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A critical review of some recent research on sex roles; suggestions are made for an alternative approach. Much research is found to be misleading and seriously biased to minimize indications of strains and changes in American sex roles. Most research is limited to women's roles, not men's, and to the internal processes of the middle class family without consideration of functional, historical, or political aspects. American sex roles are explained in this paper as serving historical and psychological needs which are no longer appropriate. Differential, sex roles are maladapted to contemporary conditions of rapid social change and temporary associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical movements such as those of the New and Old Lefts are a particular type of social movement whose genesis, composition, and morphology can be explained by extant theory and research. The fate (or career) of radical movements in this kind of society, however, is a special process resulting from the twin forces of co-optation and repression which, in varying combinations, define the relationship between the radical movement and its host society. As a result of the interplay of these forces, any radical movement can be expected to pass through five stages: incipiency, coalescence, institutionalization, fragmentation, and demise. Such a career model is here applied to the histories of the Old and New Lefts, with explicit reference to the papers in this issue to indicate where they support the model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents additional thoughts about collective behavior with reference to two papers on the Kent State University incident which papers were written as applications of theory of collective behavior. The author developed this theory to establish general analytic relations among a set of variables that he had discovered to be important in the genesis of hundreds of episodes of collective behavior. One of the most original and strongest aspects of the theory was its emphasis on the behavior of agents of social control as determinants of the timing, content, direction, and outcomes of episodes of collective behavior. The author stressed social-structural aspects, but he underplayed the importance of psychological mechanisms in the dynamics of episodes of collective behavior. In this article, the author developed a few new thoughts about the psychological and organizational characteristics of collective behavior in reading the two papers. These thoughts are developed under three headings, strategies to fix blame and assign illegitimacy in episodes of conflict; the relations among different agents of social control as these influence the development of an episode; and shifts in the definition of the situation, and the implication of these shifts for the application of the value-added model.

Information on the topics discussed during the International Conference on Comparative Political Sociology. The theme of the conference revolved around the discussion of the party system in the process of socio-economic change and the new trend in political sociology which is the effort to fuse the analysis of ideological change with the changes of the structure in society. Another issue discussed concerned the analysis of the party system which is considered as a pre-requisite for social change.

Using data collected in 1965 on white student civil rights workers in the South affiliated with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, this paper seeks to probe the factors that underlie the subjective sense of success and failure in an episode of political activism. Focusing on some fifty local projects scattered from Virginia to Alabama, we find that success was only partially a function of gains in voter registration, the summer's principal objective. It was related as well to the degree to which projects had been able to penetrate barriers into the black community to build black organizations, the degree of project cohesiveness, and the extent of personal fulfillment of the volunteers as individuals. One last correlate involved the amount of time spent protesting, and the paper explores this in particular detail, focusing on the sense in which the summer might be described as a romantic venture. Finally, the paper offers a comparison between the white student New Left and some of its older predecessors, stressing a distinction between "sympathetic" and "self-interested" activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses conflict and congruence related to tradition and modernity. In the decades following World War II, Social Science has recaptured an interest in the study of social changes affecting total societies. The emergence of new nations and their quickened aspirations toward economic betterment and equality of citizenship have confronted scholars with the task of understanding the past and the present and foretelling the future of the non- European countries. The study of social change cannot avoid some variant of a before and after sequence in which institutions and cultural attributes characterizing a past are seen as being replaced or modified during the present and in motion toward new relationships and values that will be realized in the future. A distinction between tradition and modernity has been at the center of the analytical models that have attempted to describe and understand these changes. This distinction represents an old stream of thinking in social science. It was influential in the nineteenth century and has left its residue in the perspectives of many social analysts.

It has long been recognized that the study of peasant movements requires two basic methodological rules for its proper understanding: first, the focus of the study must be both on the interaction process which binds the peasantry to its overlord and the social forces that impinge upon both poles of interaction; second, such study must necessarily deal with the historical contexts within which the interaction process between lord and peasant develops. The main purpose of this paper is to apply these two methodological rules to a case study of a) the transformation of a regional power structure and b) the origins and development of a peasant movement that swept an intermontane valley of Peruvian Central Sierra dominated by the hacienda system, transforming it into a region of Indian communities. A second purpose of the paper is to derive certain theoretical generalizations from the empirical case, which can be relevant for the development of a theory of political peasant movements. This article also discusses the role of successful peasant movements in the development process of dependent, unequally developed societies, like Peru.

