Search

The article offers the author's insights on the comments of doctor Ross Stagner on paper of the author on the Labor-Management symposium. The author argues that Stagner argument that he advocates that union must fight employers at every issues is not accurate. He argues that Stagner was wrong when Stagner states that he object to workers to speak for themselves. He also mentions the reiteration of Stagner on the connection of his paper with Barkin which target his independence as social scientist rather than pro-union person. It presents the reply of Stagner to the author wherein Stagner argues that their agreement is much numerous than their disagreement on the need for industrial psychologists to be excited on labor management relations.

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents abstracts of various papers published in the October 1, 1967 issue of the "Journal of Social Issues." In the paper "Fertility, Family Planning, and the Social Organization of the Family: Some Methodological Issues," based upon recent field research on fertility and family planning in Argentina, problems of entering and sustaining the interview and coding the material are discussed critically. In the paper "Organization and Management Needs of a National Family Planning Program: The Case of India," shows a persistent gap between plans and the instrumental capacity to carry them out. Analytic concepts employed in the paper include overloading the elite, organization as blueprint, organization as action. In the paper "The Research Challenge to Social Scientists in the Developing Family Planning Programs: The Case of Taiwan," shows that Taiwan is a favorable setting for population control studies because there have been a series of developments favorable to the development of linkages between the individual and larger social and economic units.

Information about several papers discussed at the conference "Intra-Country Discontinuities in the Process of Economic and Social Development in Latin America" which was held in Buenos Aires, Argentina on September 8-16, 1964 is presented. The various reports dealt with topics including international cooperation, methodology of comparative social research and socio-economic development. The convention featured several social scientists including Davis Kingsley, Bruce Russet and S. Gostkowsky.

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents authors personal thoughts on the pursuit of sociological problems. The author intends to retrace his steps along one path of his intellectual career--the path that links two books, titled, "Social Change in the Industrial Revolution," and "Theory of Collective Behavior," and a number of recent articles and papers on sociological theory and psychological theory. The main emphasis in the article was on the need for a determinate synthesis of the several classes of variables that are essential for the explanation of collective behavior such as cultural, social, psychological, ecological and other variables. In attempting to sort out the major influences on his choice of sociological problems, he resorts to a device that he find congenial and helpful: to arrange these influences in a series extending from very general, predisposing influences which have steered his intellectual interests to the very specific, immediate influences that have determined a particular strategy of analysis in working on a sociological problem.

The author discusses variations in styles of response to social change among psychologists: "...To return to Wyatt's comment that psychologists are unfamiliar with the history of their field, I think it could be argued that the work of most psychologists is done in short, readily publishable spurts, which may represent a long agenda, but one that is broken up into small and manageable bits. In that sense, psychologists (and sociologists, too) are like the residents of Berger's lower-middle class suburb who live on the installment plan: their temptation is to publish now, and think later. In contrast, historians would seem to live on a longer tether of impulse, publishing more books and comparatively fewer papers, and tending (as in "Willcox's illustration of the study of the American War of Independence) to exhaust a territory before taking a purchase on it. They can afford this orientation in part because they can establish at least partial monopolies of time and place..."

The purpose of the article is to afford an additional medium of expression for scholars in the field of Rural Sociology. Rural Sociology has always been the joint responsibility of the professional organization of rural sociologists and a sponsoring university. Its history is intimately intertwined with the history of the Rural Sociological Society and its predecessor, the Rural Sociology Section of the American Sociological Society. The history of the journal may be summarized in four periods: (1) the prepublication period when decisions and plans were made; (2) the first five years (1936-40), at Louisiana State University; (3) the next eleven years (1941-51), under the sponsorship of North Carolina State College; and (4) the years at the University of Kentucky (1952-57), four of which fall in the 20-year period covered by this index. Moreover, it will be the policy to solicit manuscripts from workers in foreign countries, although it is intended that all such papers shall deal with some phase of rural social life.

