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This section presents a bibliography of books on sociology.

Although overtly concerned with overseas cultural groups, this paper considers social systems in terms of ethnic boundaries, structures, variables and policies. Systems of ethnic status structuralization are outlined; a classification of historic ethnic status systems is proposed; correlates of ethnic identity are formulated; types of boundary patterns are associated with types of ethnic orientation; and the pressures toward ethnic solidarity are associated with degrees of societal specialization and division of labor. The orientation of the paper is historical, cross-cultural and structural. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For some years, there has been a growing realization among social scientists that the culture concept needs a careful reexamination. Any doubt about this need should have been removed by the recent analytical survey "Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions." The present paper is such a reexamination and is a sequel and clarification of an earlier analysis by the writer. The central analytical concept of this paper is indicated by the term symbolic ideas. The advantage of this concept is that it permits the solution of problems regarding the nature of culture which cannot be discovered, stated, or solved by means of any other concept. One of the principal reasons why many basic problems about the nature of culture have not been solved long ago is that analyzers have not been using the proper conceptual tools with which to state clearly the issues. This paper shows that the concept of symbolic ideas should be welcomed as a long-needed tool with which to do this important job.

Since much of the frequently cited work in the sociological study of religion has been more generally theoretical (and often only illustrative in the use of data) than empirical in character, one might expect that the task of surveying the empirical studies in this field could be relatively quickly accomplished. A careful second look at the contents of the publications in this field in the past ten years, however, suggests otherwise. What this paper proposes to do is to try to identify several of the kinds of problems on which empirical research has been done and pointing out by examples some of the directions in which there seems to have been fruitful development. The socioescientific study of religion is not religion or religious experience itself but rather the social and cultural manifestations of religion—the precipitates or the distillates of religious experience. Turning now to the central task out lined for this paper, the great bulk of empirical sociological investigations of religious phenomena seems to fall into three or four broad categories.

A central, element of modem professions is that they are organized around specialized bodies of knowledge over which they claim exclusive jurisdiction and control (Barber, 1963). Such specialized expertise is basic to the performance of the professional role, and the application of this specialized knowledge to client problems is the essence of professionalism for occupations such as medicine, dentistry, nursing, law, or engineering (Hughes, 1963; Gross, 1958:78-82). As Greenwood (1957) suggests, two other attributes of the professions— authority and autonomy—are based upon this expertise. The authority to advise, prescribe, direct, or limit client activity is grounded in professional access to superior knowledge of "causes" and "solutions" to the clients' problems. Likewise, freedom from lay control and evaluation of professional performance derives from the discrepancy between the expertise of the professional and the ignorance of the client. Only other qualified (i.e., knowledgeable in the same specialized area) personnel can evaluate the professional practitioner (Hall, 1969). In addition, professions also exhibit other characteristics which are not so intimately linked to expertise. These are such elements as codes of ethics, professional cultures or communities, and commitment (see Hall, 1969; Goode, 1957). The focus of this paper is, however, on the relevance of professional expertise. Expertise is inextricably involved with both the performance of the professional role, and the maintenance of professional status and legitimacy. Any increase in client access to the professional sphere of competence is therefore likely to result in skepticism, criticism, and may even threaten to reduce the professional to commercial status (Wilensky, 1964:150). The "mystification" of professional knowledge in the form of esoteric jargon, limitations on popularization of knowledge, and prohibitions against advertising may be seen as attempts to maintain the knowledge gap between professional and client. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper began with an attempt to formalize the Davis-Moore functional theory of social stratification. It was found that the theory could be represented by a static model consisting of two algebraic equations with appropriate constraints on the functions. Then the tools of path analysis were used to evaluate the empirical adequacy of the Davis-Moore and Parsonian functional theories of social stratification as representations of cultural beliefs about stratification. Because of the likely presence of measurement and sampling errors, it was impossible to reject definitely either of the models. However, the estimated path coefficients were more consistent with the Parsonian theory than the Davis-Moore theory. This led to an inquiry into the conditions under which one model would be a better representation than the other. It was argued that the Davis-Moore scheme would provide a more accurate representation of cultural beliefs under conditions of high organizational interdependence whereas the Parsonian framework would give a better representation under conditions of low interdependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A genuinely sociological theory of social change is lacking, but the literature of the social sciences abounds with the elements of such a theory. The present paper deals with one of these elements, namely the change from tribalism to urbanism as a major instance of social change. For this purpose the concepts of culture and civilization are examined, and a plea is made to restore the concept of civilization to its rightful place in the vocabulary of sociologists and anthropologists. In doing this, the intention is not to reduce social change to the process of urbanization, but rather to isolate the sociological element which makes for social change within the supersession of a familial by a territorial society, wherever it occurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article author comments on sociologist James W. Woodard's classification of culture. The author wonders if "inductive" is a good term for what Woodard has in mind, and whether or not it contributes to the already great confusion brought about by the fallacious antithesis, inductive versus deductive. There is also a certain epistemological question-begging latent in the assumption that through the inductive culture, and that alone, one is brought into closer contact with "natural-world reality," whatever that may be. One also finds the most recent work in modern natural science supporting the contention that we now know no more about the nature of "reality" than in the remotest ages of the past, that technics and science have merely instrumental validity. Woodard's paper, in spite of the instrumental validity of his distinctions, is predicated upon an ingenious variant of the old rationalistic philosophy of history. He needs to demonstrate the validity of that philosophy of history if his program of action is to mean anything beyond a private pious wish. In order to do this he must show that opposing philosophies are invalid, and he must conduct this demonstration within a logical rather than a psychological frame of reference.