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The object of this paper is to deal with only two important uses. First, the material throws considerable light on the processes of acculturation and the first part of this paper discusses such processes with two basic objectives in view. One is a critical assessment of the main body of hypotheses and generalizations which have so far been made in this field and the presentation of a more useful theoretical framework within which the subject may be discussed; the other will be an application of this new framework to the available historical data relating to one of the islands, Jamaica, on which the author has recently done extensive research. For what is most striking about the West Indies is that they present one of the few cases in world history where groups of peoples were deliberately thrown together, forcefully deculturated or detribalized as the case may be and new societies consciously created for the achievement of specifically defined goals. Thus, there emerged in the post-emancipation period a dual culture, or two Jamaica's: one was the Afro-Jamaican cultural system, which was largely a consolidation and revitalization of patterns developed during slavery; the other was the European-oriented cultural system which was the revival of British civilization in the island after its disintegration during slavery.

The article presents information about the 12th International Conference on the Sociology of Religion. The general theme of the conference "Contemporary Metamorphoses of Religion," was interpreted more as dealing with organizational change, including the emergence of "new" religious movements and attitude changes, than with any basic transformation in the current conceptions of the nature of religion or of religious faith. The plenary sessions were carefully planned and conducted in a very formal way marked by procedures of protocol, written requests for "interventions," like questions and comments by others than the announced participants. The only free wheeling spontaneous participation of the sort familiar to us occurred in the much smaller contributed papers sessions. Spontaneity was, unfortunately, limited even in these sessions by linguistic factors. There was one area, according to several European scholars, in which the conference may have presented a somewhat misleading picture of European academic life to the North American participants. Very little attention was paid to the debate between the Marxists and the non Marxists which is so much a part of daily European academicia.

The article profiles William Jay, a judge from Westchester County, New York, who contributed toward international peace. Though Jay did not participate in the organized peace movement during the first decades of its existence, he had done thinking, research and private writing on the subject. In 1845, he addressed the annual meeting of the American Peace Society in Boston, Massachusetts. His address was also widely distributed and read. Some of Jay's works include "War and Peace," and "Review of the Mexican War."

Little is known of the effects various beverage licencing changes might have on health related sequelae to heavy drinking. However, such changes represent an important method which governments have for controlling alcohol use and abuse. This paper reports the effects of the licencing changes made during the first world war. Chiefly, these changes were a reduction in hours of sale, reductions in alcohol content and prohibition of selling on credit and treating. These changes were passed in some areas but not others during 1915 to 1918. A variety of analyses were performed of the effects of the changes on rates of drunkenness and liver cirrhosis. The results show that: (i) There was a very great reduction in both drunkenness and cirrhosis death rates. (ii) The effects of the licencing regulations were to decrease both drunkenness and cirrhosis deaths immediately after they were passed, especially in more urban areas. (iii) The long term effects of the regulations were not significant but their effects were perhaps swamped by reductions in the availability of alcoholic beverages. The possibility that general social changes associated with the war created reductions in drunkenness and cirrhosis deaths is considered. How- ever, even when the war ended and certain of the regulations were retained neither drunkenness nor liver cirrhosis deaths returned to their pre-war levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generational analyses have tended to focus on youth movements and ideologies, in keeping with the Mannheim emphasis on new generations. Age-group political consciousness among the elderly may be an emergent feature of the current political scene; thus, it is useful to examine the generational aspects of a political movement among the elderly as well. This paper presents a model of the factors contributing to the development of socio-political movements. It appears that an aged social movement will not develop unless age-group political consciousness among the elderly is manifest. The prospects of the emergence of that political consciousness and a social movement of the aged arc discussed, with attention to precursors of these political expressions in the current generation of older people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes an intensive field study of two ad hoc antipornography organizations, the campaigns they conducted, and their leaders and active participants. Data were gathered by extensive observation and document search, unstructured interviews with campaign-knowledgeable respondents, and by structured interviews with 85 leaders (Conporns), 51 opponents (Proporns), and 40 Controls. Comparative analyses of the two antipornography campaigns supported the hypothesis that the campaigns were norm-oriented social movements which could be described by Smelser's valueadded stages of collective behavior. Conporns were found to be status discontents defending with a symbolic crusade the dominance and prestige of a lifestyle to which they were committed, Conporns were found, again as hypothesized, to differ from Proporns in selected demographic and social-psychological characteristics. Research problems which occurred during the course of the field study are discussed, and suggestions made for further investigations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs a cybernetic model of a religious symbol system to explain the competition among Rabbinists, Hasidim, and Messianists in the Jewish communities of eighteenth-century Poland. Hasidism's ability to attract adherents is explained by the great flexibility of its constitutive belief, ‘communion with God’ when compared with Rabbinic Torah or the Messianic belief in the ‘lifting of sparks.’ This flexibility is traced through all levels of the cybernetic hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents brief summaries of article, published in issues of several periodicals. Teen-age marriages, pregnancies among high school girls, youthful gang violence, and increases in youthful crime rates are deeply serious events. At present, an increase in the size of the American family is occurring. This paper focuses upon the motivation for having larger families and the social changes that may underlie these motivations. Many changes have developed in the role of women due to the technological developments. This speculative paper explores the direction of family life over the next 40 years. The author sees the increasing proportion of women employed gainfully as the clearest indication of approaching sex equality. Family life educators are taken to task in this article for persisting in presenting only one side of the question on the frequency of divorce associated with religiously homogamous or heterogamous marriages. This article is concerned with needed communication between theology and anthropology. The two fields have a common link in being concerned about truth, whether natural or social.

