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From time immemorial Jewish tribal exclusiveness among dominant societal groups has resulted in various forms of conflict determined by the social situation. The critical force involved has been the group's peculiar resistance to social assimilation. Different social systems react differently to the persistence of this trait. The caste system of India, for example, would hardly notice it. But capitalist culture, which originated in the European medieval city, has constantly resisted it; that culture is basically assimilationist. American Negroes, in their opposition to racism, have relied mainly on the ideology of assimilation, These two divergent tendencies have come into collision recently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and familial correlates of self-esteem (SE), in relation to tribal acculturation, were Investigated in 72 American Indian reservation children who had shown highly significant negative SE relative to Anglo norms. Ss were 34 Miccosukee and 38 Seminole children and their mothers (N = 32), all of the same ethnolinguistic group. Results indicated that although the tribes did not differ in socialization practices, both mothers and children in the less acculturated, more socially intact tribe (Miccosukee) had significantly higher SE than more acculturated (Seminole) counter-parts. Across tribes, (a) girls were significantly higher in SE and perceived parental love than boys, and (b) daughters' SE was positively correlated with maternal SE, and sons' SE with perceived love. Findings were discussed in terms of the interaction of familial and sociocultural variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Race stereotypes, according to Weinberg's Social Problems in Our Time, exhibit various characteristics. They exaggerate negative features of the minority group and use deprecatory nicknames for it. They ignore individual differences among minority group members, and if minority individuals have "majority group virtues," these are somehow still interpreted as vices. Minority group members' disvalued traits are declared to be biologically determined and immutable. Majority group members' faults which are supposed to typify members of minority groups will be overlooked or reinterpreted. Relatively tolerant members of the majority group, while giving little credence to exaggerated racial stereotypes, are still often prejudiced. Although race stereotypes will shift subtly and defensively as intergroup relations vary, stereotypes themselves are slow-changing and persistent. Kurt W. Back has shown how our students of race relations themselves have been rather accommodating to a long-segregated status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the problems raised by the initial cultural contacts between French and Amérindians from the granting of a commercial monopoly to Huguenot merchants in 1603 to the creation of a Canadian-based trading company, the Community of Habitants, in 1945. Evangelization of Amérindians; Ventures in building an Indian Christian state; Impact of the introduction of the reservation system on missionary work.

The primary objective of this study is to present an explanation of the interstate migratory movements of white and nonwhite persons which occurred over the period 1955-1960. The study is similar to several other recent studies in that we estimate the magnitudes in which various factors have influenced interstate or interregional migration in the United States. It differs from earlier studies in two important respects. First, we estimate and compare the magnitudes in which certain factors have influenced both white and nonwhite interstate migration. Second, unlike previous studies, many of which have made "country-wide" estimates of the determinants of migration, we have disaggregated data to the state level and obtained white and nonwhite "migration elasticities" for every state. These elasticities are in turn used to test several additional hypotheses relating to racial and regional differences in the elasticities themselves. We argue that discrimination against nonwhites and/or differences in "social milieu" between South and nonsouth provide a unifying explanation for most of the observed differences in white and nonwhite migration elasticities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article determines how far the sociological imponderables were subject to objective and quantitative treatment using the cultural adjustment of the Polish group in Buffalo, New York as a subject. Two types of schedules were employed, a family schedule and an individual schedule, the latter being used for each individual over 12 years of age available for interviewing. There was evidence of gradually decreasing knowledge of Polish traditions and gradually increasing knowledge of U.S. traditions. Thus, out of a possible 100, the foreign-born Poles make a score of 87 for Polish traditions and legends, as against 72 for U.S. citizens; whereas the native born of mixed native and foreign parentage have an average score of 72 for Polish traditions and legends, as against 99 for U.S. citizens. However, there is not so much loss of knowledge of Polish traditions and legends as one would expect, the gain in knowledge of U.S. legends and traditions is much more than the loss of Polish traditions and legends, and whereas, after three generations, the Polish-Americans in this group show a very respectable knowledge of U.S. traditions and legends, they show only slightly less knowledge of Polish traditions and legends.

In the September issue of the periodical "Social Forces," certain questions of distance between social institutions and professional leadership on the one hand, and their constituency on the other, were raised, which bring face to face with the paradox of finding prevailing ideals, terminology and technique of government, of social organization, of business-of advanced civilization itself-cast far beyond the present understanding of the people, who at the same time are charged with greater active participation in these specialisms and larger responsibility for social direction. This distance, one maintained, is not due primarily to differences in intelligence but to various other causes. Estimated through common sense scientific discrimination between the selected common man and the mongrel mass, there is much evidence to indicate that many of the folk reveal a greater power of social intelligence than most of the learned. The distance between institutions and technicians and the people is due to, besides the factors of unselected groups and individuals, differences in education, in experience, in opportunity, to the power of tradition, to the blighting influence of the political and ecclesiastical demagogue, to the limitation of social technique, to inadequate social leadership, to the normal rise of specialisms.