The thesis of this paper is that the ‘culture base’ of the farm folk of Southern Appalachia greatly affects their standards and levels of living. This point of view is developed in a study of three small rural communities of East Tennessee in which the units were matched as nearly as possible in their original base of natural resources but subject to marked cultural variations. One community is somewhat typical of situations having few outside contacts; a second is a cultural island having a relatively high level of living for the area; and the third is a community undergoing definite change as a result of community planning. Major conclusions are: (1) that culture itself is an important variable in determining how human and natural resources are treated; (2) that isolation, physical and cultural, greatly retards change; and (3) that the T.V.A. is succeeding in inducing significant cultural and social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a sociological commonplace to note that urban-industrial societies, regardless of differences in antecedent culture or in details of national history, tend to develop essentially similar social structures, and to undergo change in similar directions as a consequence of the working out of the same general processes in their specific socio-cultural settings. At the same time these specific socio-cultural differences--along with differences in resources, population societal scale and the like--produce larger or smaller differences in the detailed configuration of the basically similar structures in different societies or even within the same society from region to region, or at different points in time. Discovering the exact nature of these similarities and differences is the primary task of a comparative sociology of urban-industrial societies. But the identification of universal features common to all urban-industrial societies, and of less general features peculiar to a particular nation or a distinct stage in a process of change, requires the development of new methods of systematic comparative analysis. This paper proposes one such method, suitable for application to a limited, but important, phase of the problem: the comparative study of patterns of ecological differentiation among the residential sub-areas of urban communities.

The adequacy of a recently proposed explanation for the location of racial disorders during the 1960's is evaluated in this paper. Two approaches to evaluation are used: (1) The Proportion of variation accounted for by the variables assumed to be related to the occurrence of disorders is compared with an estimate of the "maximum explanable Proportion of variation" and (2) the structural equation derived from an analysis of the 1961-67 disorders is used to predict the locations of the 1968 disturbances. The conclusions from these investigations support the proposed explanation only with respect to the non-South, but indicate that the distribution of disorders among southern cities has been converging during the late 1960's to the pattern which has been prevalent in the non-South throughout this decade. This finding is interpreted as evidence of the decreasing importance of regional cultures as an intervening factor in the development of black solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I have tried to suggest some probable extensions and projections into the future of what is at present a dimly visible and restricted condition. As previously reported, the situation at present is stable, in the sense that the attitudes supporting the traditional way of life of both Ladinos and Indians are dominant, and some of the tensions are capable of being drained off by desertion of Indians to other areas. Moreover, the average Indian is so securely orientated and integrated to a pattern of poverty, illness, and hard work that he seems quite capable of taking considerable slack in his psychological belt to adjust to still more of the same. The dynamics of alienation from tradition are at present cumulating their forces. How quickly the power which they contain will be recognized by or forced upon the Indians and Ladinos is a matter of speculation. The evidence would seem to point to considerable resistance to any variation in the way of life to adjust to the new forces at work. It is for this reason that in a previous paper the situation was described as one which has much promise of long life. For, there always remains the alternative that the Indians will grow increasingly small in numbers, but will nevertheless stubbornly keep up their traditions. If this alternative is pursued, it may be some generations yet before they either effectively disappear as a local community, or, through various other mechanisms, become so altered as to be no longer recognizable for what they were in 1940. It seems of significance to note here, finally, that the stratification by age and generation and the vertical division of the sexes in the community have come to have special significance. It makes considerable difference to the observer whether he views the situation through the eyes of a young man or an old man, a father or a son, a mother or a daughter. One does not get the same picture from any randomly selected individual in the community. This in some measure is a decided qualification on the usual assumption of homogeneity of such peasant or primitive communities, an assumption which underlies the use of one or two "trust- worthy informants" as the principal sources of information about such communities. These materials therefore incidentally suggest that a more adequate sampling of peasant populations in transition is called for than has hitherto been practiced in typical ethnographic investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies utilizing content analysis have appeared with increasing frequency in literature of the social sciences over the past thirty years. During this period this technique has been employed in a wide variety of sociological researches in such areas of interest as culture and cultural change, race and ethnic relations, the sociology of war and social psychology. It is the purpose of this paper, however, to suggest that a major limitation is frequently encountered when sampling content in this manner, and must be taken into consideration both in deciding whether to use this design in a particular research situation and in the formulation of probability statements about the results. It can be shown from the theory of cluster sampling that where the elements within a duster are positively correlated, the variance of this design will be greater than would be obtained if the elements were selected according to the simple random design. In fact, relatively small positive intraclass correlations will have an appreciable effect on the variance, particularly where the size of the cluster is large.