Copyright of Rural Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper demonstrates that it is feasible and useful to insert positive and negative assumptions about the supernatural into scientific theories of religion. The logic of constructing theories makes it possible to insert such statements into theories as postulates, along with ordinary propositions from general systems theory and reinforcement theory, and then to deduce tenable propositions. The logical procedures to follow are carefully described, and several examples are given. It is shown that when differing assumptions about the supernatural are made, differing and opposed empirical propositions about religious behavior can be deduced. It is also shown that incorporating assumptions about the supernatural can produce testable propositions not usually considered by scientific students of religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports that problem of social diffusion has long occupied the attention of behaviorial scientists. Recently, diffusion research has begun to investigate the influence of these intervening variables with the aim of explaining the observed distributions. This article reports that the aim of this paper is to demonstrate empirically the effects of clique size on the rate of growth of simulated messages, and to compare these findings with the rate of diffusion of a hypothetical message through a completely unstructured population. Each experiment to be discussed utilized a hypothetical population of a consecutive series of sixty numbers. Each of these numbers was considered a member of the same population and belonged to at least one clique whose size remained constant within any given experiment. The cliques were determined by considering each member of the population separately, and by consulting a table of random numbers to determine the second member of the clique. The population of sixty elements in the first experiment was structured into sixty pairs of two-member cliques according to the procedure described above. One member of the population was chosen at random and defined the initial knower of a hypothetical message.

The purpose of this short paper is to review the present the position of industrial sociology as an academic discipline as of September 1959. It will focus therefore on its approach, its field of inquiry, the selection of problems for study, methods used and the present provision for its pursuit. The treatment given to the article is analytical rather than descriptive, since it can be assumed that most sociologists will have some knowledge of particular developments and various researches in this field, and only passing reference will therefore be made to them. There is still a tendency to use the term industrial sociology compendiously, to refer to all developments in the study of social relations in industry, in a manner which is reminiscent of the way in which the role of sociology itself was seen at one time simply as synoptic. This tendency of course is indicative of the developmental stage of the subject, but is quite illegitimate and emphasizes the need for clarification of the special position of industrial sociology.

This article discusses, by way of general outline, some of the recent sociological treatments of conflict in industrial relations by U.S. social scientists. Conflict in this paper is measured primarily in the form of the strike. The first text in the field of industrial sociology, Wilbert Moore's Industrial Relations and the Social Order, however, goes beyond the cursory description of the broad environmental factors in industrial conflict. In two chapters devoted to conflict, he outlines the range or types of collective bargaining relations, from extreme conflict, to issue bargaining, to problem bargaining, and to cooperation. There has been, however, an attempt to use a basically human relations approach towards conflict between a union and its management. It is William F. Whyte's Pattern for Industrial Peace. It is a case-study of the union-management relations in a small subsidiary plant of the Inland Steel Company, in Chicago, of less than 1,000 employees. It traces the development of these relations, through the improvement of the nature of the personal contacts between union officials and managers, from conflict to co-operation in a brief span of seven years. The study itself took place after the event, a fact which mitigates the value of the interpretation by Whyte.

This article discusses the concepts of social status and social structure. It is the specific purpose of this essay to examine the interrelation between value-judgment and empirical research with regard to the analysis of social stratification. Discussions of different theories of class are often academic substitutes for a real conflict over political orientations. This ideological involvement of the social scientists who deal with social class may be responsible for the methodological confusion which prevails in this field. As yet there is little discussion of class as an abstraction and of the different theories of class as different abstractions depending on the purpose for which the research is undertaken. In analysing the implications of studies of class structure, this paper shall take examples from the analysis of social class which Professor W. Lloyd Warner and his associates. But the objective in this discussion of the Warner researches is not to add another critical appraisal. This paper is concerned with evaluating his findings for a broader understanding of social class in American society. The basic concern here is to re-analyse the data which he and others have made available. This article presents an analysis of social class and gives a comparison between the economic and subjective aspects of class, defines class as an abstraction, presents a distinction between scientific analysis and popular opinions, an index of social class and status reputation in metropolitan areas.