The article presents information on Negro discrimination in the United States. It is claimed that the failure on the part of the average American to "recognize" the deviation between societal values in the U.S. and practices is the primary basis for Negro discrimination. Author Gunnar Myrdal's concept "recognition" implies that, in practice, a rational man cannot logically hold two sets of values, one for the white man and other for the Negro. It appears that his rational approach may be based on his early training as an economist. If carried to its logical conclusion, it may lead to automation, itself denying the distinctiveness of the individual through stereotyping, thereby eliminating the rational man for lack of a yardstick. Another indication that Myrdal has been influenced by economics is the hedonistic psychology which is in perfect accord with the rational man. Finally, "recognition" may be positive or negative with varying positions between these two extremes and a position taken by a group is determined by individual attitudes or social mores, both interacting to change one means to alter the other.

Criteria and procedures employed in designing a TAT series for an African people, the Swazi, originally nonliterate but now in process of assimilating Western culture, have been presented. Major aims were (a) to make this material available to others faced with the task of designing TA T series for use with special groups, and (b) to provoke a wider discussion of problems of TAT design than has hitherto appeared in the literature. In this connection it was submitted that the basic principles involved were applicable whether the intended subjects were literate or nonliterate, Western or non-Western in culture. (The only limiting condition would be that the subjects must have learned to interpret a fairly flexible style of graphic representation.) Two somewhat special features of the research project for which the pictures were designed Lad to be allowed for: (a) the culture of the subjects was in process of rapid and radical modification through contact with Western culture and (b) the actual subjects themselves were divided into two groups, one maximally and one minimally acculturated. Allowance for these factors in the designing if the series incidentally renders it applicable to many other African groups in Southern Africa, particularly when the setting of the investigation is urban. A review of published TAT series and the literature relating to the designing of these was held to reveal two general approaches to problems of design, one primarily concerned with the elicitation of highly spontaneous fantasy and the other with canvassing specific areas of personality. The latter approach was adopted in the present case. Thirteen criteria formulated to govern the designing of the series were presented and discussed, together with a brief outline of the procedures by which the pictures were tested and the final series selected. It was suggested that: a promising line for future development in picture design would be to use a systematic theoretical frame of reference to define the areas of personality to be investigated and to design pictures to tap these as precisely as possible. In this connection it was felt that experimentation with the calculated use of symbolism, as originally recommended by Murray, might have much to contribute. In conclusion, it may be well to raise the question of whether a TAT series such as the one described here actually results in producing a greater quantity, superior quality, or more selective range of fantasy than a series inure casually designed. Clearly, what is needed is rigorous experimentation with carefully controlled groups of subjects, using TAT series designed on sharply contrasted and highly explicit principles. It is submitted that this is a promising and important field of investigation-one, even, in which problems such as those of interpretation, hitherto tackled elsewhere, might well be elucidated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principal investigators of acculturation have been anthropologists. They study the old society as it presumably existed before contact with an outside or new society; the conditions of the contact; and the effects of the contact. Psychological theory and techniques can be of assistance in connection with the third phase. The assistance can be most efficiently rendered by concentrating upon the problem of explaining why some people in a society learn and others reject new modes of behavior. A pilot study conducted in three African societies (The Ganda in Uganda, the Luo in Kenya, and the Zulus in South Africa) has been summarized in order to demonstrate some of the fruitful hypotheses which can be formulated and some of the difficulties which are encountered when an effort is made to determine whether there are very general psychological predispositions associated with contact. The contact variables used in this report are education and leadership. Samples of adult males from each society were drawn as carefully as conditions permitted. Through an interpreter each informant was given a two-hour schedule which consisted of direct and projective questions and a small battery of tests. The results are presented in terms of trends. The education variable is more discriminating than the leadership one. Eight of the nine hypotheses tend to be verified in one or more of the societies. The principal reasons for failing to obtain more dramatic results are offered in order to suggest how future psychological research in the area of acculturation can be improved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reasoning processes of an individual may often be modified by under- lying viewpoints which may or may not agree with the opinions he expresses overtly. These distortions of reasoning may be used as an index of the underlying opinions of respondents. The evidence for the validity of this procedure has been set forth in preceding articles published elsewhere; this study is an attempt to apply the method to determine how a particular group of students feel about certain Japanese characteristics. The four issues studied were assimilability of the Japanese into American society, eye inferiority of the Japanese, trustworthiness of the Japanese, and Japanese cruelty. Our study seems to warrant the following conclusions: 1. Our respondents show but a slight tendency to reject the statement that the Japanese are not assimilable into American society and, at the same time, manifest no confusion of thinking on this issue. 2. Our respondents overtly express a disbelief that the eyes of the Japanese are inferior to those of other races and show that they are not emotionally prejudiced about this issue. 3. The students who took this test show considerable distortion in their thinking about the untrustworthiness of the Japanese. Whereas in a control syllogism, where the issues were altogether unemotional, they showed considerable preference for a statement which was equivalent to the proposition that "None of the Japanese are trustworthy"; in a syllogism which openly expressed this opinion they tended to reject it in favor of the more tempered opinion that "Some of the Japanese are not trustworthy." 4. Our students tend to avoid a direct judgment about the cruelty of the Japanese. In a control syllogism they favored a conclusion which would be equivalent to saying that "80 per cent of the Japanese are cruel"; whereas in the syllogism which dealt directly with the issue of Japanese cruelty they swung toward the conclusion that "No logical conclusion can be drawn from the given statements." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comparative study of the assimilation, IQ, and age of groups of Indian girls divided on the basis of two-thirds majority attendance at public or other type of Indian school. The two groups of girls were equated on the basis of degree of Indian blood. The results of this study reveal several interesting information. It was found that there is a significant difference between the two groups in terms of assimilation score. The scale shows a reliable differentiation between the quarter degree Indian group and the full blood Indian group, the quarter degree showing a much higher degree of assimilation than the full blood Indian group. Also, there is a significant difference between the upper and lower groups in intelligence in assimilation score. The more intelligent girls seem to be correspondingly more assimilated. When degree of blood and age are worked out partially there seems to be some relationship between degree of intelligence and degree of assimilation. This relationship does not necessarily indicate causal relationship however.