Several quantitative studies comparing Indian cultures and testing the reliability of informants have been published in recent years by sociologist A.L. Kroeber and his students at the University of California. This article describes a possible extension of the quantitative approach to the comparison and analysis of cultures. As a sociologist, the writer is interested in living cultures rather than in cultures almost extinct. This opens up possibilities that did not exist in the California studies. It may be said that to sociologists, who spend their time investigating their own exceedingly complex culture, the study of abstracted aspects of a culture for the purpose of testing this or that particular hypothesis undoubtedly seems a much more thoroughgoing and promising type of approach than such broadly generalized cultural comparisons as that outlined above. On the other hand, the method of total comparison is the one commonly employed by ethnologists who are concerned with relatively homogeneous cultures, and the suggestions made in this paper are perhaps most obviously applicable to the quantitative study of primitive living cultures.

The article focuses on the comment upon the new social philosophy which has emerged from the ruins of a noisily disintegrating and over-ripe sensate culture. The sheer magnitude of Social and Cultural Dynamics, together with the prodigious research Professor Sorokin displays in analyzing all the compartments of culture over a period of twenty-five centuries without overlooking any part of the contemporary civilization, demands that a critic proceed warily. It is unfortunate in one respect that these pontifical tomes cannot be considered in their entirety, for such a possibility would relieve the impression that a few weak points have been singled out for attack. The purview of this paper is stringently confined to an examination of the author's contribution to the methodology of sociology. After a cursory discussion and definition of "culture" Professor Sorokin classifies the interrelations of the elements and traits of culture into four basic types, spatial or mechanical adjacency, association due to an external factor, functional or causal integration, and internal or logic meaningful unity.