Andrew Billingsley in Black Families in White America has criticized much of the previous research on the black family, saying that social scientists have ignored the structural variation among families and have focused on a very limited number of family functions. To correct what he believes to be a distorted picture of the black family, he has suggested a typology of family structures and a large number of family functions which should be taken into consideration. This paper, based upon data collected from 321 black households, uses Billingsley's typology to examine the association between family structures and functions. It is concluded that a few modifications of the typology would expand its utility, that more detailed information about family structure does reduce the chances of distortion and contribute to greater understanding, and that Billingsley may have overemphasized the capacity of many black families to deal with their functional problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-national comparisons represent for the social scientist a combination of challenging opportunities and of tricky methodological pitfalls. The opportunities lie in the chance such comparisons provide of shaking hypotheses free from particular sets of cultural entanglements and for catching strategic variables in new ranges and combinations. The pitfalls lie not only in the problems to be faced in the cross-national translation of variables, but also in the fact that most such comparisons involve the reconciliation of basically non-comparable data, gathered by diverse investigators with diverse methods and for diverse purposes. The present paper deals with a set of data which permit some direct cross-national comparisons of child-rearing practices in the United States and the Federal Republic of Germany. The data for both samples were collected by the same investigators, employing nearly identical methods and procedures, and the subjects employed in the comparisons have been carefully matched with respect to a number of possibly contaminating demographic variables.

The article presents a comparison of scientific communication behavior of social and physical scientists. In studying nine disciplines over the past three years, authors have discovered that the communication process does differ among disciplines. In this article, they focuses on differences between the physical and the social sciences, in terms of three major communication characteristics associated with information dissemination and assimilation, lags in the information flow process, organization and effectiveness of informal networks, and the transfer of information from the informal to the formal domain. It has been the intention of this paper to demonstrate, by way of contrasting the physical and the social sciences, that although there are striking similarities in the communication processes and practices of various disciplines, there are also some major differences among them which are important.

SUMMARY A number of debates have taken place among Western economists about efficient allocation under 'socialism', interplay of objectives and controls under alternative modes of socialist organization', and about ways of classifying 'socialist' changes and transitions. The paper presents the main thrusts of these debates and examines various interpretations of the concept of a 'socialist economy' including those originating in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The study is comprised of three parts. The first considers the attempts to define polar types of 'socialist organization'. The second discusses efforts to ascertain the rationale of socialist changes and to determine the direction of such changes. The third examines the key problems involved in the transition from one system to another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the nature of contemporary economic ideas ruling agriculture. Except for short periods, Western agriculture has always been governed by pathological economies, or forms of control of markets other than by the supply-demand free process usually regarded as "normal." There are two main forms of pathological economies: (1) One allegedly dominated by the consumer interest, in which the attempt is to subordinate peasants to other classes and country to city; and (2) one dominated by the producer interest, in which the attempt is to subordinate city to country and other classes to farmers and peasants. The characteristics and unanticipated consequences of these systems are discussed, with the conclusion that pathological agricultural economics is normal and inherent in rural life and its products. This leads to some suggestions about the nature of training desirable for rural social scientists, in order that they may help ameliorate the costly and disturbing effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the paper presented by Pahl zu regarding rural-urban continuum. Pahl has performed a long-overdue service for European rural sociologists in ailing attention to some of the basic underlying problems of the rural-urban continuum. Most of his cogent criticisms, with reference to the methodological problems entailed in transforming a potential into an actual continuum, are well taken. He has also provided a lucid and fruitful analysis of the metropolitan village by showing the existence of marked discontinuities. Throughout the paper Pahl argues persistently against the concept of the rural-urban continuum as a valid analytical tool for explaining the key patterns of rural and urban life. In fact, it appears that he considers the construct absolutely useless in almost every respect. The analytical concepts which Paid has proposed instead- role, social network, patron-client relationship, and, especially, local and national systems- deserve to be taken seriously in their own right.

