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(1974). Toilet Tissue, Textbooks, Term Papers, and Trees. The Journal of Environmental Education: Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 24-26.

Letter concerning the services of a member of the State Board of Education for the San Pete teachers' institute meetings.

Letter concerning a position in horticulture and botany at Utah Agricultural College, copies given to J. C. Blair, J. L. Snyder, and L. H. Bailey.

THE recent British White Paper on post-war education in England leaves little doubt that Britain looks to a new era of education. The work has already begun. The British soldier of today will be the key citizen of tomorrow. Cognizant of this fact, the British War Office has established a far-reaching program of education for citizenship among England's troops. It is being carried out by the Army Educational Corps. This article is the story of their work. Mr. Bickersteth, educated at Christ Church, Oxford, and the Unizrsity of Paris, is Director of Army Education in the British War Office. He is on leave as Warden of Hart House, University of Toronto.

A RECENT bibliography' on internal migration in the United States during the period 1940-1957 lists 29 references on selectivity of internal migration. A few of these sources deal with educational selectivity of internal migration and thus provide us with base lines and hypotheses for further study. However, none of them deals specifically with education selectivity of migration to and from the southern region of the United States, the specific focus of this paper. Not included in the bibliography referred to is a paper by Elmer H. Johnson2 which does deal specifically with the subject matter area of this paper. Although Johnson's paper is primarily a methodological one, it does show that during the period 1935-1940, internal migration tended to improve the educational quality of its male population aged 25-34 years in the period 1935-1940. Johnson's analysis showed further that internal migration had reduced the educational quality of the corresponding age-sex group in other large major regions of the United States: Northeast, North, Central, and West. The focus of this paper is on net migration during the decade 1940-1950 among people 15 years or more of age in 1940 (25 or more years of age in 1950) by region, residence, age, sex, color, and educational level. The basic data are taken from the United States Census of Population, 1940-1950. The method of analysis is the now familiar residual or survival rate method. The strengths and weaknesses of this method have been discussed by a number of demographers.3 We shall not take the time and space here, therefore, to discuss the application of the method in this particular study. We shall simply assume that the application of the method in this case takes us closer to the truth regarding educational selectivity than we would be without using it at all. Sociologists are continually faced with the necessity of using either imperfect instruments or none at all. One of the strongest reasons for having confidence in the use of the method lies in the relatively smooth curves of net migration by age and education which are obtained by using census survival rates as compared with using life table rates and vital statistics methods which do not have the advantage of built in factors for correcting faulty reporting of age, and in the case of this study, faulty reporting of educational attainment. In any case, for better or worse, we have applied the census survival rates to the populations of the various regions and have obtained estimates of migration by residence, age, sex, color and educational level. There are 1,728 primary cells in the tables showing the results of the analysis; and, if all possible total and subtotal cells are counted, there are 9,450 cells. Obviously, the problem of presenting the results of the analysis in compact and understandable form is a

1 HE FINDINGS of two recent studies of the political South, Southern Politics in State and Nation by V. 0. Key, Jr. and A Two-Party South? by Alexander Heard,1 prompted the investigation which this paper reports. Both studies, in broad lines, submit the following propositions (using Key's words): that (1) "the politics of the South revolves around the position of the Negro;" (2) "the hard core of the political South-and the backbone of southern political unity-is made up of those counties and sections of the southern states in which Negroes constitute a substantial proportion of the population;" and (3) "it is the whites of the black-belts who have the deepest and most immediate concern about the maintenance of white supremacy."2 These understandings form the backdrop for this inquiry into the voting behavior in 1948 and 1952 of four southern states, the Dixiecratic states. These states-Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Alabama-besides being the only states to cast electoral votes for Thurmond and Wright in 1948,3 also lead all others in the proportion of total population which is Negro.4 Both the Key and Heard studies are concerned with the hypothesis: the intensity of southern feeling on the position of the Negro varies proportionately with the concentration of Negroes-in areas of high concentration concern over Negro-white relations is greatest, in areas of low concentration concern is least; and, in areas with large colored populations this leads to a subordination of all other issues to the race issue. This paper reports correlations, relating to the above hypothesis and arrived at through simple statistical methods, between voting behavior in the Dixiecratic states in 1948 and 1952 and the Negro-white ratio of the election units. It also seeks to assess the prospects for development of two-party politics in these states.

This paper is based on a study of American newspaper readability in metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas. The results indicated that there was a significant difference between front page readability level of metropolitan and non-metropolitan newspapers. There was a significant difference in readability level between metropolitan and non-metropolitan newspaper articles. With the exception of the local news, the non-metropolitan means were higher for each of these classifications. There was no significant difference between metropolitan and non-metro-politan Associated Press articles. However, there was a significant difference between United Press International metropolitan and non-metropolitan articles. United Press International articles in non-metropolitan papers were more difficult to read.