Similar in scope and significance to the industrial and agrarian revolutions, the modem scientific revolution has been slowly developing for the past century bringing changes which are both obvious and obscure. In general, scholars have analyzed this revolution in terms of two major conceptions which have emphasized either the effect of science technology or the effect of science on the social institutions and social organization of society. More recently interest has focused upon the growth of power of science and its alienating effects. But one aspect of this revolution, perhaps the most important aspect, has been almost totally ignored. This paper is devoted to an examination of this aspect the effect of science on culture. From its early beginnings, when it was at war with theology, to the postindustrial period of widespread acceptance, science has made its mark upon culture first in the production of new information and thus a "new world view" and later in the rise of "scientism" where the uncritical adoration of science has produced a new value in society-that of science itself. Because of their historical development and confinement to certain types of analytical models, sociology and the sociology of science have been unsuccessful in dealing with this type of social change. In addition to sociology's neglect of the effect of science on culture, sociologists are producing fragmented information about science and the revolution which leads to the belief that science, because of its internal value structure and utilitarian relationship to other social institutions, can not develop unchecked to a position of overwhelming power. Without any manifest intentions, sociologists have produced a conservative evaluation of science and the revolution.ceptions of the revolution; (2) the reasons for the neglect of sociological analysis of the effect of science on culture; (3) a brief overview of the replacement, destruction, and accommodation theories of the effect of science on culture; and (4) the change from atomistic accommodation during the preindustrial period, when science was at war with theology, to the holistic accommodation of science in the rise of scientism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general theory of symbolic interaction, specifically self theory, is focused upon the importance of language as an instrument of definition and communication. People are seen as responding not directly to a resistant outer reality but to meanings of objects which are defined within a cultural system and social organization. G. H. Mead, in his discussion of the way persons develop self concepts and the accompanying ability to take roles effectively, speaks of the degree to which persons develop a "general other." This general other is an organized structure of attitudes believed to be common to all and is defined in terms of a universe of discourse growing out of the symbolic interaction of a community of individuals. Replies to the Twenty Statements Test, described by Kuhn and McPartland, display this quality. Self-identifying statements which people make fall along a rough spectrum of reference which can be broken up in various ways. The distinction which Kuhn and McPartland have reported is between what they call consensual and nonconsensual statements. Consensual statements are defined as those statements which would be generally understood by persons in the larger society without explanation. Nonconsensual statements are defined as those requiring interpretation before their social relevance can be assessed. The consensual statement is language behavior directed to the general other, while the nonconsensual statement is language directed to a more limited audience. H. S. Sullivan's contribution in developing the notion of the "significant other" consists in accounting for the fact that persons often do not seem to internalize standards and norms from the whole society but from segments of it on some selective basis. In this paper, the number of consensual statements made in response to the Twenty Statements Test will be called the locus score. Respondents are assigned to "high" and "low" locus categories as they make more or less than the median number of consensual statements. Expanding upon this frame of reference, it seems reasonable to propose that the locus quality found in self-conceptions of a given person is also characteristic of his conceptions of other objects. This hypothesis is based on the assumption that the self is the core of a set of interrelated attitudes, and that the level of reference employed by the respondent in his attitudes toward the self would therefore be applicable to other attitudes as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, are a group of countries that have boundaries with each other and lie between India and China. In all but Vietnam, Theravada Buddhism is the predominant religion. Apart from these resemblances, the pattern of cultures and of political trends is variegated and complex. Thailand, however, is relatively homogeneous in culture and tranquil in politics. Yet in spite of its notorious charm, it has not attracted many field investigators. The major exception to this is the work of the Cornell University Thailand Project, and especially its study from 1948 to 1958 of the village of Bang Chan near Bangkok. From the improvised fieldwork in a north-east province the impression one gets is that some factors that divide and cause conflict within other societies are absent or at least well concealed in Thailand. The Thai intelligence is pragmatic rather than theoretical and hitherto sociology has had no very great appeal in Thailand. Of countries in the list, the one most fitted by temperament and intellectual tradition to produce its own sociologists is probably Vietnam. Unfortunately the widespread political disturbance is an adverse factor.

The section presents a review of the paper, Changing Emphases in Social Structure, by George Peter Murdock, published in the Winter 1955 issue of the Journal of Anthropology. The paper emphasizes the change from the static to the dynamic in the study of social structure by anthropologists. The author points out that the classificatory task has been accomplished. This is shown in the finite number of delineated types of social structure agreed to by students of the field. These students are moving out of the static and descriptive part of their work, and show a common concern with dynamics or progress. Every man lives in a society, and every society has a culture, and every culture has a history. In studying this history, we can discern three progresses among those associated with culture change. These are: cultural innovation, cultural borrowing, and readjustive integration. Applying these concepts to social structure, we note that a study involves two continua: time, and the life history of the individual. Several examples are described. One deals with the union of the historical and the functionalistic approaches by several workers, beginning with Fred Eggan. Murdock remarks that our society has a upper-middle-class orientation, even though at any given time members of this class constitute a minority of the total population.

The article reports that one of the first things foreigners notice upon reading a Philippine newspaper is the large amount of space dedicated to the doings of high society and the fact that the pictures on them are always conventionally posed. The less charitable among these foreigners also notice how fat society matrons tend to be. Such candid observations are always most interesting, especially since people themselves, or at least those of them who have lived all lives within Philippine culture, never notice these things and only after personal comparison with the society pages of other countries do people accept them as facts. In any case, the "Society Page" of the Philippine paper presents an interesting object of research. One can conclude its importance in Philippine culture from the fact that next to the front page it is perhaps the most read page in the newspaper. Its columnists are among the highest paid, to say nothing of the numerous gifts that they receive from the prominent and the near prominent.

