was directed. A local sample of black and white people not connected with the university showed that it was mainly white people who read the statement in the newspapers.

An extension of discrimination-learning theory based on the inhibition of stimulus intensity was proposed as a mechanism of cognitive development. According to this discrimination-inhibition theory, children experience concrete cues such as form, brightness, etc., with an intensity which captures and holds the orienting response and thereby prevents children from focusing on more abstract stimuli, such as the cues for number of elements and identity over time. The Ss were 48 normal and 37 educable mentally retarded children. The amount of stimulus distortion in Piaget's conservation-of-number paradigm was varied. Results indicated that among both normal and EMR children, the predominant category of transitional children was composed of children who conserved at a low level of stimulus intensity but failed to conserve at a higher level of stimulus intensity (p < .01). The data support the discrimination-inhibition theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

40 children, 31-80 months old, responded to a series of 24 2-trial object discrimination problems. A single stimulus was presented on trial 1 and paired with a novel stimulus on trial 2.4 groups were each given 1 of the following type of problems: win-stay, win-shift, lose-stay, or lose-shift. Shift problems were significantly easier than stay problems. First trial reward was not significant and did not inter- act with the requirement to stay or shift on trial 2. Older children were superior to younger children, but neither problem block, nor any interactions with age or problem block, was significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copying in drawing requires many skills. 2 theoretically important abilities are visual analysis and drawing-rule utilization. In this experiment, training methods designed to improve preschool children's ability to analyze figures and to utilize drawing rules were compared in terms of their effects on figure discrimination and copying accuracy. Drawing-rule utilization resulted in improved copying accuracy but did not improve discrimination ability, while training in visual analysis resulted in improved discrimination ability but not improved copies. Further, increased improvement in figure discrimination was related to decreased copying accuracy. It was concluded that drawing rules are essential and that adequate visual analysis is a necessary but not sufficient prerequisite to the production of accurate copies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

24 male and 24 female white adults used verbal statements to train 9-year-old black or white male children on a discrimination problem. Bogus information on the children's performance was given to the adults and the dependent variable was the adults' statements to the children. A sex of adult × race of child interaction was found. Males were more negative with black children than with white children whereas there was a nonsignificant difference between the 2 races for females. On trait ratings of the children following the training session, both males and females rated black children more negatively than white children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

