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The special papers provide a definition, delineate the scope, present a conceptual framework, and identify the method of inquiry and some techniques used for explaining the body of knowledge for each of six disciplines. The background papers to Project Social Studies are: 1) "Sociology" by Caroline Rose; 2) "The Study of Geography" by Fredrick R. Steinhauser; 3) "The Study of Anthropology" by Shirley Russell Holt; 4) "Political Science" by Frank Sorauf; 5) "The Many Meanings of History" by Robert F. Berkhofer; and, 6) "Some Thoughts on the Teaching of Economics" by Leonid Hurwicz. A number of pages may be illegible. (Author/SJM)

This paper is a working model for a new one- or two-semester civics education program for high school students. The paper is divided into four major sections. Part I treats existing civics programs and explains how the Politics and Participation Program seeks to correct two general problems facing the schools and civic education - 1) it attempts to develop a civics course that enables a student to develop some explanatory generalizations about the operation, organization and interaction of a political system; and 2) it seeks to allow the student to participate in the school community for the clarification of abstract political concepts through concrete experience. Part 2 presents the analytical framework that guides the course content and explains how the major political concepts of the framework may be used to answer relevant questions; Part 3 focuses on the basic learning activities of the program; and Part 4 sets forth a general outline of the course. The purpose of this new course is: to offer students a systematic framework for studying various political questions; to teach them the skills necessary to use the analytical framework; to use the school as a laboratory for practical experience; and to give them opportunities to participate responsibly in the life of the school. (FDI)

THIS COLLECTION OF SIX POSITION PAPERS ON LATIN AMERICA WAS PREPARED BY UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS SPECIALISTS IN THE FIELD OF GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, ECONOMICS, SOCIOLOGY, ANTHROPOLOGY, AND GOVERNMENT. EACH WAS ASKED TO WRITE A POSITION PAPER ON WHAT A HIGH SCHOOL GRADUATE, OR A REASONABLY LITERATE ADULT, OUGHT TO KNOW ABOUT LATIN AMERICA FROM THE STANDPOINT OF HIS FIELD. THEY WERE TO FOCUS ON THE BASIC IDEAS, THE KEY UNDERSTANDINGS, AND THE MAJOR GENERALIZATIONS. SUPPORTING DETAILS AND EXAMPLES WERE TO BE USED ONLY TO ILLUSTRATE THE LARGER IDEAS WITH NO INTENT OF PROVIDING AN EXHAUSTIVE TREATMENT. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED BY THESE EXPERTS AS TO WHAT IS IMPORTANT TO KNOW ABOUT LATIN AMERICA REPRESENT THEIR OWN PERSONAL JUDGMENTS. (TC)

Prepared by the Indiana University High School Curriculum Center in Government, this paper presents a brief but comprehensive introduction to the main characteristics of a behavioral approach to American politics. The first of four parts sets forth assumptions and requirements implicit in a behavioral approach and elucidates the relationship between science, political science, and political behavior. The second part explains one formulation of a behavioral perspective--the "field approach"--which conceives of the individual as a biological and human entity existing within social and cultural environments. The third part suggests how the field approach can make the political behavior of the American citizen more intelligible by emphasizing the relevance of four factors: political culture, sociology, psychology, and socialization. The fourth part applies the same four categories of the field approach to the behavior of political leaders, both formal and informal. (See TE 499 926 for a description of the Center's experimental course in American political behavior.) (LH)

This progress report, issued by the Indiana University High School Curriculum Center in Government, attempts to make clear the Center's position on certain issues in social studies curriculum development and the rationale behind these positions. The paper's first section considers complaints about present government courses and examines existing assumptions regarding (1) the process by which American youngsters are socialized into the political culture, (2) the role in political education of high school civics and government courses, (3) the purposes and goals of experimental curriculum development projects in government, and (4) the selection of specific course content. The second section, "A Course in American Political Behavior," describes the essential characteristics of an experimental two-semester course in civics and government: the structure of the discipline, the concepts and values of the course, and the inquiry skills to be developed in the students. The actual course is still under development. (MP)

Many Finnish paper mills have recently celebrated the centenary of their foundation, and all the mechanical pulp, board and paper mills established in the period 1866–1872 are still operating, which indicates how well paper manufacture based on wood was adapted to Finnish conditions. Finnish paper production has increased as follows since the beginning of the century:1