This issue reflects the growing awareness of "shibboleths and lacunae (Laws, 1969)" in the study of women, and includes some of the recent attempts to correct these. The issue focusses on methodological and theoretical criticism, analysis of female stereotypes and roles, and achievement and achievement motivation in women. The feminist movement which is responsible for these new perspectives on women also raises fundamental questions regarding present institutions like the family, and provides fresh views on such vital issues as peace, racism, population, and environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes four functions in terms of which social indicators can be judged successful or unsuccessful: description, explanation, valuation, and utilization. These criteria are applied to the findings of a current nation-wide study on the attitudes of American men toward violence. Two indexes-the level of force that men consider justifiable for social control and the level of force that they consider justifiable for social change-are shown to be essentially uncorrelated and to present very different descriptive patterns. Most men consider injury or property damage to be unnecessary for social change, but are prepared to justify substantial force for social control. The explanation of these attitudes is sought in terms of background and demographic characteristics, and in terms of such psychological characteristics as values, group identification, semantics, and perception of social issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A participant observer interpretively sketches the nature and history of the New Left movement, from its genesis in the civil rights movement in the early 60s to its recent factional divisions, focusing primarily upon how New Left groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society have viewed their own aspirations and efforts and (to a lesser extent) those of the Old Left (here called "corporate liberals"). Particular attention is given to the significance and contributions of the two SDS documents, "The Port Huron Statement" (1962) and "America and the New Era" (1963). The paper concludes that, as a result of co-optation and of the failure of the liberals to embrace the New Left program as a whole, the movement is now largely defunct; nevertheless, the legacy of the New Left will be historically significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses socialization correlates of student activism. Studies assessing the intellectual dispositions, academic careers, value systems, and personality characteristics of student activists are amassing. Activists are found to be intellectually gifted, academically superior, and politically radical young people from advantaged homes in which the parents are successful in their careers, comfortable in their economic position, and liberal in their political orientations. The present paper is concerned with extending our understanding of the antecedents of activism as they may be inferred from students' retrospective descriptions of the child-rearing orientations and values of their parents, and identifying socialization practices differentially associated with diverging orientations toward political social activism that could be identified in 1965-1966. The assessment of socialization practices and their relationship to student activism gains importance in the present social climate. The recent change in the character of student activism has tried society's patience and increased its hostility toward activists, resulting in demands for repressive action on the part of societal institutions to control student behavior.

