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The article discusses conflict and congruence related to tradition and modernity. In the decades following World War II, Social Science has recaptured an interest in the study of social changes affecting total societies. The emergence of new nations and their quickened aspirations toward economic betterment and equality of citizenship have confronted scholars with the task of understanding the past and the present and foretelling the future of the non- European countries. The study of social change cannot avoid some variant of a before and after sequence in which institutions and cultural attributes characterizing a past are seen as being replaced or modified during the present and in motion toward new relationships and values that will be realized in the future. A distinction between tradition and modernity has been at the center of the analytical models that have attempted to describe and understand these changes. This distinction represents an old stream of thinking in social science. It was influential in the nineteenth century and has left its residue in the perspectives of many social analysts.

The article is a reply by the author to his critics Leonard G. Bowe and Bryan L. Boulier on his article "Economic Development, Modernization and Economic Behavior." The author states that, both critics object to the choice of indicators for the measurement of economic well being and modernization. The concept of economic development has increasingly come under question as "the factor" of change necessary to bring about changes in the levels of demographic behavior among populations. The use of gross national producer as an indicator of modernization was prompted by the fact that it was a good measure of the productive capacity of the systems. The second problem discussed by each of the critics is that of multicollinearity. It reflects the level of economic well being, independent of the structural complexity of society, and also reflects the general level of structural complexity independent of the economic dimension. There is no clear distinction between medical and nonmedical inputs, and between the latter and other factors.

The author of this article shares insights into the Harvard Project on the Sociocultural Aspects of Development, a comparative study of the differential impact of varying modernizing settings on attitudes and values. The Harvard Project on the Sociocultural Aspects of Development is a comparative study (in Chile, Argentina, Israel, Nigeria, India and Pakistan) of the differential impact of varying modernizing settings on attitudes and values. Sustained development seems to depend on the wide diffusion through the population of certain attitudes, and values. United States positions to act, and habits of doing things which, in combination, characterize the "industrial man" and differentiate him from the man of tradition who makes up the bulk of the population in most underdeveloped countries. The author notes that sustained development seems to depend on the wide diffusion through the population of certain attitudes, values, dispositions to act, and habits of doing things. The working assumption is that experience in a modern industrial enterprise will induce changed attitudes, which, on the whole, will make men better-adapted and more effective citizens of a modern society.

It is suggested that the predictive power and pragmatic value of social research for the planning and implementation of modernization programs may be improved by focusing on the traditional village as the major unit of analysis, rather than on large-scale societies or individuals. Study of 30 traditional villages in Israel revealed four dimensions of modernity. The dimensions were specified as: (1) production; (2) social-psychology; (3) environment-orientation; and (4) space. Partial Order Scalogram Analysis of these dimensions showed the villages conformed to two empirical types, with different modernization processes for each. An analytic breakdown of the two processes yielded some practical recommendations for the planned modernization of these villages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE TEXT of this comment has pointed to three basic problems in the analysis of Sly and Chi which tend to invalidate their conclusion. All of these are serious issues that should have been dealt with by the authors. The two most serious of these issues, however, are the specification of variables and the existence of multicollinearity between variables which makes it impossible to interpret the regression results with any degree of confidence. Further work in this area may prove fruitful if a means can be devised to develop variables that measure the separate dimensions of modernization and economic development. However, these processes may be so interconnected that truly "independent" variables of an aggregate type do not exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The performance of women in their traditional family-centered roles is suggested as an appropriate site for assessing the impact of social change on the status of women in Muslim countries. When differences in modernism of attitudes and behavior of 803 Turkish wives were examined, the type of community background, amount of education, age at marriage, and exposure to mass communications media could be formed into an orderly system of influence which determined how modern or traditional a woman would be as a wife. In predicting the carry-over of modernism into other areas of behavior, the importance of the situational context of behavior was underlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship of industrialization to some family-linked attitudes and behavior of women were examined in five markedly different Brazilian communities. Each community was selected to represent a point on a rural-urban-industrial continuum. Data were collected through interviews with 816 married, fertile women about their attitudes and behavior as regards their roles as women, wives and mothers. Interview items were factor analyzed and two indexes of modernity derived. Women in industrial communities were found, on the average, to have a greater sense of personal efficacy, enjoy more egalitarian relationships with their husbands, place a greater emphasis on independence and achievement in the socialization of their children and perceived the world in a more activistic perspective than women in nonindustrial milieu. Modernity in women tends to increase with level of education, skill of occupation, social status and membership in voluntary associations; it is inversely related to family size, both preferred and actual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quantitative, comparative studies of violent conflict within societies constitute a growing subfield of political science. Some common assumptions of these studies are the premises that conflict events have similar properties and causes across all types of contemporary nations, and that these properties and causes are susceptible to reliable and valid measurement. Convergence is apparent in some results: violent conflict intensifies in periods of rapid socioeconomic change; the transition to socioeconomic "modernity" helps lessen revolutionary activity but not turmoil; increased coerciveness by regimes tends under some specifiable circumstances to exacerbate civil conflict; and there is little relationship between the incidence of domestic and foreign conflict as cause, effect, or alternatives. Prospects and problems for such studies are briefly evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses tradition, modernity and communalism in modernization of Japan. The terms, tradition and modernity like modernization and Westernization are bound up with value preferences and social ideology, and are consequently less than useful as analytical concepts in social science. Sociologist R. P. Dore has counseled against a special theory of modernization, and advises a study of the processes on the basis of standard concepts pertaining to social change in any historical context. This approach is especially appropriate in the case of Japan. Perhaps no other society modernized so effectively on the basis of deliberate effort, planned and carried out by sophisticated elites. The process was not an invention of the late 19th century, but represented an old Japanese proclivity. Japanese intellectuals, like the planners, have approached the change process with perspectives derived from a variety of past and present cultural sources. The most fundamental observation one can make of the Japanese modernizing outlook is that while a culturally conservative position has generally dominated, there also has existed an important liberal position throughout the history of the modern era.

The article focuses on movements and ideologies related to traditionalism and modernization. In the contact between the Western and non-Western worlds over the period of the past three hundred years, complex technological societies have come into contact with a variety of simple social systems whose technological organization did not permit effective resistance to external control. The establishment of control by foreign authorities initiated a vast transition from traditionalism to modernity whose impact is still being felt on a worldwide basis. This article examines this transition in terms of movements and ideologies generated as a result of such contact. Its approach is inductive; from a single case, that of Tanganyika which will be described in some detail, a model will be formulated. Although a general model can be constructed, there are a number of limitations in its applicability. Socially, the model is most applicable to those situations of contact where the indigenous societies were relatively simple, small in scale and locally based. The model is less applicable to indigenous societies of considerable complexity. Spatially, this means that the model is most applicable in Africa and Oceania and most, but not all, of Asia.

The social institutions of modern technological culture often fail to provide adequate opportunity for the exchange of emotions and personal feelings of affect and esteem. The widespread development of alternative institutions such as sensitivity training can be seen as an attempt to compensate for the scarcity of this type of interpersonal communication. Reasons for this scarcity are examined in terms of a structural model of individual and societal resource differentiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]