By the mid-197o's, an estimated 63 million Americans will be enrolled in the nation's schools and colleges. Total attendance in higher education alone will exceed i61,2 million. With almost one million earned baccalaureates, over a quarter of a million master's degrees, and nearly 50,000 doctorates awarded each year, servicing the academic world will be lucrative for many educational vendors, including equipment manufacturers, textbook publishers, as well as a new breed of supplier-commercial firms which provide ghost-written term papers for students.' For years, educators have known about fraternity files and the exchange of papers among students. The assistance rendered by relatives and friends in the preparing of assignments has sometimes been met with academic oversight and even acquiescence. Only the most flagrant cases of plagiarism from known and traceable published sources have resulted in disciplinary action (warning, reprimand, grade reduction, failure, revocation of privileges, probation or, in rare cases, suspension or

Printed records of safety efforts in the paper industry began with the formation of the Paper and Pulp Section of the National Safety Council at Philadelphia, in 1915. Safety activities of commendable sort had been carried on for years in several forward-looking mills, but prior to 1915 there were no organized efforts. To S. F. Shattuck, treasurer of the Kimberly-Clark Company, eminent for his success in industrial relations, goes the credit for yeoman service that started the present vital movement in the industry. He found backing in a few kindred souls, notably G. E. Williamson, of the Strathmore Paper Company, and R. B. Robertson, of the Champion Fibre Company, and a meeting was called in connection with the National Safety Congress with Mr. Robertson drafted as chairman. That gentleman, however, seems to have led a good-natured stampede for Shattuck, who was placed at the head of the new section. Mr. Robertson was elected vice-chairman, and E. P. Gleason, of NekoosaEdwards Paper Company, secretary. The meetings of the section were but thinly attended at first and the going was heavy. However, dynamic interest was forthcoming with other safety men who allied themselves with the new body. In fact, among the early few who gave their best to the section were representatives of paper mills who had helped to organize the National Safety Council some four years before they were ready to effect an organization of the "Paper Manufacturers' Sectional Meeting." The first meeting brought together thirtyone delegates, representing fifteen paper mills and as many friendly or allied

'he White Paper on United States relations with China/ released by the State Department on August 5, is the product of many factors. The two most im? portant are the recent debacle of American policy in China, and the conflict between the Department and a critical segment of Congressional, press, and other opinion?largely Republican?as to where the respon? sibility for the debacle lies and what the United States should do next.

One frequently encounters innuendoes, charges, allegations, threats, and rationales of conspiracy in studying the role of rhetoric in social movements. While "full discussion of competing ideas," holds high repute, "people meeting to plot some action," is disreputable and under some conditions illegal. This paper focuses on existing definitions of conspiracy in the fields of law, sociology, and political science. The author distinguishes between real as opposed to fictional conspiracies. The paper also tries to answer three questions: (1) What are the philosophic bases of conspiracy? (2) What sorts of persons are prone to believe that a conspiracy exists? (3) And what criteria must be present before a conspiracy is credible? (Author/LG)

Contents: Apartheid / Abdul S. Minty -- Non-governmental action in support of the victims of colonialism and apartheid in Southern Africa / L.H. Horace Perera – The World Councils of Churches: policies and programmes in support of the liberation struggle in Southern Africa / Baldwin Sjollema -- Activities of the international defence and aid fund / Canon L. John Collins – Education and training programmes / Lars-Gunnar Eriksson – For the full liquidation of colonialism and racism in Southern Africa / Vasily G. Solodovnikov – Activities of liberation movements / Hashim I. Mbita – Territories under Portuguise domination: proposals for action / Sietse Bosgra – The liberation struggle in Mozambique and outside world / Lord Gifford – Do not let the people of Namibia down / SWAPO – Namibia: legal aspects / Elizabeth S. Landis – Namibia: economic and other aspects / Barbara Rogers – Zimbabwe: the enemy we confront and the assistance we need / ZAPU – Zimbabwe: from confrontation to armed liberation struggle / ZANU – Economic sanctions against Rhoodesia / Francis Nehwati – Rhodesia: increasing the effectiveness of sanctions / Guy Arnold – Mounting black resistance inside Azania / PAC – The liberation struggle within South Africa and the international community / ANC – The United Nations and decolonization: principles, objectives, methods and action / The UN Secretariat – The United Nations action on apartheid in the Republic of South Africa / The UN Secretariat – Action undertaken in relation to decolonization and the elimination of apartheid by United Nations bodies primarily connected with protection and promotion of human rights / The UN Secretariat – Assistance to the victims of colonialism and apartheid in Southern Africa / The UN Secretariat

Invited by the Editor to comment on this much-discussed theme, in particular on the Paper of Senator Yuzyk, I am now reversing a decision made a year ago to keep silent on this issue. Not because I have been indifferent to it, but because I regard the whole enterprise as unfortunate. There is no such thing in Canada as biculturalism. The Senator himself says that as a nation we are multicultural, and he ought to know. All the way along we are threatened by misuse of terms.