205 children, ages 10-13, were used to study the ability of personality trait variables, as measured by the Children's Personality Questionnaire, in discriminating among 3 intellectual groups of preadolescent children, to determine the relative importance of these variables in the discrimination and to determine the ability of the personality variables in classifying subjects into intellectual groups. In addition, some discussion of the multivariate approach used (discriminant-function analysis) was provided. It was concluded that children of different intellectual levels do in fact differ in their personalities. Furthermore, the results indicated that those children with high intellectual ability tend to be more emotionally well adjusted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reliability of young children's selective attention to color and form dimensions was measured among two S types: color and form selector Ss were assigned either to experimental training (on a dimension different than their dominant selection), to same training on their dominant choice dimension, or a no-training control group. Trained Ss had either hard or easy discrimination training over a 5-week period. The results indicate significant changes in selective attention among both color and form selectors given hard training and among color selectors given easy training. Form selectors given easy training showed change trends in the appropriate direction. Control color and form Ss show no significant changes in selection. The results show selective attention to color or form can be experimentally changed and is not developmentally determined for all Ss. Other sources of attention to color and form dimensions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the effects of personality characteristics associated with reinforcing agents on children's performance and children s perception of these characteristics. 8 Es portrayed each of 2 roles, warm and cold. After the experimental session, each S rated the E on 23 bipolar adjectives. Ss responded at higher rates to warm experimenters than they did to cold experimenters. The discrepancy in response rate between the warm and cold conditions was greater when Es were of the opposite sex than when Es were of the same sex as Ss. Children's ratings of Es discriminated the warm and cold conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children of CA 4 and 6 years were presented with sterometric, planometric, or stimuli in a 3-choice discrimination problem. Half (all-cues group) were unrestricted with regard to availability of cues, and half (visual-cues group) were restricted to the use of visual cues. The all-cues group learned to discriminate sterometric objects more rapidly than the visual-cues group. planometric and pattern discriminations were learned equally rapidly by all-cues and visual-cues groups. 6-year-olds performed equally well and significantly above chance level when trained on all three types of discrimination. 4-year-olds performed above chance level only when trained with sterometric objects. The middle-sized stimulus was the most difficult to discriminate for all Ss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given choices between stimuli in the color, form, and size dimensions, most elementary school children with hearing prefer form, and most deaf elementary school children prefer color. Pairs of deaf and hearing Ss were matched for age, sex, and IQ and compared, first, on ability to discriminate accurately in the color and in the form dimensions and, second, on a successive discrimination-learning task. Hearing Ss discriminated among forms more accurately than deaf Ss; deaf Ss discriminated among colors more accurately than hearing Ss. Hearing Ss learned the form-discrimination task with fewer errors than deaf Ss. There was no difference in learning between deaf and hearing Ss on the color-discrimination task. The discussion centers on preference-response characteristics and how preference relates to perceptual discrimination and learning behaviors. Suggestions for future research are made, based on a possible source of color and form preference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Normal elementary-school children who were uninstructed about the reinforcement procedures were poorer (p < .01) in performance on a 2-alternative discrimination task under a Right-blank reinforcement combination than under Wrong-bank and Right-Wrong combinations, due to the presence of Ss in the former condition who treated blank as "Right." No differences were found among reinforcement groups instructed about the reinforcers. Institutionalized retardates tested under the same conditions performed somewhat better (p < .10) under Right-Wrong than the other conditions, whether informed or uninformed about the reinforcers. Fewer uninformed Right-blank retardates than normals reacted to blank as "Right," so that, for the total group, significant performance differences between Right-blank and the other conditions did not occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Social Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of European Journal of Social Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Data obtained from four national samples of 6-11 year old children are presented, showing preference for four countries, perceived friendship of these countries with the subject's own country and perceived relationships among the target-countries. Two quantitative analogues of Heider's balance theory are used to examine the relations between these sets of data, one employing a multiplicative and the other a distance approach. Both models were found to fit the data adequately, further research being needed to discriminate between them. An explanation in terms of 'ethnocentric correspondence' given to explain why prediction is noticeably better for British and Austrian than for Belgian and Greek samples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a learning experiment 10 Ss' as receivers judged looking signals of a sender. Providing feedback about the real direction of gaze produced learning in the direction of an improvement of discrimination performance; the improvement was independent of visual acuity of receivers and was no: correlated to extraversion and neuroticism. Performance at the beginning was poorer and learning progress better for fixation points which were further away from the face. Results are discussed with reference to improving accuracy of observers on the variable 'looking behavior', important in studies on nonverbal communication. A pre-training of observers which allows explicit feedback about the real direction of gaze is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author describes some of the research work done by him in the past related to social stress in individuals. The author tries to find out how individuals manage under social stress; what brings them to it, how they get along once there. He describes the current period or current period of developing desegregation in the South as one such example of a time of relatively high tension in numerous communities, indeed in the whole country. He feels that human beings in the social sciences have spent years of their energies trying to understand the origins of their actions, their feelings, and their attitudes both private and public. During his research work, the author met several black men to asses the psychological effects of segregation. One of the most difficult and still perplexing aspects of this work has been learning why certain Negroes took on such risks, or certain whites, too. He has to run some of these people through every psychological, sociological, or psychiatric system he knew, and he kept on coming back to words like courage and integrity. They have been poor and rich, educated and ignorant, rural and urban, all character types, all stages of psychosexual development.

The purpose of this article is to document some aspects of housing discrimination, changing neighborhoods, and public schools in the U.S. The problem of segregated housing, discrimination in housing, and changing neighborhoods has been the existence of residential areas of homogenous status and class character in a society. Data are numerous confirming the use of education as a major vehicle for social mobility in the country. Put together, then, the mobility patterns of individuals, the use of the educational process as a major vehicle of mobility for one's children, the class character of schools, and the need to express one's status or status aspirations by one's area of residence, and an additional insight into the factors maintaining and breaking down the stability of status of residential neighborhoods is the result.

This article attempts to examine the aspects of racial invasion-succession sequence in the U.S. The author gathered data through intensive interviews in Russel Woods, a changing middle class neighborhood in Detroit. The assumptions which underlie many of the current efforts to stabilize the changing neighborhood, to suggest how an alternative orientation might be more fully utilized, and explore the implications for social policy are discussed. The author recommends for action programs to abolish discriminatory practices in all phases of housing, and in all sections of the urban community, and to make more low-cost housing available.

The article describes how United Packinghouse union was able to achieve a non-segregation practice of members. The self-survey technique is consciously motivational, as well a fact-finding, in its objective. The nature of the survey, objectives, procedures had to be interpreted and re-interpreted to each group to be involved. The inauguration of a program designed to change behavior clearly must result in changes in structure, if the program is to be successful. Two developments are discussed: the internal innovations that were necessary to implement the union's anti-discrimination policy and the changes in human relations practices within the sphere of influence of the union.