The article examines the influence of sudden oppression on a racial minority. In the article, the author focuses the discussion around the German Jewry group. While other groups have grown up as racial minorities and are thus more or less adjusted to their situation, this group has been more or less integrated and assimilated, and has later become the object of sudden oppression. German Jewry can be regarded as a single group since 1933 in so far as its members were subjected to similar experiences after the onset of discrimination. The members of this group were mostly recruited from families, which had been assimilated for at least two or three generations. Their attitude toward the other Jewish groups was uninterested or neutral. They often exaggerated or overemphasized their patriotism and loyalty to Germany, both traits probably indicating a certain remainder of insecurity concerning their position and a desire to stress the fact of their assimilation. The first principal effect of the beginning of discrimination of the group was economic oppression.

The article focuses on the study of social determinants of discrimination. The researchers try to indicate how the weight of predisposing circumstances can be measured. The original inquiry sought to find how students regard the admission of ten atypical personalities into ten different associations. If they admitted everybody to all these relations, their score was one hundred inclusions. If they rejected everybody, their rating was a hundred exclusions. Summing up a hundred such responses, the researchers found nearly 6600 acceptances and more than 3400 rejections. In other words, the exclusive judgments of the group comprised about 34% of the total number of expressions. The researchers, therefore, considered this average as the best representative figure to show how student opinion responded to the idea of intrusion by "undesirables." Obviously, "inclusion" and "exclusion" are complementary terms, whose sum is 100 times the number of schedules enumerated. The researchers also obtained information about the personal background of jurors.

Following Parson's distinction between cultural and social systems, a tentative model of assimilation which distinguishes social and cultural assimilation is Proposed. This model is tested in an analysis of Puerto Rican migrants to New York City. Both the analytical and empirical data seem to reveal a basis for maintaining that social and cultural assimilation are, to a degree, independent processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the assimilation process of the large Catholic aggregates constituting a considerable portion of the new immigration. Specifically, it proposes to do two things: first, present some findings on the adjustments and adaptations which the groups studied have made and are making; second, attempt to evaluate the significance of the progress they have made in terms of contemporary theories. This latter step implies an analysis of the nature of cultural pluralism and the suggestion that we substitute for the past somewhat superficial and more or less descriptive approaches an analysis of culture based on its three constituent elements, namely, its ideology--the doctrines on the nature and ends of man and of society; the derivative institutional objectives; and the social or institutionalized means developed to implement these objectives. The ethnics of the new immigration are identifiable primarily by their solidarity in ethnic organizations and in-group marriage. During the difficult period of acculturation, group cohesion served the function of lessening culture conflicts, bridging the gap between generations, and reducing disorganization. At present, although solidarity exists at the core centers, the acculturation process is well under way. These groups have been denationalized and are rapidly being nationalized.

The article reports that inter-ethnic relations play a significant part in national and international politics. These relations may be peaceful, but often they become conflict situations and processes and thus appear as difficult social problems. The White-Negro relationship has received the shape of a durable, almost hopeless, conflict. The relationship between the native American and the immigrant is generally peaceful, but the rise of an acute conflict situation on the basis of growing anti-Semitism is not out of the question. The relations just mentioned have been studied frequently and carefully. A substantial defect is, however, inherent in the majority of these studies: they are studies of concrete situations which seldom permit any generalizations, the discovery of a causal background or the formulation of a scientific, i.e., causally-functionally based, plan of social action. A necessary step toward the improvement of scientific research in this field is to proceed comparatively and to locate sociologically the relations which present actual or virtual problems.