This article presents information on the papers related to sociology published in the journal "Community development." The first thing which comes to the mind when one reads these papers, is that the vagueness of the concept of community development, notwithstanding the numerous attempts to define it clearly, is not taken away but is continuously restored by the wide variety of topics and approaches which appears in the material. It is perfectly clear at what promoters of community development are aiming in the main and this should interest scientists of many disciplines as well as policy makers of a great many specializations and levels. As community development is particularly applicable in rural areas it is not surprising that a considerable part of the papers in this set is within the immediate range of interest of the rural sociologist; some papers are, in fact, written by rural sociologists. Of great value is the fact that the material presented is really international, that is, in such a sense that cross-national comparisons are made, that situations and practices peculiar for nations are viewed from abroad.

The article presents a comment on a previous article Pluralism, Religion, and Secularism, by J. Milton Yinger that appeared in the April 1967 issue of the Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. Problems of concept formation, specification, and operationalization are among the most complex that social scientists must face. Probably because of the complexity, however, such problems tend not to be given the systematic attention they deserve. Consequently, it is refreshing indeed to find someone making the attempt, particularly with regard to such inchoate though significant concepts as pluralism, religion, and secularism. In his definitions of pluralism, religion and secularism, Yinger is concerned, the author believes, to avoid being culture bound. His definitions are meant to be universally applicable. This would call, it would seem, for methods of measurement, which are also universally applicable. Yinger makes what the author considers to be a very important distinction between conceptualization as observation and conceptualization as evaluation. Operating from Yinger's assumptions, his effort to derive a more abstract definition of conceptualization is probably valid.

The article presents discussion on four aspects of sociologist B.O. Williams' paper. There may be some doubt as to whether people have reached the age of rationalism. There is, however, agreement that "informed and appraised procedures" should be delivered and supplied to society by the social scientists. Williams describes the method of investigation and said the analysis of probable, future effects must be cast in a theoretical frame of reference, that the venture is speculative and that the essential chain of arguments has been based on deductive reasoning in terms of the problematic approach. The one point where author called attention to is the omission of a consideration of the effects on the birth rate as one of the specific characteristics of the farm population. The only constructive suggestion put forth by Williams is the possible advisability of an admixture of industry, unless the mention of government relief as an alternative to a more desirable solution to be deemed.

This article focuses on the social construction of documentary reality. A documentary reality is fundamental to the practices of governing, managing and administration of this form of society. The primary mode of action and decision in the superstructures of business, government, the professions, and other like agencies, is in symbols, whether words, mathematical symbols or some other. It is a mode of action which depends upon a reality constituted in documentary form. The social scientist's ordinary knowledge of her society originates in and depends upon these documentary forms. This is more, much more, than merely her use of statistical and other information produced by census bureau, departments of health welfare agencies, internal revenue departments and the like. The organization which actuality acquires in the accomplishment of a fact is not simply an explication of an order which is already perceived, though it may sometimes be just that. But it is important to recognize that facts are constructed in a context of telling. The organization that is created aims at this telling and aims therefore at the purposes for which it will be told. The selection of categories and conceptual procedures expresses that structure of relevance.

The article attempts to present a conceptual framework to be used in the study and analysis of the relationship between families and societies. The author states that social scientists and policy makers respond to the unanticipated social problems brought by economic growth and industrialization, and require empirical data based on family sociological research in order to provide humanistic social action policies. Social indicators, approaches to familial systems, and linkages between family and society are discussed.