This article presents a commentary on the paper The Study of Filipino Society and Its Significance to Programs of Economic and Social Development by Robert B. Fox. The study gives considerable data on forces in the Philippine society which affect change, often making resistance to development. The ambivalence of developmental institutions is worth some analysis. The premodern or traditional social structure contained many protective features which Doctor Fox has indicated in his analysis of functions of the family. The development of the Philippines cannot be considered without reference to minorities, such as the Chinese, whose entrepreneurial role pervades the rural economy as well as the metropolitan zone. Generally speaking the study characterizes Philippine society in terms of its uniqueness, although a brief attempt is made to classify it with reference to an East-West dichotomy. Many studies of change in societies like the Philippines focus on the introduction of recognizable foreign institutions and practices related to industrialization, public administration and public health. The administrative fragmentation of local communities would precisely, by default, throw the burden of local social control to the family system, thus bringing about significant changes in kinship patterns.

Four community studies are analyzed to show the relative advantages of the concepts of cultural isolation and rurality. This analysis suggests that, in many types of investigations, it may be more advisable to establish theoretical frameworks in which the focus is centered on specific variables. Cultural isolation as a concept may offer keener insights and reveal more significant knowledge for the development of systematic theory than the use of the rural-urban dichotomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on contemporary sociology. A perspective is a relationship of an object and a viewer; and in literature, as in all social situations, object and viewer are primarily sets of values. The major drift of contemporary sociology has been toward the recognition of values and their associated perspectives. The analysis of literary perspectives on a sociological level is largely a process of identifying the values involved and indicating the way in which writers have related them. It is a commonplace observation that much of American literature since the rise of realism has been a literature of rejection and therefore a highly critical literature insofar as the received values of the culture are concerned of these novels. A bureaucratic novel is one in which plot development is centered on the web of bureaucratic relationships in which the hero is involved. It is not enough that the hero be identified as a bureaucrat; it is necessary that what he does and what is done to him derive from the fact that he is a bureaucrat.

This article focuses on functional alternatives to social inequality. Functional explanations of cultural universals, whether given in terms of survival or adjustment, run into difficulty over alternatives. Survival explanations typically assume that any society must, in order to survive, attain certain states which are its "functional prerequisites." It is then assumed or shown that a particular cultural item tends to bring about one or more of these prerequisites. From these propositions, it is sometimes deduced that any surviving society will necessarily possess the particular item. If it can be shown, however, that the item has a functional alternative capable of fulfilling the same prerequisite, this explanation becomes insufficient. On the other hand, adjustive explanations suppose that failure to attain some state of affairs gives rise to dissatisfaction among members of the society and that a given item which reduces that dissatisfaction will tend to persist. A functional alternative, in this case some other item which would also reduce the dissatisfaction, would tend to remove the reinforcement by which the original item was explained.

The purpose of this paper is to develop some suggestions regarding the sociocultural interpretation of American sociology. It is further recognized that the definition of "American sociology," would raise the difficult question of the classification and analysis of American sociology as an intellectual product or process. In the present context, however, any referent of "American sociology" which the reader may have in mind will suffice. And what follows will itself raise questions regarding some characteristics of American sociology and thus, indirectly, questions regarding its definition. It is proposed to consider American sociology not exclusively as a science or as a discipline striving to become scientific but as an orientation, an outlook, a culture. The consideration of American sociology which points to its character as an orientation or outlook has to do with its contentual aspects, as witness both the attempts to assemble contentual "principles" on which American sociologists can agree and to gather contents once adhered to but subsequently discarded.

There are several ways of judging whether a discipline has been accepted by society. An empirical means of assessing acceptance is to locate the discipline in evaluation rankings obtained front a representative sample of the population. This article is addressed to an examination and discussion of some consequences of the public's use of sociological concepts. From a sociological perspective, when the phrase culturally deprived is applied to a group, standard definitions are violated. Within this perspective, the phrase might legitimately be used to describe extreme social isolation, such as the case of a child raised in an attic by a deaf-mute, or a case in which institutionalized children are provided little social contact. The interrelationship among lower class, cultural deprivation, and mental retardation is a natural to investigators working in this area because of a consistency of epidemiological evidence several studies report highest prevalence rates of retardation in the lower class.