Professor Zachariah's paper concerns India's national policy, since 1950, for "positive discrimination" toward the people who constitute its Scheduled Castes. The program of positive discrimination includes provisions for political representation, civil service employment, and educational opportunity. Concentrating on the educational sector the author points to the legal, administrative, and socio-political problems which have emerged as a result of the Indian program. His general conclusion suggests that through positive discrimination the Scheduled Castes evidence considerable gain economically and educationally. A problem emerges, however, in terms of the relationships among t?aste Hindus and the Scheduled Castes when other than the legal provisions are considered. Although caste Hindus apparently conform to legal provisions regarding the inclusion of Scheduled Castes, thus making these statistical advances possible, at the same time they continue to abide by caste rules in certain socially and culturally defined spheres of interaction which lie outside of these provisions. There are numerous examples throughout the world of legal provisions directed toward the more equitable incorporation of ethnic or social class populations into a given nation. It would seem that most such programs, including those of the United States, find that the more intimate spheres of social and cultural interaction among groups lag behind the legal provisions. Zachariah fails to take advantage of these wider, comparative data to provide a theoretical rationale in which to couch his paper. Thus, the reader is left with a case study, without theoretical grounding, to which Zachariah appends a question asking whether poverty or untouchability is at the root of the disadvantages of Scheduled Castes. In this way, the author passes over the opportunity to attempt an explanation of why populations under positive discrimination type programs often adhere minimally to legal codes while retaining social and cultural behaviors which are most often antithetical to the intent of the legislation. The major criticism of the paper, therefore, is not that it