There is common agreement among social scientists that various family influences constitute important determiners of an individual's personality development. The interaction of the child with his parents is generally thought to be particularly important for the development of the child's personality. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to present some additional data on size of family and adjustment of children and to compare these In order to study the relationship between results with findings of several previous studies. In order to study the relationship between family size and adjustment of children, the Rogers test of personality adjustment was used to estimate maladjustment characteristics of the 256 children included in the sample. The 256 children who completed the Rogers test were classified into one of six categories according to the number of brothers and sisters they had. Each set of mean scores was tested by analysis of variance to determine if the differences among the means were significant, but for brevity, the calculation tables have been omitted.

Serious research in marriage and family behavior has been under way since the turn of the century, and for the past 20 years this area has been near the top among sociological specialties. The field has burgeoned so luxuriantly that the very wealth of knowledge about it poses problems for those who would learn more. Researchers often begin projects with little awareness of the fund of generalizations related to their projects buried in inaccessible publications and manuscripts. If the available knowledge in the field is to be used most profitably, the time seems ripe for codification. As originally prepared for the "Family Life Research Conference" this paper was organized in two parts. Part one deals with a statement of objectives and progress and part two deals with gaps in the Knowledge of family Sociology from residential propinquity and mate selection studies. Only part one of the studies is presented in this issue of the journal. The universe of research projects to be covered by this inventory includes research projects reported in the literature during the period 1900 to 1956.

The challenge to the principle of causality in other disciplines has been taken over by some sociologists, who have criticized its utility for sociological inquiry and who suggest in some instances that the term should be dropped from the sociological lexicon. The critiques are grounded in four somewhat overlapping perspectives: the positivist, the statistical, the interactionist, and the conceptualist. A formulation of what constitutes causality is presented, which takes account of these critiques and which also attempts to preserve continuity with past definitions. The basic elements are ontological status, productivity, conditionality, uniformity, and asymmetry. The importance of this subject, why the notion should be retained by sociologists, and the difference that this formulation makes are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the social sources of criminology. The author states that as a synthetic discipline utilizing the knowledge of separate branches of study, the content of criminology has been shaped to a large degree by the nature of relationships between those disciplines that provide food for criminological thought. Some of those relationships and their effects are the subject of the first part of this article. As a practical discipline oriented to applied results, the content of criminology has also changed with changes in the broader society and its mode of response to criminals, as mediated by occupational groups whose members are charged with the prevention, processing and control of crime. Relationships between the society and its agents on the one hand and social scientists on the other, can be seen in changes that have occurred in specific areas of crime studies. Some of those changes are reviewed in the second part of the article. The author points out in the U.S. the study of crime has been intimately linked with the growth of sociology. As the field was conceived in its early years in this country, sociology was to be in large part a science of social problems, devoted to the study of all those forces bringing misery to industrial man. Study of such problems occupied the center of sociological concerns.

The article presents data on the social composition of the Royal Economic Society (R.E.S.) in Great Britain from 1890 to 1960 by analyzing a 10 per cent sample of home-based members in selected years throughout the period since the society's foundation in 1890. The R.E.S. membership lists include the names of many subscribers who possess no serious claims to be regarded as professional economists by any normal definition of those terms. Nevertheless, throughout its long life the society's ranks have included the great majority of British professional economists as well as many serious amateur students of the subject and the occupational statistics provide some basis for judging the relative importance of the two categories. The R.E.S. data provided in the paper provides only limited and indirect evidence of this newer type of professionalization, though it is compatible with it. The strongest common link among Fellows of the Society was their subscription to "The Economic Journal," a periodical coverage in 1960 than in the 1890s and although subscribers are not necessarily readers, the subscription lists obviously provide important insights into the journal's audience.

This article focuses on some challenges related to the research on the conflict and community in the international system. It is a paradox that research on conflict processes and integrative processes in the international system has been slow in getting under way. New possibilities on research seemed to open up with the founding of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, with its avowed intention of dealing with the roots of war in the minds of men. Several scientists issued a joint statement concerning the nature and causes of international tension and the vital role which the social sciences can play in understanding and putting to constructive use the forces which work upon man and society.