The article focuses on the study of immigration and assimilation in the United States. The immigration to the U.S. has greatly reduced due to the immigration laws enacted in the 1920s. Assimilation has been analyzed with reference to the dissimilarity of foreign-born and second generation fertility patterns. The foreign-born population in the United States exhibits different fertility than the native Americans. Fertility has been chosen as the indicator of assimilation, because it is essentially a familial variable, and the family, is generally recognized to be a basic unit of society, one of the most stable social institutions, and less variable than material culture. Thus, if generational change toward the modal American fertility patterns were to be noted here, it would constitute an indicator of a more personally committed stance toward the host society than some of the more superficial indices of assimilation, such as dress, naturalization, or speech. The degree to which the second generation adopts the family values of the host society, when compared with the degree to which the family values of the foreign-born generation are retained, yields an indication of the amount of assimilation by the second generation.

Data obtained from a study of social mobility in the Brazilian city of São Paulo are used to show how far there exist differences in mobility rates as between emmigrant and Brazilian-born sections of the adult population. The Index of Association, based upon a comparison of filial with parental status, while revealing in significant difference in mobility rates as between those of purely Brazilian and those of mixed origin, seems, however, to conceal other significant differences. Among male adults in São Paulo, the proportion rising in social status greatly exceeds those who fall-a phenomenon made possible by changes in the socio- economic structure of the city. A distinction must thus be made between exchange mobility and structural mobility, and a possible means of calculating the latter is suggested. An estimate of the degree to which the overall rate of social mobility observed in the city is due to structural change is offered, while further analysis shows that immigrants and their children profited more than cure Brazilians by the opportunities offered by structural change. It is suggested hat the process of immigrant assimilation is marked by an initially high rate social mobility which decreases in subsequent generations as their dispersion through the status scale gradually approximates the dispersion of the native population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By September 1950, 155,500 Displaced Persons from Europe had been admitted to Australia, most of them under government contract for two years. Their adjustment to the country's economy has been good, for they are willing, industrious workmen, though not highly skilled and their absorption has as vet produced no disturbance. Because of accommodation shortage they mostly still live in camps with workers usually separated from their families, a situation which they accept provided they see the possibility of building or owning their own house eventually. For single people and childless couples this long-term plan appears to be perfectly feasible, but for the men with dependents it is very questionable and the future of the latter group does not at the moment seem a happy one. Despite the present camp life it is the official policy not to permit minority communities to form, but rather to press for speedy assimilation ot the D.P.'s as individuals, the main weapon for this purpose being language teaching. The learning of English is slower than had been hoped for and reflects the relative failure of social adjustment and acceptance, since few D.P.'s are making the necessary personal contact with Australians which would make them wish to enter further into the new culture. In the author's opinion this failure is due to the two groups being more distant from each other than either realizes, with the result that both are making inadequate efforts at mutual understanding. A brief description of Australian society is given to illustrate this point. Hostility is not marked. The displacement neurosis with which many D.P.'s have been afflicted as a result of their past sufferings does not show signs of disappearing under the present conditions, and Australian psychiatric practice seems at the moment inadequate either to assist in the removal of this burden or to ensure adequate diagnosis and treatment for non-English-speaking immigrants who become more seriously mentally ill. Government planning of the migration has so far seemed to be good on the economic side but lacking on the social side, and it is suggested that social assimilation requires more energetic measures and some sociologically trained staff to redirect the present efforts of voluntary bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on assimilation of foreigners in France. During the past fifty years, the country has become prominent in encouraging immigration. A host of problems has naturally attended this large immigration. Questions of quota, selection, sanitary and professional inspection, protection of the labor market, teaching, welfare and police supervision were among those which faced the French administration. Numerous new departments were created by the ministries concerned, those of Labor, Agriculture, the Interior, Foreign Affairs and more recently by the Department of Public Health, now known as the Ministry of Population. The drawback in having so many departments has been a lack of cohesion in the activity of the agencies involved, each of which acts independently, keeps within the narrow limits of administrative specialization, and thus finds itself unable to view the question as a whole. The article is based on first-hand inquiries carried out on the spot by sharing the life of immigrants and, more particularly, by working with them and living in their midst and study of statistics concerning the alien population in France.

The article discusses some observations on the linguistic assimilation of immigrants and their descendants in Brazil. Language is the principal medium of civilizing influences, and the adoption by an immigrant family or its descendants of a local language as their main vehicle of communication, marks a decisive step towards their adaptation to a new social environment. The resistance to linguistic assimilation is weakest among Spaniards and Italians and pronounced among Germans and Japanese. The length and intensity of this resistance may be gauged by sub-dividing into generations those who speak these different alien tongues. Another comparative survey of mother-tongue survival, among immigrant settlers, is obtained by calculating the ratio of the number of those who continue to speak their native language for preference to the total number of immigrants in the country. It should be added that mother-tongue survival in immigrant communities, from one generation to the next, also depends largely on the state of education in the country where they choose to settle. An important cause of this phenomenon in Brazil is the dearth of local schools.