Evaluation by means of citation patterns can be successful only insofar as published papers and their bibliographies reflect scientific activity and nothing else. Such an innocent descrip tion is becoming less and less tenable. The present scientific explosion gave rise to more than a proportional pub lication explosion, which not only re flects the scientific explosion but has its own dynamics and vicious circles. Publication of results is probably the main means of accomplishing the al most impossible task of accounting for time and money spent on research. Inevitably, this puts a premium on quantity at the expense of quality, and, as with any other type of inflation, the problem worsens: the more papers are written, the less they count for and the greater is the pressure to publish more. What makes matters worse is the fact that the sheer volume of the"litera ture" makes it increasingly difficult to separate what is worthwhile from the rest. Critical reviews have become somewhat of a rarity, and editorial judgment is usually relegated to ref erees, who are contemporaries and, per haps, competitors of the authors-a situation which has its own undesirable implications (11, 18). It requires little imagination to discover other vicious circles, all arising from distortion of the primary reasons for publishing the results of scientific inquiry. There are, it is true, signs of ad justment to this crisis, partly due to some easing of the pressure to pub lish at all costs, and partly due to the readers' changing attitudes toward the flood of publications. An increasing amount of research is now being car ried out in the form of collective proj ects in large institutions where publica tion is no longer the standard method of accounting for individual work. At the same time there is apparent an in creasing tendency for scientific journals to polarize into the relatively few leading ones which carry important informa tion and the many subsidiary journals which serve as vehicles for interim lo cal accounting and, in a way, sub stitute for detailed intradepartmental re ports. This division is a result not of some arbitrary decree but of normal competition between journals, as a re sult of which, however, the strong usual ly get stronger and the weak get weaker. Were it not for these changes and also for a striking improvement in abstracting, indexing, and alerting serv ices, most research workers would have found long ago that, even in their own specialized fields, new information is accumulating faster than it can be sorted out. These developments can pro vide only a temporary reprieve, so long as there remains a strong incentive to publish the greatest possible number of papers. A new scale of values based on citations is by no means infallible or, in many cases, even fair, but at least it provides an alternative to the existing one, which is at the root of the crisis. It might, of course, be asked whether wide acceptance of such new stand ards would not lead to deliberate abuses. A little reflection shows that the system is less open to manipula tion than might appear. First, the ref erees are expected to see to it that the submitted papers cite work which is pertinent to the subject. An increased awareness of the usefulness of citation indexing as a tool for retrieval and evaluation will make this aspect of refereeing more important, and what now passes for minor carelessness or discourtesy could easily come to be regarded as serious malpractice. Sec ond, as noted above, careful selection of references is in the author's own interest, because it helps him to reach his readers. There is, therefore, some room for hope that healthy feedback in the system will tend to keep it viable. At the basis of this hope lies the supposition that, in the long run, only good work can ensure recognition. As Martyn (2) has pointed out, as an information-retrieval method, cita tion indexing is rather "noisy." The word noisy may apply even more to the problem of evaluation. Whereas in information retrieval much of the unwanted information can be filtered out by suitable search strategy (2, 6), this is not so easy to do for the pur pose of evaluation, because a simple descendence relationship between papers is still an ideal far removed from actuality (7). The situation would be much better if we could at will exclude all citations which do not indi cate real indebtedness. A scheme of citation relationship indicators, first men tioned by Garfield (12) and elaborated by Lipetz (17), would be a help, but, even if it were technically feasible, to provide such indicators would greatly add to the production costs of the Index. Another possible way to minimize the effects of "noise" is to increase the size of the samples on which the reckon ing is based. Now that research has be come a rather popular occupation, it seems that a kind of public vote may have to be accepted as a factor in evaluation. Since this is the case, there is something to be said for extending the "franchise" to minimize acciden tal effects. An index which attempted to process all scientific publications would be several times the size of the present Index, and, what is more, it would not necessarily be an improve ment as a tool for information retrieval because most of the significant work is already concentrated in the present Index. Whether this attempt will ever be considered worthwhile remains pri marily a matter of policy and eco nomics. In the meantime there is an urgent need for more experience with the existing services. It is not the purpose of this article to advocate evaluation of scientific work by some kind of public opinion poll; its purpose is to recognize a pos sible trend in this direction. Any judg ment by public acclaim is subject to obvious fallacies, but we must not be carried away by the analogy to the Stock Exchange or to electoral prac tices. The fact that, in this case, the "public" consists of authors whose con tributions are generally linked creates quite a new pattern of organization. In this discussion some of the aspects of this pattern have been explored through analogy to idealized genetic or mechani cal network models, but the very uniqueness of the system, with its many self-organizing ramifications, makes it a new field which deserves close study, since these developments may have pro found effects on the future of scientific communication.

G ENERALLY speaking, the decline in quality of paper can be attributed to the following factors: (i) increasing use of paper, which has lowered standards; (2) the fact that the public is not educated to demand better-grade paper; (3) production of paper by machine; and (4) low prices, which necessitate the use of cheaper materials. Basically, however, the reasons for this decline are: (i) damage to the fibers in the process of machine work; (2) use of minerals, especially the filler; (3) excessive bleaching, particularly by means of calcium hypochlorite; (4) use of alum; and (5) discovery of mechanical wood pulp by Friedrich Gottlob Keller in I845. In the period of transition from handmade to machine-made paper, the problem of upholding the high standards for papermaking arose. The resultant loss of quality in the properties of paper, especially that used in newspapers, called for a united effort on the part of those concerned over this decline. This effort may be traced from the beginnings made by Ernst Hartig and Fritz Hoyer in i88I and the foundation in I884 of a division for paper-testing in the present-day Materialpruifungsamt (Institute for the Testing of Materials), BerlinDahlem, to the year I886, when Martens succeeded in establishing the first standards for printing-paper. These standards led to the extended science of paper-making as recorded in the work of Wilhelm Herzberg, Papierpriifung. The question of paper-testing was studied by Delisle in France, Franz Ehrle in Italy, the Library Association' and H. M. Stationery Office in England, the Committee on the Deterioration of Paper in the Department of Agriculture in the United States, and, finally, it

In terms of Western political science or military doctrine it seems somewhat irrational that the leaders of Communist China should refer to great powers as “paper tigers.” It appears even more illogical that they should call atomic bombs “paper tigers,” especially when they themselves place the highest priority on the development of a nuclear capability. Yet, since the first Chinese nuclear explosion on October 16, 1964, the official Communist Press has again referred to the United States, Great Britain and the “revisionists” (both Khrushchev and the present leaders of the Soviet Union) as “paper tigers.” This same metaphor has also been applied to “imperialism” and “all reactionaries,” as well as to nuclear weapons, air-power and sea-power.