The article informs that a salient feature of social change in Africa has been the introduction of mass education in countries that are fundamentally rural and traditional. In villages and towns throughout the continent, children are being lifted out of the exclusive guardianship of the traditional family and community and imbued with knowledge, skills and values appropriate to life in the modern sector of society. Education holds the promise of making them both agents and prime beneficiaries of economic and social development. At the same time, exposure to education renders the youth peculiarly susceptible to social dislocation in swiftly changing societies. This paper dwells on those aspects of education and society that generate unintended stresses and hardships for certain "educated" African youth. Social science research thus far has yielded little understanding of patterns and processes of adaptation among school leavers. Suitable social theory in this instance should take account of two simple facts, a large portion of the youth in modernizing societies of Africa are being socialized for adult careers in the modern sector, and the traditional family and community are the primary social foundations from which they make their way into the changing society.

In this paper, the author undertakes a social-psychological analysis of the organization, ideology and activities of the John Birch Society, a U.S. organization described in current journalistic literature as radical right or as right-winged extremist. The group is described as a fundamentalist reaction to its social setting, with a leader and organizational structure which is an unstable mixture of both charismatic and rational-bureaucratic elements. Its organizational position is that of a sect, its appeal is its ideology and activity of social protest. Moreover, it appears that the influence of the society within the American social system may become potentially functional and constructive.

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents information on the various conferences, meetings and papers published in various periodicals related to the rural sociology. The Fifth Congress of the European Society for Rural Sociology will be held from August 19 to September 2, 1966, in or near Dublin, Ireland. The general theme will be "The Future of Rural Life." The titles of the subtopics are Technological and Economic Changes in Agriculture and their Impact on the Farm Population, Institutional Changes and Rural Life, The Rural-Urban Continuum, Interaction between Social Change and Physical Planning and Culture and Society in the Countryside of the Future. The paper "Rural Sociological Research Team of the C.N.R.S. and Laboratory for Rural Sociology of the I.N.R.A." appeared in the April-June 1964 issue of the periodical "Revue Francaise de Sociologie." The "Groupe de Sociologie Rurale" of the C.N.R.S. was created about fifteen years ago by scholar H. Lefebvre with the initial aim to organize meetings which assembled the best ruralistes in France, like M. Cepede, L. Chevalier, P. Coutin, R. Dumont and C. Parrain. Some years ago the group developed into a research team which dedicates itself to fundamental and methodological studies of French rural societies.

Empirical research in the sociology of religion has varied widely in terms of units of analysis. Three general foci have tended to underlie most of the empirical work done in this field: the individual (e.g. the social psychology of religion) religion as a social movement (e.g. the sect-church typology) and individual churches of a deviant or unusual nature. With certain exceptions there has been relatively little attention paid to the more "normal" type of urban congregation. This is unfortunate because it is in these local congregations that the majority of church-goers can be found, and empirical research which ignores this aspect of religious organization is incomplete and somewhat truncated. This paper seeks to remedy the deficiency in this area of research by presenting an analysis of urban congregations in one city based upon research carried out on a sample of 37 local congregations representing two denominations. One of the more difficult research questions in this area concerns the origin of the transition phase. Available evidence suggests that while general value consensus seems to evolve spontaneously, it remains latent unless concrete suggestions are initiated by, or receive support from individuals who are on a high level of the power structure of the local church.

The article describes the effects of science and technology developments on social change in the U.S. The author emphasizes that it is of major importance not to lose sight of the extent to which scientific and technical progress are creating a burden of social complexity for modern man. It is quite true that one can be interested in the advance of science and technology for its own sake. However, the focus of attention which he wish to encourage in the paper is the degree to which developments in science, technological applications of these developments and new inventions, produce changes in the social order and an increasing burden of social complexity. Science and technology are now playing the central role in creating both social order and social disorder.

The paper examines, by exegetical analysis, two contemporary social movements occurring in two different social structures. It seeks to throw light on the sociological categories of protest and discontent and the relationship between these and social structural variables such as status situation. The Ras-Tafarians in Jamaica and the Black Muslims in the U.S. both openly reject their society. Adherents to these movements have created their own unique Weltanschauung, namely, a projection into semi-secular kingdoms, for the Ras-Tafarians Ethiopia is heaven, Haile Selassie is God and for the Muslims Allah is supreme, Islam is the black homeland. Deliverance from defined socio-economic deprivation will come not from a transcendental Christ but from Allah and Ras-Tafari. It is concluded that both movements achieve some measure of adjustment to their unfavorable life-situations but that sociology must spell out that which possesses Muslims and Ras-Tafarians is not a demon but the social system of which they are a part. Sociology can employ dynamic concepts to construct theories capable of predicting conditional outcomes of the conflicts which are built into social systems and which the rebels kick against. the outcomes lies in this world.