Aplied econometricians have long been careless in the way they introduce deflators into linear models. Deflation is undertaken (or deflated variates are simply substituted for originally-specified undeflated variates) without regard to any implications this procedure will have for the biasedness or efficiency of the resulting least-squares estimators. Some of these problems are dealt with in [6 and 7]; and both of these works pay particular attention to the spurious correlation introduced by deflation. The purposes of this paper are (i) to spell out rather generally the relation between model specification, deflation, and appropriate estimation, (ii) to correct a fault in [7], and (iii) to correct a misapprehension that has somehow arisen that spurious correlation, as a practical matter, is troublesome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given that one function of social science should be to furnish guidance for public policy, the results of social science research have been disappointing. Generally, social science theories have been too highly abstract to be relevant to real world issues and empirical findings too remote for a systematic view of society. As a result, therefore, governments particularly the federal government have had to implement policy measures at both macro and micro levels on the basis of scanty information about the expected effects of these policies.

At least four interacting developments have made a discussion of the social responsibilities of the psychologist of vital importance. The first is the development and refinement of techniques for the avowed purpose of influencing the behavior of other individuals. These techniques have been developed by behavioral scientists, psychotherapists, educators, and others actively engaged in the control of behavior. The second development is the increasing pressure from society to utilize the findings of behavioral scientists in specific situations such as schools, community clinics, advertising, hospitals, and even broader problems of war and peace. A third development is the increased acknowledgment on the part of some behavioral scientists that as scientific investigations continue at a rapidly accelerating rate the possibilities of modifying behavior increase accordingly. The fourth development, partly a reaction to the first three, is the perpetuation in some quarters of old myths and the development of new ones behind which the behavioral scientist, particularly the psychotherapist, may hide, if he so wishes, to avoid taking a fully responsible role in society.

The article studies the roles for psychologists in the formulation and evaluation of national policy. Violent methods of reacting to international conflicts are presently suppressed by policy and practices of the major nations based upon the concept of nuclear deterrent power. The prevailing view is that the full effectiveness of such power will be reached when an invulnerable "second-strike" nuclear capability is achieved; when retaliatory weapons systems are so secure that the probability of a payoff from a first attack is too small to warrant the risk. There are various estimates as to how long this period of "nuclear stability" is likely to continue since it can be upset in several ways. During this period the dangers of surprise attack, of accidental war, and of provocation will always be present; the dangers will increase as nuclear weapons systems become available to more nations than now possess them. The apparent present commitment to the policy of deterrence would seem to provide relative stability at the level of manifest violence over only the short range.

For many years now, social scientists have observed and studied certain aspects of youth in tropical Africa and indeed in much of the developing world. Several ideas have been put forward concerning the relationship between education and social change, the inadequacies of imported educational systems, the overproduction of unemployable school-leavers and the alienation of youth from their roots because of the development of new institutions. These views have been echoed by politicians who constantly reiterate the need for programmes to keep youth on the land through agricultural education and national service, point to allegedly frustrated and alienated school- leavers and see them as a source of political and social turmoil. Briefly, the purpose of the Uganda Youth Survey was to assess how far these popularly held views of youth in developing Africa fitted the situation in Uganda, and to consider among other things whether an identifiable youth culture existed in that country by examining some of the norms, values, expectations and behaviour of youth. The survey involved interviewing a total sample of 700 youths in three village areas in the eastern, northern and central regions of Uganda. We interviewed every youth twice, once in 1970 and again a year later. Our sample included both those who lived in the village and those whose family lived there but who had themselves left. A sample of 300 adults from the same villages was interviewed for comparative purposes.