Professor Buyniak's careful survey is the most complete history to date of Slavic Studies in Canada. A commentator will hardly improve on his thoroughness, but he can voice a few hopes and add a few critical observations which would normally not have a place in a factual study of this kind. The first observation to be made is that Slavic studies, like other area studies, have gone through a period of growing pains, marked not merely by lack of funds and foresight on the part of university administrations, but also by difficulties inherent in venturing into unfamiliar grounds. The profession should perhaps face the fact that the distrust on the part of university administrations in the early years was not only due to short-sightedness and a built-in conservatism, but in part to the absence of qualified Slavic scholars. During the first post-war years many appointments were made, even senior appointments, that were the result of a hasty and improper appraisal of candidates for academic positions. Indeed, there were no precedents for evaluating the credentials of Europeans eager to teach in Slavic Studies, and brandishing unfamiliar certificates of proficiencyor sometimes with no certificates at alland demanding academic positions on the strength of them. The consequences of appointments made on the basis of such credentials were sometimes painful and caused administrators for years to look askance at the whole profession, withholding their trust and their funds from the doubtful and the deserving candidates alike. It is gratifying to be able to say that this period is now definitely over; new appointments are being made on the basis of the same criteria as in other fields and the growing output of scholarly works bespeaks the growing strength and quality of the profession. In this connection, it may be pointed out that students of "purely" Anglo-Saxon origin are beginning to take interest in Slavic Studies and this augurs well for the future: only they can furnish a durable basis for the development of Slavic Studies. Another observation is in the nature of a caveat: there is dangerand that danger is not lesseningthat Slavic specialists will be drawn into the duels of the Cold War and will, in fact, become its instruments.

IN THESE times of war borne change in our economic structure and a questioning attitude as to the essentiality of the various functions in our distributive system, the wholesale distributor sometimes hears his function spoken of as superfluous. This discussion concerns itself with the wholesale paper trade on the Pacific Coast, and endeavors to show by illustrations drawn from one particular industry how vital the distributor can be, how essential is his part in the war effort, and how great are his wartime sacrifices.

I shall confine my comments to the papers by Messrs. Mendels and Hohenberg, which lie within my period of interest and competence. First, regarding Mendels: I found this a very useful survey, wide-ranging in space and time, with very strong coverage of the literature. One of its many virtues is that it tries to grapple with some of the serious difficulties of analysis and explanation, especially in the statistical realm. Despite, or perhaps because of, these general merits, however, there are a number of points of detail that are open to criticism. Let me take these seriatim

Students of Communism are often intrigued by the extremely "militant" line which the Chinese Communist leaders have taken in their international policies since the founding of the Chinese People's Republic in 1949.1 Although a good part of the aggressive policy of Communist China may be explained in traditional terms-the expansionism characteristic of any major nation at the height of its power-I have long entertained the belief that the foreign policy of a totalitarian regime such as Communist China is conditioned to a large extent by its internal problems.2 Yet because of the general inaccessibility of Chinese Communist source materials, the above hypothesis along with others relating to trends and developments on the Chinese mainland has long been impossible to test. On August 5, 1963, however, through the good offices of the U.S. Department of State, some secret Chinese Communist military papers labelled the "Bulletin of Activities," Kung-tso T'ung-hsln, hereafter referred to as K.T.T.H., were released to interested scholars. They have been accurately described as "one of the most important caches of material ever obtained from behind the Bamboo Curtain."3

national government in Britain there has been vigorous debate about issues of postwar reconstruction, and, though compromises have been adopted as wartime expedients, these issues will doubtless influence forthcoming elections. The solutions proposed in the White Paper caused some dismay in Liberal and Labour ranks and emphasized a division among conservative forces in England. Although the chief problem dealt with in the White Paper is the adjustment of the boundaries and areas of local government, questions of administrative structure, financial resources, and the distribution of functions between national and local government are so intermingled with problems of area that they form a major part of the argument. The paper does not attempt to consider the special problems of the London metropolitan area. The basic framework of British local government as presently constituted was established by the Local Government Act of 1888, which established a system of counties, county boroughs, noncounty boroughs, and urban and rural districts which, with some