This article focuses on ideology and sociology in Soviet Union as of March 1970. The author is concerned not only to show how Marxism has been so adapted to the needs of Soviet Union's elites, but also to examine the impact in that country of western sociology. Not only have there been significant changes in the Soviet elite's use of Marxism but, in company with the development of sociology in western societies, the role of Marxism as a radical critique of industrial society has been replaced by a pragmatic empirical approach to social problems. In both societies, this change is related to the specialization of sociology, to its separation from philosophy and to the shift in emphasis which takes place when a subject becomes professionalized and moves from a speculative to a scientific discipline. After the October Revolution, the study of sociology in Soviet Union was strongly dependent on Marxist philosophy. Marxist sociology was synonymous with historical or economic materialism. But economic materialism is open to different interpretations. It has both a positivistic, empirical component, and a dogmatic one: the first emphasizes the priority of matter over mind and actual social relations, the second is didactic showing the course and predicting the direction of social change. In the U.S.S.R. both these tendencies have been adopted.

Three years of survey data show that over time concern with pollution and support for the environmental movement were drawn from increasingly broader bases of social structure. Environmental concern moved downward in the class structure. However, the spread of environmental concern did not substantially affect working class strata, only the lower-middle class. Certain social aggregates remained indifferent regarding environmental problems during the peak of movements support in 1970. Chief among these were persons with low education, rural farm residents, and those economically dependent upon suggested to be important determinants of support for a resistance to environmental reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the non-academic aspects of peace research in solving peace problems. It relates that the effectivity of a peace research relies on its abillity to go beyond the academic constraints and work towards expansion through deprofessionalization. Moreover, it discusses several approaches in evaluating peace actions strategies relative to peace research, which include involvement in the action group, explicit identification of the goals, prioritization of the goals, and establishment of a broad research design.

The article focuses on the establishment of the treaty Pacto Roerich on April 15, 1935 in the U.S. It relates that the pact was approved by prominent dignitaries and 21 nations with the aim to protect scientific and artistic institutions, as well as historical structures during the war and human calamities. Moreover, it adds that the pact was the brainchild of artist, author and archeologist Nicholas Roerich. Further, it discusses the three themes that signified the establishment of the pact that reflects idealism, egocentrism, and anguish in American history .

For many years now, social scientists have observed and studied certain aspects of youth in tropical Africa and indeed in much of the developing world. Several ideas have been put forward concerning the relationship between education and social change, the inadequacies of imported educational systems, the overproduction of unemployable school-leavers and the alienation of youth from their roots because of the development of new institutions. These views have been echoed by politicians who constantly reiterate the need for programmes to keep youth on the land through agricultural education and national service, point to allegedly frustrated and alienated school- leavers and see them as a source of political and social turmoil. Briefly, the purpose of the Uganda Youth Survey was to assess how far these popularly held views of youth in developing Africa fitted the situation in Uganda, and to consider among other things whether an identifiable youth culture existed in that country by examining some of the norms, values, expectations and behaviour of youth. The survey involved interviewing a total sample of 700 youths in three village areas in the eastern, northern and central regions of Uganda. We interviewed every youth twice, once in 1970 and again a year later. Our sample included both those who lived in the village and those whose family lived there but who had themselves left. A sample of 300 adults from the same villages was interviewed for comparative purposes.