The article presents information about a list of publications received by the presents issue of this periodical. Some of these are "Sociologiska teorie," edited by Johan Aasplund, "Race Relations," by Michael Banton, "Stochastic Models for Social Processes," by David Bartholomew, "The Origins of Modem Town PIanning," by Leonardo Benevolo, "Culture and Society in India," by Nirmal Kumar Bose, "Cooperative Commission on the Study of Alcoholism," prepared by F.A. Thomas, "Spearheads for Reform. The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914," by Allen F. Davis, "The Social Meanings of Suicide," by Jack D. Douglas, "The Process of Labor Turnover," by Magnus Hedberg, "The Lorry Driver," by Peter G. Hollowell, "Causation and Functionalism in Sociology," by Wsevolod W. Isajiw, "The Community," translated by Edward Fitzgerald, "The Sociology of Small Groups," by Theodore M. Mills, "Women's Two Roles Home and Work," by Alva Myrdal and Viola Klein and "Promoting the Placement of Older Workers" and " Madness in Society. Chapters in the Historical Sociology of Mental Illness," by George Rosen.

The article serves as a reply to comments made on the author's article, wherein the commentator suggested that a congruence exists between the authors' description of the mystique in anthropology and the idea of cultural primitivism unobjectionable. The authors of the article in question claim that nowhere have they identified the mystique as a theory and deny that they proposed a reversal of the direction of valuation of the dichotomic theory in anthropological thought. Anthropology, according to the authors, is the study of culture, and culture not in any restricted range of manifestation.

This is a study utilizing a theory-based method for analyzing social systems in terms of the problem in which the investigator is interested. The problem area used here is that of information diffusion. The findings are that specific types of information are transmitted most readily within systems having particular characteristics. The method appears to be suited for replication in the same and different localities for trend analysis or cross-cultural comparisons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Community" is defined as a number of families residing in a relatively small area within which they have developed a more or less complete socio-cultural system imbued with collective identification and by means of which they solve problems arising from the sharing of the area. The analysis of the verbal definition brings out four major variables: (1) number of actors, (2) awareness of action, (3) goal of action, and (4) recipients of action. Variables 1 and 2 are considered more relevant for the degree of "community-ness" than variables 3 and 4. By cross-classifying the four variables and weighting them, a sixteen-fold table has been developed. All actions occurring within the area of the community can be classified within the sixteen cells which are ordered along an increasing degree of "community-ness" of pertinent actions. Thus the complex phenomenon of community appears to be a continuous series of actions which can be measured along several dimensions making up the composite dimension of "community-ness." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first part of this article sets forth five points that should be uppermost in mind in the formulation of plans and policies for the guidance of rural sociological research in the South. These are as follows: (1) the need for local self-direction in planning and conducting research; (2) greater continuity of projects to enable workers to dig more deeply into the problems on which they have started; (3) the development of a more adequate body of social theory; (4) the perfection of a more sharply critical scientific attitude; and (5) more attention to the importance of sociological studies of small areas. The second portion of the article discusses current trends in urbanization and the mechanization of agriculture, two basic trends now underway which promise social changes that will penetrate the utmost recesses of rural life and culture in the southern region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the current social science is based upon the idea that social change characterizes primarily only this times or this generation. This is not true. In order to understand the farm family and the family farm one must be acquainted with the fact that social and cultural change has been a perennial characteristic of the civilization. Everything is always changing in rural life, including the farm family and the family farm. Neither the family farm nor the farm family has been the same from one broad period to another from the Homeric period to date. However, the farm family and the family farm have shown a certain recurrence of patterns although under somewhat different conditions. Forms of family organization, strength of domestic institutions, and forms of social challenge have been very much the same in the primitive, the middle and the late periods of each of the three great swings of Western culture. Furthermore, the family and the family farm are components of larger organizations of culture. What happens to them is generally decisive in many larger affairs.