This article offers a commentary on the case of a Japanese American family. The author notes that the problem of Japanese-Americans must be solved as a part of the total problem of social justice for all minorities in the U.S.

In the field of racially plural societies, with which a professor of sociology, Leo Kuper, is particularly concerned, main theories relevant to political change are philosopher Marxist theories of class conflict, adaptations of sociologist E. Durkheim's theory of evolutionary change from mechanical to organic solidarity, and theories of the plural society or of pluralism. Each encourages different ideological uses, not necessarily implicit in theories themselves. Marxist theory, in emphasizing the class struggle as the major determinant of political change, conceives of racial discrimination and exploitation as an aspect of class relations. In terms of this perspective, race conflict will most probably be resolved, and racial equality established, as part of the world proletarian revolution. However, the application of this theory in its pure form to specific situations of racial conflict raises serious difficulties. There is not only a failure in solidarity between workers of different race, but it is often workers of the dominant race who demand the most extreme forms of racial discrimination. Moreover, members of the subordinate race, are generally economically differentiated and do not constitute a single class, with the result that racial or national liberation movements bring together different classes in revolutionary struggles against domination.

The controversy over whether belief similarity-dissimilarity or racial group membership is the primary determinant of attraction is an issue that has been studied with increased interest in the past ten years. In addition to the difficulties already noted, many of these studies have not controlled for the subject's prejudice, even though in other studies, it has been clearly shown that individual differences in prejudice affect the subjects' responses. In further specifying the boundary conditions of race versus belief studies, it would seem important to specify exactly what is meant by belief similarity. In reviewing the literature, one finds that belief similarity has been manipulated on a variety of different items. The purpose of the present experiment is to investigate the specific effects of different types of belief similarity, that is, to specify the boundary conditions of the belief similarity variable by systematically manipulating belief similarity on racially related and racially unrelated items and determining their effect on interracial attraction. An attempt will also be made to determine whether findings in the general area of attraction can be applied to interracial attraction.

The article presents information on differences in conditionability as a function of race of subject and prior availability of a social reinforcer. The general issue with which the present authors have been concerned is an attempt to specify how an individual's past social reinforcement history is likely to affect his responsivity to subsequent social reinforcement experiences, that is, how variations in the prior availability of a social reinforcer affect its subsequent efficacy. The general paradigm has involved confronting subjects with sequential changes in the rate of provision of a particular class of social stimuli. One such schedule change of particular interest involves establishing groups which receive initially either a relatively high or a relatively low level of verbal approval. All subjects are then presented with a 100% fixed-ratio reinforcement schedule for emitting the correct" verbal label on a discrimination task. For this general class of situations scholar J.L. Gewirtz has predicted and generally found with a child population, an inverse relationship between amount of prior short-term availability of a social stimulus and its subsequent efficacy as a social reinforcer. The present report focuses on some serendipitous findings involving differences in black-white conditionability to a white reinforcing agent, which were obtained as part of a partial replication of scholars R. Landau and Gewirtz.

The notion that individuals differ in terms of the width or breadth of categories they invoke in judgmental or perceptual situations has received marked attention in the research literature. Considering the proliferation of research using the concept of category width, it is perhaps useful to analyze its conceptual status and to consider what differences might reasonably be expected cognitive behavior as a function of such a variable. Category width may be related to two types of cognitive activity. The first of these is the notion of equivalence range, i.e., the number of events or objects a subject typically includes within a concept or category. It would seem that such a notion involves discrimination as the basic cognitive process, i.e., the number of events that will be included in a given category. Thus, in a perceptual or sensory discrimination task, one subject may discriminate eight different tones in terms of only four discriminable categories, while another subject may classify the tones into six categories. The latter, presumably, is using narrower categories than is the former.

Social discrimination often has been attributed to a system of private authoritarian or dogmatic beliefs. Research employing researcher M. Rokeach's popular measure of dogmatism, however, has been primarily concerned with its relationship to other cognitive and personal aspects of the persons assessed. The effect of dogmatism on social relationships, particularly more informed types, has been relatively neglected. The present study is concerned with the interpersonal relationships of dogmatic persons and members of peer groups to which they belong, and particularly with the development of such relationships. It is evident that dogmatism is identifiable in social behavior, but given the paucity of evidence about the perceptual and behavioral processes involved, one has been left with such gratuitous inferences as that persons correctly identified as dogmatic probably did betray many of the characteristics of the closed mind. The informal social relationships of dogmatic persons are likely to be affected by characteristics inferred from their behavior in other contexts.