Review of accumulated evidence from 13 studies shows that members of the National Farmers' Organization (NFO) exemplify the social movement participation paradox. Compared with other farmers, NFO members generally are in advantaged farm economic situations, but they express higher dissatisfaction and are employing drastic means to change the economic institutions surrounding farm marketing as participants in a power-oriented social movement. Evidence presented supports the notion of relative deprivation as a factor in the explanation of the paradox. Prior to movement participation NFO members were higher than nonmembers in income aspirations, and members exhibit greater belief in the structural sources of their difficulties in reaching income aspirations. Higher aspirations may have a lower probability of fulfillment, thus predisposing those with higher aspirations to receptiveness to beliefs in structural blockage, structural blame, and structural solution, which are part of the NFO ideology. Some implications of this notion are speculatively explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dialogue between the Old and New Left during the past decade has resulted less in reconciliation than in rupture. This process has made quite clear and explicit the chief differences between the two movements, which are only roughly divided along generational lines. The differences discussed here are of four general kinds: (a) social roots and orientations, (b) political positions, (c) strategy and tactics, and (d) representative personalities and forums. References are made to the other articles in this issue where they fit into the schematic contrast here presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on the student protest movement against racial segregation, the sit-in and freedom-ride movement. It focuses upon the development of the very first sit-in in the South at Greensboro, North Carolina (NC), on February 1, 1960. It presents a description and discussion of an 18-year-old Negro student who, together with his three close friends from the freshman class at the Negro College in NC, sat-in one day at a segregated down-town lunch counter and thus began the sit-in movement in the South. It emphasizes affect, acting out, and the successful resolution of the identity crisis of late adolescence.

Radical activism in sociology can be explained as reaction against developments in American society, university structure, social theory and the American Sociology Association. Beginning in 1967 with a controversy over a Vietnam resolution, it has grown to include organized opposition through the Sociology Liberation Movement and the separation of the Black Sociologists Association. The assumptions behind sociology as an academic field and an occupation, have been and are being tested and found erroneous by an increasing number of sociologists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to articulate and evaluate the ethical theories concerning the nature of commitment, action, and the justification or condemnation of violence, expressed in essays by French political/ethical theorists, Albert Camus and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. According to Camus, the pervasiveness of crimes of logic emanates from the movement of rebellion or revolt. Camus advocates a profound concern for the ethics of action. Ponty relates his theory of revolution and social change with Marxism.

The article presents the author's comments on issues concerning peace research movements and peace action movements. The author argues that peace research should be a thoroughly transnational activity and the individual peace researcher should be identified not just with one institution in one country but with several in several countries. The author also emphasized on broadening the outlook of the researcher to overcome some of the present kinds of separation in peace research.

The spread of youth-group consciousness and counterculture behavior during the 1960s is accounted for by two competing theoretical rationales: the "movement sweep" and the "blend" theses. This study explores the development of youth stratum consciousness in four groups of youth: white collar and blue collar students and nonstudents. The research employs a social movement paradigm suggesting an explicit developmental sequence from initial awareness through crystallized ideology and behavior expression. The attempt to operationalize generational consciousness based on Mannheim's definition was partially successful. The data clearly provide little support for the "sweep" thesis of youth movement phenomena, but do suggest some confirmation for the "blend" perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the recent work of community organizers seeking to build poor peoples organizations in such fields as civil rights, tenants rights, welfare rights, farmworkers, and black, brown, red and gold power. While narratives of these movements are relatively easy to find, theoretical analyses by political scientists have been few and far between. In this article, an attempt is made to present some of the lessons which can be drawn from the most incisive of these analyses, both with respect to the dynamics of community organizing and to the ultimate impact of protest activity by poor peoples organizations.

The article focuses on the need for a national development policy in the United States. During the past few years, there has been a mounting concern about the need for a national development policy in the United States. Yet, this concept which has taken decades to evolve, is still not crystallized in American government. If the evolution of this policy is examined, one pattern seems to emerge: at least two sets of parallel have been persuaded but different policy areas. The first deals with the problems of large urban centers; and the second attempts to cope with the difficulties of economically depressed rural regions. Although different initially, both lines of policy evolution seem to have similar development patterns. Since the massive innovations of the New Deal, both policy areas have tended to change incrementally; they have become less physically and efficiency oriented and more comprehensive in terms of social and political factors; they generally have developed longer time horizons; they have often become broader in geographic scope; and most recently, have become concerned with one another's problems.

The article comments on federal civil service in the U.S. The federal civil service is now experiencing its first major retrenchment in forty years. The active buildup of the Vietnam and Great Society years has been replaced by job freezes and Reductions-in Force. The 1970s have ushered in a change in federal priorities. Whereas the Johnsonian Great Society emphasized social change, equity, responsiveness, and representativeness, President Richard Nixon's New Federalism appears to foreshadow a reduced federal social programming role and an administrative model stressing economy, efficiency, productivity, and executive control. Yet just as the Administration is taking stock of the federal social program inventory and administrative apparatus, so it is important for those committed to a different conception of the rate of federal intervention in promoting social change to look back and assess the federal experience during the last decade in an attempt to help define new and more viable strategies for change.