The article discusses the problems of cultural assimilation of roughly eight million immigrants of German cultural background in Western Germany. The problem started because of an agreement for transferring Germans from Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Austria. The former nationals of the German Reich mainly from east of the Oder-Neisse line, ethnic Germans from Czechoslovakia and the 'Swabians' from south-east Europe--represent about 95% of the German refugee population in Western Germany. In spite of the diversity of their cultural and social background, their occupational structure and their historical traditions, in their relationships with the indigenous population they are one solid group. A feeling of solidarity between immigrants belonging to different nations were seen in the refugee camps. The causes for this were their destitution, the unfavorable housing conditions, less employment opportunities and unwelcoming behavior by the natives. The refugee feels that he is treated by the new community as a second class citizen and the hope to return to their homeland makes him resist the cultural assimilation in the new place.

The article presents information on cultural assimilation of immigrants. Analysis of certain migratory movements serves to set off a problem of immigrant assimilation. At the very first, this problem is concerned with the emigrant country itself, which loses every year a certain fraction of its inhabitants. This problem is of equal interest to the receiving country, although for quite different reasons. The arrival of immigrants can be an unmixed blessing. Complete assimilation is harder to obtain in the case of adult immigrants, especially those who had wives and children before settling in the new country. The native population is usually a passive factor in the process of assimilation, contacts with newcomers being very restricted when the latter are few in number. Factors favorable to the sort of assimilation desired are a kind welcome by the native inhabitants, especially by their new fellow-workers, equality of rights in the matter of wages and trade-union membership, facilities for joining sporting and intellectual associations, rapid acquisition of full rights of citizenship and naturalization without waste of time and money, tuition in the language of the adopted country, newspaper articles and cheap publications generally.

The article analyses the activities of the British trade unions on behalf of emigration between 1850 and 1890 and the effects of those activities. The first section of the article is concerned with the general economic ideas of the unions about emigration and the reasons for the emigration policy. In the second section the difficulties the unions faced when they attempted to implement emigration in times of depression and unrest as a "safety valve" has been discussed. It also describes the permanent emigration rules of various unions and the effects of their operation. The emigration policy of trade unions in the mining, textile and iron and steel industries are treated in more detail than that of other Unions for two reasons. These industries were the very bone and sinew of the British industrial supremacy during the last half of the nineteenth century. It was in these industries that the threat of the danger of foreign competition was most often used by employers, and that trade unions considered most seriously the repercussions upon home industry of the emigration of skilled workmen.

The article focuses on European migration potential and prospects. Migration potential may be defined as that volume of migration, which might be expected if existing obstacles to migration were removed. The difference between potential and actual migration gives an idea of the effect of the obstacles. A number of additional factors have to be taken into account if one considers future migration potentials. Political, social, economic and demographic changes in countries of emigration and immigration are bound to affect the migration potential of the population concerned. Restrictions upon the free mobility of would-be migrants imposed both by sending and receiving countries are perhaps the most important obstacles. But even when migration between most of Europe and the new continents was virtually free, as it was during the hundred years between the Napoleonic War and the First World War, the margin between actual and potential migration was always wide. Even when there were no restrictions, the volume of actual migration was checked by a great variety of more or less easily removable factors such as ignorance of opportunities abroad, shortage of shipping, or costs of transport.

The article reports on computational complexities in psychological prediction. Modern regression theory provides such versatile and powerful methods of multivariate prediction and discrimination that there may seem to be little point in inquiring into radically different approaches to these problems. The most mundane of these considerations relates to the computational difficulties involved in obtaining multivariate regression or discriminating functions from the data of the criterion sample. In spite of the advent of the digital computer, computational complexities are still an obstacle to the average psychologist-user of these methods. The most serious of several limitations of conventional multivariate prediction methods is their assumption of homoscedasticity. Since various regions of the predictor space will often differ widely in predictive validity, an optimum method would allow the psychometrist to estimate the confidence associated with each individual prediction and would maximize validity for valid regions of the predictor space rather than overall average validity.

This article discusses the convergent and discriminant validation of ipsative ratings from three projective instruments. Previous studies have been criticized on the following points: Adequate criteria have not been made available against which to validate clinical judgments; The sample of subjects has often been too homogeneous as to pathology, thus making discrimination more difficult; The sample of clinical personnel has been too heterogeneous in respect to theoretical approaches to the understanding of personality functioning, thus making convergence of judgments more difficult; And the richness of projective protocols has had to be expressed in the form of numbers that do not allow for the assessment of the relative strengths of traits within the frames work of a single individual.

The article focuses on Wechaler Intelligence Scale for (WISC) children, which has received increasing acceptance for evaluating the general intelligence level of children. Psychologists in state schools for the mentally defective, in particular, have looked upon the scale as showing promise as a useful instrument for evaluation and diagnosis. Indices of item difficulty and item discrimination have been presented for the items comprising the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for children as obtained from a group of 366 suspected mental defectives. While item difficulties are roughly in the same rank orders as those obtained with the standardization sample, they are not distributed normally and there appear to be relatively few items of a moderate level of difficulty. Until the time such a scale is developed, it would seem fruitful to continue application of the WISC as presently constituted.