The criterion of science is power of prediction as realized respecting controlled conditions of certain physical sciences. Gee-cultural regionalism implies a degree of ability to predict the effects in society from physical environment factors. Crop response offers a good testing ground of this, since relations of nature and society are there intimate and direct. Such situations prove baffling, because simple factors on one side articulate with a complex of factors on the other, rendering it impossible to trace the exact effects of the natural antecedents. The sequence is lost in the shuffle. From neither trends nor correlations can it be predicted exactly what effect such natural factors as precipitation or temperature will have on crop acreage, yield, income, or the death rate, educational index, and other cultural complexes. The conclusion is that this can be a field of approximate scientific forecasting only. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of a culture pattern within a local community is illustrated by the co-operative activities, both formal and informal, which occurred in the community of Howell, Michigan. The community is a comparatively old, well-established one. Its total population was approximately 8.000 of whom 3,615 persons resided in the city of Howell, a county seat. The population is predominantly native white and the cultural characteristics of this group tend to prevail. Formal co-operative activities began to the 1890's with the formation of the Livingston County Holstein Friesian Association and were extended gradually to the following: (1) A Dairy Herd Improvement Association; (2) A Farmers' Co-operative Association; and (3) the Livingston County Veterinary Service. The more informal co-operative activities included the establishment of a community hospital, a public library, the organization of charities, and the development of various town-county relationships. As these activities developed gradually, the exact time when the pattern of Co-operation appeared cannot be determined with exactness. It seems logical to conclude, however, that it appeared when, and to the extent that, the people accepted the idea of Co-operation irrespective of any specific activity and were ready to apply it as occasion demanded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the cultural deprivation, poverty and the dropout in adolescence. The importance of considering academic achievement separately for male and female students were given much consideration in a study by researchers. The authors describe the variation among the culturally deprived adolescent as concrete, content-centered, slow, externally oriented, inductive and physically oriented. The fact of variation among culturally deprived students is not as important as its association with differentially appropriate educational environments.

The article compares the adolescence of the U.S. in other cultures. The researchers categorized adolescence in other cultures into three. First, certain intercultural studies are basically ethnographic. Second, comparative studies assess similarities and dissimilarities among adolescents of two or more cultures. Third, cross-cultural studies test hypotheses within a theoretical framework. In other countries, State delegates authority over the child. Parents share responsibilities for the socialization of children and adolescents with peer collective and official organizations. Public recognition and criticism are the chief methods of social control and pressures toward conformity are enforced by the youth league.

This article presents a case for the usefulness of the concept of basic human needs. The author suggests that it is fruitful to assume that there is a universal set of basic human needs which have attributes of their own, not determined by the social structure, cultural patterns, or socialization processes. Ways are shown in which propositions which use the concept could be tested empirically. Restoration of the concept of basic human needs into sociological theory corrects the "over-socialized" conception of man, identifies a central distinction between the industrial and the emergent post-industrial society, and bridges two divergent traditions in sociology: structural-functional analysis and alienation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of diffusion is defined as the (1) acceptance, (2) over time, (3) of some specific item an idea or practice, (4) by individuals, groups or other adopting units, linked to (5) specific channels of communication, (6) to a social structure, and (7) to a given system of values, or culture. The elements of this definition are treated as an "accounting scheme" in terms of which diffusion studies in the fields of sociology, anthropology, rural sociology, mass communications, etc., are reviewed and problems of research design are explicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current sociological work makes extensive use of the concept of subculture-in the analysis of delinquency, adolescence, regional and class differences, religious sects, occupational styles, and other topics. in the study of these areas, our understanding has been increased by seeing norms that vary from more general standards as manifestations, in part, of distinctive sub-societies. Unfortunately, however, the term subculture is used in several different ways. In over 100 sources reviewed here, three clearly different meanings are found, with resultant imprecision in its application. A new term contraculture, is suggested in order to distinguish between normative systems of sub-societies and emergent norms that appear in conflict situations. The usefulness of this distinction is explored with reference to several substantive areas of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the second replication of a study involving an inter-related set of hypotheses on the relation between criminality and urbanism. The original study was made during the early 1940s, using an Iowa sample. The first replication was conducted by Harold D. Eastman in the same state about ten years later, and the research reported here was carried out in Sweden. The first replication was in time; this study reports a situation in another culture. The need for such replication studies, especially in different cultural settings, is one of the more pressing needs in the behavioral sciences, particularly in sociology and criminology. Indeed, if the sociological study of crime is to be scientific, general data, hypotheses, and findings should not be derived from only one particular series of historical events taking place in one society, which is often the case especially in American criminology. In fact, each nation is apt to have its own "national criminology."

This article presents a study in which the differences between certain ethnic groups and between social classes are investigated with regard to the degree of independence from parental control granted the adolescent. Members of Southern Italian and Eastern European Jewish ethnic groups in New Haven, Connecticut were selected for study. These groups were similar in their time of arrival and place of settlement in this country but had different cultural backgrounds. Differences could reasonably be attributed to ethnicity only if the groups compared had an approximately equal time in which to become acculturated and assimilated. When social class was controlled, no significant differences between the scores of Italian and Jewish adolescents on any of the dimensions of independence were observed. When social classes were compared, adding other ethnic groups to the comparison, significant differences were observed for three of the four dimensions of independence. Lower class families appear to be more permissive as evidenced by the adolescents' higher scores on permissiveness in outside activities and permissiveness in age-related activities. Adolescents in the middle classes score higher on parental regard for judgment but are nevertheless carefully supervised in other activities.