The paper focuses on the participation of social planners in physical development programmers and highlights the reasons underlying the successful or unsuccessful fusion of the two types of planning in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Centennial Tribute [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents views of authors on the article "On Freedom and Organization," by Stephen W. Forbes. According to authors, professor Forbes's excursion into the realm of human freedom is a timely investigation of a subject, which many social scientists, particularly those professionally concerned with business behavior, have often, been content to leave well alone. For example, Peter Berger states that "freedom is not empirically available" to social researchers while to many other sociologists, eager to earn the title "scientist," man's social life is "determined," i.e. subject to invariant laws. There is a sense in which it is possible to produce evidence for whatever view of mankind one holds and it has not been difficult for social scientists to "prove" the capacity of man to inflict pain, to be highly aggressive, to conform blindly and to cheat. Although Forbes employs several useful quotations from writers such as Dewey, Tillich and Hayek on the nature and limits of human freedom, he fails to draw upon the work of others in this field.

The article presents biographical sketches of various social scientists. Few of the listed social scientists were Nathan Caplan, Robert M. Fogelson, Howard Aldrich and Lynne B. Iglitzin. Caplan is Program Associate at the Institute for Social Research and Lecturer in Psychology at the University of Michigan. He was previously with the Institute's Research Center for Group Dynamics, which he joined after receiving his Ph.D. in 1961 from Western Reserve University. He also assisted in the preparation of the Commission's report. Caplan's major interest is in social intervention and the development of change producing models. Aldrich is Assistant Professor of Organizational Behavior in the School of Industrial and Labor Relations at Cornell University. He received his Ph.D. in 1969 from the Department of Sociology at the University of Michigan and his interests include organization-environment theory and research on interorganizational relations. Fogelson received the Ph.D. from Harvard University and is currently Associate Professor of History and Urban Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is the author of the book "The Fragmented Metropolis," published by Harvard University Press

The article presents information about the International Conference on Social Psychological Research in Developing Countries which was held at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria from 29 December, 1966 to January 1967. Principal symposia were organized around the themes of the Motivational Aspects of Technological Development, Problems of Education and Diffusion of Knowledge and Major Issues in Social Psychological Research in Developing Countries. The Conference was organized by the Departments of Psychiatry, Sociology and Adult Education of the University of Ibadan and the Center for Research on Conflict Resolution and the Doctoral Program in Social Psychology at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Social delegates from various countries of Africa, the U.S., Europe, Australia etc. participated in the conference. Details of the discussion groups, plenary sessions are also given in the article.

This section calls for papers in relation to the hundredth anniversary of the birth of U.S. sociologist Lester Frank Ward in April 1941. It would seem fitting that the various chapters of the Alpha Kappa Delta should in some way take formal cognizance of that fact. Some of the chapters may find it possible to celebrate the event with a dinner and appropriate addresses and papers. Perhaps some of the chapters will wish to provide a program open to the public in honor of the event. But even a paper or address dealing with the contribution of Ward would not be amiss.

The article presents the summary of the article "If The Social Scientist Is to Be More Than a Mere Technician," by Muzafer Sherif that was published in January 1968 issue of the periodical "Journal of Social Issues." The author emphasizes that it is necessary that the work of the social scientist cross disciplines and search its historic past if there is to be an examination of persistent and recurrent social psychological problems, which go beyond mere technicianship.

The article presents author's comments on the research paper "Marital Stability and Patterns of Status Variables," by Bernard Jessie. The author praises the demographic analysis of family data as it has proved a powerful stimulant for finding new ways of making census data yield maximum "profits" to social scientists. He adds on to say that, this latest venture is surely one of the most fertile and sophisticated of the methods developed since the publication of the journal "American Families" in 1957. Further he comments that the most original contribution to the blending of the theory and method is the operationalizing of status inconsistency in terms of high and low position on variables of income, education and occupation. The author criticizes that instead of publishing each cell with its appropriate figures, the writer only included tables which, with laborious effort by the reader, could be translated into the forms relevant for each cell. The author finally concludes by commenting that the issue of marital stability in White and African Americans families needs further explanation.