The purpose of this article is to point out that, at least at the top levels of subtest achievement, the Wechsler-Bellevue system of weighted scores distorts the picture of intertest variability. On only seven of the subtests is it possible to achieve the maximum weighted score of 18. Of the remaining four, two stop at 17 weighted points, one at 16, and one at 15. Verbal group suffers very little from this discrimination. If the vocabulary were used instead of the Digit Span, a substitution which the scale permits, an unusually bright subject could score 18 weighted points on each subtest. By doing equally well on all items in this group-that is, attain the maximum raw score possible on each his efforts would be truly reflected by the corresponding weighted credits he would earn.

Understanding of the Afrikaners' present behaviour and attitudes is perhaps facilitated by viewing them as an emergent minority. They have enjoyed political supremacy for so long that this is difficult at first. However, the required alteration in focus has merits simply as an exercise in objectivity, and may also serve to illustrate the unpleasant truth that the worst effects of discrimination are often on personalities of its victims. Few care to recognize the extent to which minority status can be morally disabling. The Afrikaners' experience includes military defeat and occupation, a long history of discrimination of many kinds and at least two determined attempts to suppress their language. It should perhaps be emphasized that since minority status is relative, Boers under British rule were no less a minority than the still lower status Africans. Minorities come into being because territory, political authority, people, and culture only rarely coincide. At various times and in different areas Afrikaners have been subject to a wide variety of governments, both their own and other peoples.

In this study some of the determinants of black assimilation into large United States cities are examined. Assimilation is treated as a multidimensional phenomenon, the various dimensions of which are attributes of organized populations. 4 structural model is developed and analyzed, using the technique of path analysis, in which other attributes of urban social structures are related to the various dimensions of assimilation. Analysis suggests that the dimensions of assimilation are causally interrelated, with educational assimilation a major determinant of income assimilation, both directly and indirectly through its effects upon occupational assimilation. However, other attributes of organized urban populations also make important direct and indirect contributions to assimilation. Of special importance is percent of the city's population that is black and the rate of black population growth. Surprisingly, ghettoization is not very important causally when compared with other variables in the system, a significant negative finding in view of current emphasis upon this factor. This analysis suggests that greater attention be paid to organizational dimensions of urban populations as a means of specifying the processes underlying the assimilation of blacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An examination of the cultural conditions under which high illegitimacy rates occur suggests possible modifications in theories of assimilation, the destruction of social and cultural systems, and the relations between social and cultural integration. The relatively high rates in Northwestern Europe are explained as a genuine rural sub-culture, but the high rates in industrializing sub-Saharan Africa and the New World south of the Mason-Dixon line are seen as arising from the destruction of both the social and the cultural systems of a group undergoing acculturation. Contrasts and similarities among the U.S. South, the Caribbean, Africa, and the Latin-American mainland are outlined. New World Indians and slaves are viewed as having been neither culturally nor socially integrated in their communities, or into the national life. Three deductions from the analysis suggest (1) a theory of phases, according to which rural rates in the New World should generally be higher than the urban; (2) a correlation between low national rates and the degree of national cultural and social integration; and (3) the existence of genuine communities in which there is internal cultural and social integration, and thus low illegitimacy rates. Data are presented to verify these deductions from the broader theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the relationship between sociological theory and race relations. The sociological theories of the founders of American sociology as an academic discipline were only implicitly related to the concrete problems of race relations. Their theories concerning race relations were derived from European scholars who were concerned with the universal phenomenon of race contact. Sociological theories relating to the concrete problems of race relations in the U.S. were implicit in the sociological analysis of the Negro problem as a social problem. The analysis of the Negro problem was based upon several fairly clear assumptions, that the Negro is an inferior race because of either biological or social heredity or both, that the Negro because of his physical character cannot be assimilated and that physical amalgamation is bad and undesirable. The sociological theories implicit in the studies of the Negro problem were developed during the period when the nation held that the attempt to make the Negro a citizen was a mistake and a new accommodation of the races was being achieved in the South under a system of segregation.

The article focuses on the impact of war on minority groups. Immigrant groups constitute but one of many specific forms of minority groups. Minorities include religious groups, racial groups, economic or political groups. Immigrants and their descendants are not necessarily minority peoples. Susceptibility to enemy propaganda is closely related to the degree of social distance between the majority and specific minority groups. Given a specific degree of assimilation, the effect of the war on various minority groups will depend upon the present relation with the immigrant's home country, as well as the present conditions prevailing there. The speed of assimilation, as pointed out above, which determines the effect of the war or foreign events generally on a minority group, depends upon a variety of factors. Foremost among these are the cultural similarity to American culture, the occupational distribution and the educational level of the group at the time of immigration, as well as the economic situation in the country of emigration prior to departure.