The article presents information about a study that discusses the conceptions in the field of social disorganization. The attempt to avoid the surface empiricism of commonsense description has led some students to the use of the term social disorganization. This approach may refer to the process of breakdown and reintegration; the integration of social structure as an existing situation; and control of the group values on the individual. In spite of this apparent methodological clarity, the technical application of this approach is more doubtful. Since sociologists are by occupational tradition mostly concerned with the Western culture complex, this approach is particularly appropriate, while the spread of this complex into native cultures furnishes interesting data.

This article is a statement of view-points in the field of family research which may help to orient activity. Little in the presentation is new, a guiding line of thought is the proposal that all methods of family study must finally be related to the experience of persons in the family to receive their full value. People's most needed viewpoint does not fall within the field of family research at all but is rather one of the total field of social science, it is for a clear, coherent system of concepts which identifies their object of study and permits isolation of important problems for further study. Only within such a frame of reference can study of the family proceed with profit. The general cultural view of the family as a form, traditionally determined at any one time and varying over time and space, is already widely accepted. With it people have been enabled to see the relativity of their own family practices and to exorcise the devils of instinct theory from their social psychology of the family. People should stress, however, that the relativity of their family form is true only when accepted over historical time and for wide geographical distribution.

This note is concerned with why Protestants embrace Catholicism, since data show that the strong majority of Americans feel that all religions are relatively equal within the American culture. Since religion is intimately bound up with family behavior, it was hypothesized that conversion might be related to the balance existing between the perceived religiousness of the parents and the perceived religiousness of the Catholic spouse whom the convert has married. Those conversion would be most likely in those circumstances where the Protestant came from a relatively weak religious background and his Catholic spouse was perceived as religiously fervent. The tables show that this hypothesis is supported by the data: the Q correlation between religious background in such an "unbalanced" situation and conversion is in excess of .5.

The article presents lectures by sociologist Harlan Paul Douglass, the theme of which is to present some of the sociological aspects of the place of religion in the modern, urban industrial society. The focus will be on the United States, but at the end the question will be raised of the extent to which this does or does not present a model of more general relevance rather than as a wholly unique development. The author want to stress particularly what he shall call pluralism as a characteristic of the society. The term here is meant to designate, not simple diversity as of ethnic or regional variations of social type and culture, but systematic differentiatedness at all levels. In particular the individual's participations in social interaction systems are highly differentiated at the level of what sociologists call his roles, and these roles are to some degree independently variable. Thus from knowing a man's religious affiliation and community of residence it becoming less rather than more easy to deduce his occupation or his political affiliations.

These data show something of the attitudinal structure regarding the inclusive church on the part of ministeriaI and lay delegates to the 1960 Southeastern Jurisdictional Conference of The Methodist Church. The range in mean inclusiveness score was from 2.13 for Item 3 to 3.34 for Item 6. There was considerable variation regarding inclusive practices with the eligibility of Negroes for membership in the local ministerial association and admission of Negroes to services of worship in local churches being much more acceptable than Negro membership in the churches. The highly significant differences between clerical and lay delegates in attitudes toward the inclusive church, doubtless, result in considerable tensions in practice. They, also, raise questions about the role of the clergy in the education of the laity as well as the socializational value of church membership in contrast to the common sense internalization of the regional cultural stereotype in the field of racial attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with an analysis and criticism of what have come to be known as culture and personality writings. The scholars who have contributed to this movement have a common general orientation although some differences of opinion and emphasis exist. One wing of the movement emphasize on psychoanalysis, while another wing, places the main emphasis upon descriptions of cultural configurations and personality types, but puts relatively little emphasis upon genetic explanations or on psychoanalytic concepts. Most of the writers fall between the extremes, using a sprinkling of psychoanalytic terminology, sometimes in combination with ideas derived from other areas. The interdisciplinary nature of this approach is often stressed but it is, in actual fact, sharply limited. For example, the theory and research of most psychologists, social psychologists, and sociologists who are concerned with personality and psychological processes, are virtually unaffected by the culture-personality writings. Conversely, in the latter there is rarely any reference to the research of social psychologists or psychologists other than clinicians and psychiatrists of Freudian persuasion, and almost no references to the writings of foreign psychologists.