The American Churches witnessed the radicalizing of a significant and vocal segment of their clergy during the last decade. This essay seeks to understand this phenomenon by offering a typology of American religious movements. Our analysis reveals that the "new breed" represents the advent of a new social reform movement which shares some salient traits with reformers who were generated by the American Churches in previous eras of activism. This similarity renders possible both a more precise adjudication of the basic thrust of the "new breed" and a more exacting assessment of its probable impact on subsequent religious life in this society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the significance of women's movement in social history. The women's movement has given the society a sense of right to have women's interest represented in sociology, rather than receiving as authoritative the interests traditionally represented in a sociology put together by men. This article aims to explore women's perspective as a radical critique of sociology. From the point of view of women's place, the values assigned to different aspects of the world are changed. The world is taken as a model as it appears from the point of view of the afternoon soap opera. Supplementing sociology merely extends the authority of existing sociological procedures. The author suggests more reorganization which changes the relation of the sociologist to the object of her knowledge and changes also her problematic. According to the author the point to be considered is that bow sociology is thought, has been based on and built up within the male social universe. There is a difficulty of a disjunction between how women find and experience the world beginning though not necessarily from their place and their concepts and theoretical schemes available to think about it in.

This article informs that the early 1830's was a period in which a number of millennial movements arose in Britain. One of the most interesting occurred under the leadership of a Scottish Presbyterian minister named Edward Irving. Millennial movements are often thought of as developing either as a reaction to natural disasters, or else as a consequence of oppression or marginality drawing their strength from a population find no assured and recognized place in society. Clearly though, such categories are insufficient for the purpose at hand as many millennial movements flourish when these conditions are not met. The Irvingite movement is only one example. Another explanatory principle that is often used is the concept of relative deprivation. This concept is useful firstly because it is sufficiently abstract to include within its scope situations which appear at first glance to be unrelated to one another, and secondly because it implies that the actual situation itself, objectively viewed, is less important than the perception of it held by the people experiencing it.

The protest movement against the war in Vietnam surfaced in the Spring of 1965 with teach-ins and with the march on Washington in April of that year. As American involvement in the war in Vietnam escalated, so too did the protests. The assumption that a new wave of student radicalism inundated much of the student population in opposition to the war in Vietnam may have been good for press copy and bad for relations with university old-grads and the public, but it was a poor reflection of how things really were on the campuses in the 1960s. Two manifestations of student anti-war feelings are considered here: first, protests, and second, opinions. At least three national institutional surveys of American student protests took place during the 1960s: one for 1964-5, one for 1967-8, and one for 1968-9. All three studies showed that Vietnam war protests on American campuses were a good deal less widespread during these academic years than the talk about college student radicalism might have led to believe. Researchers reported that among the accredited four-year colleges and Universities in the U.S. in the 1967-8 academic year, the war in Vietnam was the most popular protest issue. Organized student protests were reported at 38 per cent of such institutions in that year. By comparison, the second most popular issue was living group regulations which was an issue for protests at 34 per cent of colleges and universities in 1967-8.

Recent trends in historical scholarship view askance the reformers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Analyses, which range from the Pluralism of a Richard Hofstadter to the neo-Marxism of a James Weinstein or Gabriel Kolko differ markedly, yet contain similar viewpoints about the worth of a variety of American reform movements. Status anxieties, naive urges for capitalistic efficiency, racialist assumptions, and individual psychological make-ups, are imputed to the reformers of the Populist and Progressive eras. It is alleged that they failed to understand the forces of industrialization, and in time capitulated to the corporate powers that they apparently opposed. It is possible that by concentrating too strongly on the alleged failures of varied reformers, there is some misunderstanding of their accomplishment. The career of the businessman-reformer, Nelson Olsen Nelson, can sharpen one's awareness of those times, which gave various reform urges scope. It can trace a curve of acceptability, and provide a gauge for changing perceptions of debate and action. Nelson's persistent cooperative endeavors shed light on a complex strand of American reform, which has survived to play a continuing role in the formation of the world.