This article summarizes the results of several studies bearing upon the quality of migrants with reference to intelligence. It deals therefore with the problem of selective migration, the problem of whether those who migrate from any given area at any given time are superior intellectually to those who stay behind. Report form a study concluded that the superior individuals, who are dolichocephalism, migrated to the cities, whereas the relatively inferior brachycephals stayed on the land. The anthropometrics linkage, which has been postulated, has pretty well been discarded, but not so the theory of selective migration, to which appeal is frequently made in order to explain observed differences in population quality. In general it appeared as if the urban districts rate is higher in intelligence than rural districts and that this is due to the migration of superior intelligence to the cities. Hirsch regards selective migration as responsible, at least in part, for the low general intelligence of the eastern Kentucky mountaineers. Peterson and Lanier found that whereas twelve year-old Negro boys are definitely inferior to White boys in Nashville, in New York City there is little or no difference between the two races. They explain this fact by the selective migration of the most intelligent Negroes from the South to the North.

This article is concerned with the effects of social change on the role relationships and adjustment of Chinese Americans. The influences of cultural and social assimilation have undermined the commitment of Chinese youths to traditional cultural norms, and social disequilibrium can be seen within the family as well as outside the home. The changing sex role of females has affected their relationships with their parents and the opposite sex. Chinese vary in the extent to which they have become progressively removed from their parental culture, and the social distances between Chinese with different life styles have segregated them into a variety of disparate groups. Some of the changes in the psychological and social characteristics of the Chinese are examined from empirical studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing cross sectional return migration data for a specific depressed rural area is one method of evaluating the efficiency of the migration process. The employment experience of those who did not remain in the industrial area may give information about the least successful migrants. The primary hypothesis for return migration was the ability of the migrant to obtain only marginal employment in the industrial area. The data of this study appear to support this hypothesis. Measures to improve the assimilation process into industrial society of this group of return migrants would also be expected to facilitate the migration process for the pool of future entrants into the industrial society from rural depressed areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the application of the concept of ethnocentrism to the people of Romónum Island in Truk. The people's frequent low evaluation of themselves and high regard for U.S. citizens indicate that the concept of ethnocentrism needs to be revised. Possible explanations for this attitude are examined, including assertions that the Trukese are given both to flattery and self-effacement and that their culture is in the process of collapsing and they are moving toward assimilation. The members of the society are said to recognize basic and pervasive cultural differences between themselves and the members of different societies.

A discrimination task was used to induce the acquisition of conservation of number. The task required the Ss to use the fact that a set which was shown to be equal in number to a standard set, but which had since been rear-ranged, could be used to select other sets which would match the standard in number. The sets from which the selection had to be made varied in both number and arrangement. 8 out of 12 experimental Ss attained conservation, compared with 1 out 12 controls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to study the assimilation of strangers into an established group, under controlled field conditions and also illustrates the uses and limitations of social survey techniques in studying changes in a fairly small group. It describes briefly the research design of the Berinsfield Social Survey in England, and then discusses the results. The researchers planned to compare social changes in an experimental and a control group, when rehousing took place. Assimilation has been defined and studied in three ways. The first section defines assimilation as the extent to which the strangers' presence is resented by the locals, and vice versa. In the second and third sections, assimilation is considered to be the extent to which differences between locals' and strangers' responses were disappearing. In the fourth section, brief use is made of sociometry and assimilation is defined as the extent to which locals and strangers are distinguishable groups in the sociograms of friendship choices.

The article attempts to analyze some features of the growth, recruitment and assimilation of the population during the thirty year period when Corby in Northamptonshire, England has changed from a village of 1,500 people to a New Town of well over 34,000 inhabitants. The features discussed include at top, the population growth. According to the 1931 Census, the population of Corby was 1,596. The war years brought a slight decline, but since 1945 growth has continued at an increasing rate, particularly since its designation as a New Town in 1950. During both the prewar and postwar periods immigration has made a more significant contribution than natural increase to the total population growth. Corby today consists of several large housing estates which have been added to the village nucleus since 1934 by successive developers -the steel firm, the Urban District Council and Development Corporation. The age of development, the pattern of mi- migration, together with differences in layout and structure, have resulted in four highly distinctive units or physical sub-regions. Thus the various quarters possess populations of different origin, age structure and proportion employed in the steelworks.

The article focuses on the processes of adjustment and assimilation as they were exhibited by a group of Estonian Displaced Persons (DP) in the English city of Leicester. In June, 1953, there were 3,504 Estonians registered with the police of Great Britain as aliens. In addition to this number there were a further 360 who had acquired British Citizenship by naturalization since 1945, and a probably smaller number of women who had become British subjects by marriage. In Leicester itself the Estonians formed about 2.5 % of the foreign-born population, the largest national group being the Poles. About 3 % of Leicester's population was foreign-born, roughly the same percentage as in Great Britain as a whole, although the Estonians were considerably over-represented. The concept of assimilation is one of the most ambiguous in social science. In its widest connotation it means taking part in the life of the community. More frequently it is used to refer to the process through which all distinction between an immigrant group, or individual immigrant, and the receiving community is lost. This article has attempted to show that certain traits of DP life in contemporary England, such as the preoccupation with the past and the formation of closed national groups, are not, as at first appears, wholly dysfunctional from the point of view of adjustment.