The article presents several announcements related to the field of sociology. The officers and Board of Directors of Sociological Abstracts Inc. have announced an award for the leading unpublished comparative study dealing with the development of sociology submitted to its Awards Committee before 31 August, 1969 and written by a social scientist no more than forty years of age. The subject is the specification of a comparative study in the development of sociology requires that each manuscript to be considered shall deal with an aspect of the evolution of sociology as theory, as technique, or as profession in a manner that utilizes international, inter-ethnic, and multilingual comparisons. The purpose of the award is to encourage the younger sociologists to enter this challenging and neglected field which lies broadly in the domain of the sociology of science and specifically in the area of the sociology of sociology. The European Centre of the Carnegie Endowment awards a limited number of travel grants every year to doctoral candidates who are preparing a thesis devoted to a subject in the field of international organization. The total amount of these grants varies between $800 and $1,200.

The article focuses on the significance of interactionist perspective in the field of deviance. Among explanatory styles current in the field of deviance, it is probably the interactionist perspective that has gained preference with the greatest number of North American criminologists. The impact of the Chicago tradition is such that much North American thought-taking about deviance is grounded in the conceptual framework of symbolic interactionism. The historical development of the interactionist perspective in deviance is characterized by conceptual generality. The ambiguity of differential association theory stems from the terms of reference used in the propositional statements. As with favorable definition and approval, satisfaction and pleasantness suggest neither clear nor objective empirical referents to be measured independently of their behavioral effects. Secondary deviance, however, refers to the problems that arise from the societal reaction to the initial deviance. These are generally problems of morale, and they become central facts of existence for those experiencing them, altering the psychic structure, producing specialized organization of social roles and selfregarding attitudes.

This article presents comments on Robert A. Rothman's critique of contemporary science. The scientific ethos has been traditionally analysed as comprising the values like universalism, communism, disinterestedness, organized or systematic scepticism, and ethical neutrality. The first four were established by Robert Merton, the fifth was added by Bernard Barber. Rothman provides an excellent summary of these components in his article. The definition of disinterestedness that Rothman employs is not peculiar, and has some heritage among sociologists of the area. S. Cotgrove, to whom Rothman responds, writes in the same vein that disinterestedness encourages science for science's sake and condemns the search for personal profit. This interpretation may not have been first formulated by Bernard Barber, but his subscription to it and the importance of his work for sociologists studying science probably had great weight in establishing what is now the standard definition of disinterestedness. Barber, writing in 1952, relates the norm to Talcott Parsons' other-orientation, and elaborates disinterestedness by contrasting self-interest in the larger society to that in science. In so doing, he presents an image of the scientist prevalent during that period.

The growth of human populations as a function of the desire on the part of parents to have a greater number of children (on the average) than the number needed for a steady state (zero population growth) is analyzed within the framework of the prisoner's dilemma game, a model that has enjoyed considerable popularity among social scientists in recent years. Proposed resolutions of the prisoner's dilemma are translated into analogous situations in the population growth problem. A proposed solution is the adoption of an interactive rationality, where families consider their own decisions in light of their existence in common with other families. In this way, family size becomes another part of life governed by social contract as well as individual desire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the relationship between science and social policy. According to some social scientists, social policy should be based on science but in this article reflects the converse proposition, that, science needs social policy. It is needed, not to guide the organizational activities, but to provide people with two elements essential for any scientific endeavor, vitality and validity. There is a need to identify these elements, consolidate them and consider the implications of the emerging framework for the direction and design of future research in human development.

This article focuses on political theory, policy analysis, and the insoluble problems of criminal justice. Political science can make a major contribution to criminal justice evaluation in three areas. It can measure the impact and consequences of government programs on securing formal objectives. Policy analysis can measure, although with great difficulty, the impact of programs on informal objectives the unwritten agenda of policy, such as income and budget redistribution. The adoption of comprehensive goals is a political function and not the professional function of the social scientist.