Census data for Melbourne, Australia, in 1954 and 1961 are used to examine differences in the degree of residential concentration among the eight largest foreign-born groups and to assess how far, if at all, these differences reflect systematic differences in group assimilation. The analysis of two additional indicators of assimilation-the degree of occupational concentration and the extent of ethnic inmarriage-shows that even after the effect of differences in length of residence has been eliminated moderate to strong associations remain between residential concentration, occupational concentration, and inmarriage. A fourth indicator of assimilation-naturalization rates-fails to confirm these earlier findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study in attempting to measure the relationship between racial attitudes and overt behavior asked Ss to pose for a photograph with a Negro of the opposite sex. Discrepancies between verbal attitudes and subsequent overt behavior involving those attitudes was found in 59 percent of the cases. The relationship between attitude (prejudice) and behavior (discrimination) is seen to be a function of the level of social involvement with the attitude object as well as the amount of prior experience with it. One implication of the study is that statements or predictions of racial behavior based on attitude measurements have little relibility unless first validated empirically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the 1960 Census Tract data for Philadelphia, we examine the degree of residential congregation and segregation of the six principal "national origin" groups in the city, relating the patterns of congregation and segregation in turn to a variety of socioeconomic characteristics of the tracts. The intercorrelation matrix of these national origin groups forms a Guttman simplex with several interesting "inversions" that, in turn, predict "inversions" on selected socioeconomic characteristics of the tracts. In a technical appendix, we consider the relative merits of the Duncan index of dissimilarity and our use of phi correlation coefficients for the purposes of our particular problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides information on the background of the situation of Filipino-Americans in the U.S. as of October 1951. The last Asiatic group to migrate to the was the Filipino. Prior to 1920, there were not over 5,000 Filipinos in the U.S. at any one time, although during the previous decade they had begun to immigrate into Hawaii as contract laborers in the sugar and pineapple industries. After 1920, their movement from Hawaii to the mainland increased and was augmented by a stream of direct emigration from the Philippines. No restrictions were placed on such immigration and emigration as the Filipinos were nationals of the U.S., until 1935, and so not subject to any quota restrictions. The result of this relatively short-time migratory movement was that by 1930, there were some 45,200 Filipinos on the mainland of the U.S. This immigration was quite effectively cut off by the exigencies of an immigrant making a living during the depression. Then, when the Philippines were promised their independence in 1935, a formal quota of fifty was set up. This quota was in effect until 1945. Most Filipinos did not intend to stay permanently in the U.S. But because they have intended to return home, most Filipinos have sought acculturation but not assimilation.

One of the most significant bills on the agenda of the 81st U.S. Congress was H. R. 49. As introduced by Hawaii's Delegate Joseph R. Farrington, this bill had as its objective the admission of the Hawaiian Islands into the American Union as a state on an equal footing with the original states. It maybe recalled that the bill, as passed by the House, was referred to the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. After several months of deliberation, nine of the thirteen members of the Committee made public a 5000-word report. This majority report gives unequivocal testimony that the people of Hawaii are ready for statehood and recommends that the Senate approve the bill as amended by the Committee. At the same time, Senator Hugh Butler issued a one-man report in which he expressed his fear that the granting of statehood to Hawaii would create a grave danger to the national security. The other three members voiced no opinion. Like all the U.S. states, Hawaii has characteristic features of its own. These features are the natural results of a pattern of cultural and racial fusion which has been in operation in the U.S. since Colonial days. Its characteristic features may appear rather exotic, but to take them as symbolic of the predominance of alien traditions is to underrate the power of assimilation of U.S. democracy.

The article focuses on changing standard of living due to acculturation. It is evident that the standard and the content of living common to a group of people can be ascertained best through the observation of the concrete behavior of people in a community. Through informal conversation, specific aspirations and social motivations of people can be determined, through careful analysis of their consumption patterns, in terms, not only of the incomes, but also of the wider context of social institutions, an explicit manifestation of a people's standard can be shown; and finally, though a detailed study of life-histories of individuals in the community, a set of factors and forces that brings about an orderly change in the standard of living can be measured. In this article the author studies one hundred families on a Hawaiian sugar plantation, the effort was made to measure their standards and scales of living and to show how they interact to produce and maintain a new scheme of living.

The article focuses on South U.S. immigrants in Brazil. The whole story begins a little before the civil war when the South became interested in the tropical countries of Central and South America. In fact, many Southerners thought that the American pioneering expansion should not turn itself exclusively to the west but should also project itself southward. It is common to think of a migration as a kind of jump. People start moving all of a sudden and do not have any clear idea about why they move and where they go. This is not true, at least, as far as the Southern migration to Brazil is concerned. These idealistic motives were even stronger in the elite who planned and led the movement, who got in touch with many Central and South American governments, and propagated their ideas. This elite group was composed of doctors, ministers, army and navy officers, planters, etc. They congregated in societies which financed inspection trips in the South American countries. Brazil was chosen among them because of the cultural traits it possessed in common with the Old South.