It is a time-worn cliché that music is an important constituent element of African culture closely associated and integrated with the daily living of the African—a cliché that would not merit repetition here were it not for the fact that this statement has rarely been applied to political activities in African societies. Ethnographers and ethnomusicologists have reported the music and the music making of various tribes in relation to religion, the “rites de passage,” agriculture, work, and social life, but the use of music as an agent of political expression has received scant attention. In a pioneer study of African music von Hornbostel wrote: “In the life of so-called primitive man, and especially of the African Negroes, music and dance have quite different and incomparably greater significance than with us. … Music is neither reproduction (of a ‘piece of music’ as an existing object) nor production (of a new object), it is the life of a living spirit working within those who dance and sing” (Hornbostel 1928: 32). The spirit animating all Africans today is one of independence from colonialism, freedom, and nationalism. In a paper pregnant with ideas and suggestions for new approaches in the study of African music, William Bascom has written: “It is my belief that we would better understand change in political beliefs if we knew more about the way in which music, the dance, or any other forms of traditional behavior develop, and of how they are modified by the outside influences with which they are brought in contact.” (Bascom 1959: 7) It is the purpose of this paper to examine and assess the function and role of African music in contemporary political movements with special attention to the repertory of songs.

MOUNTING EVIDENCE that Mexico is "thinking things out rather than fighting them out" was underlined not long ago by a foreign correspondent summarizing the I943 summer elections as a moderate victory for the right in Mexican politics.' The increase in "democratic thinking and tolerance on the part of the Mexican public," the commentary ran, has brought to the government "the stability that comes with democratic consideration of public questions." If this is so, the current measuring and publishing of public opinion by the press in our nearest southern neighbor has made its appearance at the most opportune time in the history of Mexican political thought. A regularly-recurring poll, the first candid and realistic attempt originating within the country to measure public opinion, is being sponsored by the weekly newsmagazine, Tiempo. Results of the surveys have appeared an average of once every five to six weeks since the establishment of the revista in 1942. Statistically or from the standpoint of technique, the poll cannot compare with the Gallups or the Ropers of North America. But the survey is important because it acknowledges the need for opinion analysis in one more democratic country, because it is the initial step in its field in Mexico, and because it is apparently unbiased-a rara avis on the Mexican, Central, or South American political scene. Polls, or what have passed for polls, have not been unknown in some Mexican newspapers in the past, but they seldom have been more than journalistic stunts or editorial promotional copy. Such an example appeared in El Sol, Monterrey daily, in the June 24, I943, issue. An eight-column headline announced vaguely that in the opinion of "merchants, laborers, legislators, and others," national production was insufficient to cover consumption. The article, however, merely quoted a few wellknown citizens, discussed the problem, and concluded with the views of the writer. The editor of the paper, Rodolfo Junco de la Vega, admitted in an interview that polls in his paper are planned to support-respaldar, as he put it-parallel editorial campaigns. At the time El Sol was deploring the increasing food prices. "We always use questions," Sefnor Junco explained, "on which we are pretty sure of the answers, problems on which we know the public is with us." Reporters on regular beats are told to gather opinions from informed people whose names are widely-known. "Our readers would not believe in the validity of a poll that included just anybody and everybody; the common man has never had much to say in Mexico, but if we quote reputable men, why, their opinions carry weight," the editor declared. Such an approach is entirely sincere and typical in a country where millions of people have been generally impotent

PROCESSES OF RECRUITM ENT IN THE SIT-IN MOVEMENT* B Y MAURICE P I NAR D, J EROME KIRK, AN D DONALD VON ESCHEN On tthe basis of data collected by questionnaire among paruc1pants in a freedom ride on U. S. Route 40 in 1961, the role of strains in the growth of an incipient social movement is analyzed. Although strains are positively re- lated to intense participation in the activities of the movement, the data indi- cate that the most deprived are strongly underrepresented in its ranks. This is explained by the fact that incipient movements do not attract people who are living under long-endured privations, unless they are moved at the same time by a radical ideology and rebellious alienation. T he authors argue that access to ideological beliefs is differentially distributed throughout the social struc- ture, with important consequences for early recruitment to movements de- signed to bring about social change. Maurice Pinard is Associate Professor of Sociology at McGill University; J erome Kirk is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of California at Irvine; and Donald von Eschen is Assistant Professor of Sociology at McGill. T H E PURPOSE of this paper is to examine the role of strain in the growth of social movemen ts. Though it is generally taken for granted that behind any episode of collective be- havior lie some form of strains, little is known about the processes through which these strains affect the recruitment of people into a social movement. STRAINS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT PARTICIPATI O N Since the argument of this paper contains some paradoxes, let us present it briefly at the beginning. Our central argumen t is that contrary to frequen t assumptions, one should not necessarily expect a monotonically positive relationship between strains 1 and the various • We are grateful to the organizers of the Route 40 Freedom Ride, and in particular to James Farmer, former president of CORE, who allowed us to change our role from that of participants to that of systematic observers. We are also in- debted to Raymond Breton, James Coleman, Robert Peabody, and Arthur Stinch- combe for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper, although, since they disagreed with some of our arguments, they cannot be held responsible for its contents. l The concept of strain is borrowed from Smelser, who devotes a full chapter to its elaboration in his Theory of Collective Behavior, New York, Free Press, 1963, ch. 3. We use this concept as the most satisfactory generic term to refer to any impairment in people's life conditions. Though in Smelser's typology, the concept of deprivation refers to only one subtype of strains-in particular the loss of

This paper is an imaginative and enlightening survey of the opinions of about 700 students in the English classes at Mandalay and Rangoon Universities. What this "projective" experiment lacks in scientific precision, it seems to make up for in perceptive observations and conclusions about how Burmese students think and express themselves and, more especially, their views on education, careers, service to others, and personal pleasures. Julian Wohl is Chairman of the Department of Psychology, University of Toledo, and Josef Silverstein is Associate Professor of Political Science at Rutgers University. The data for this paper were collected while the authors were Fulbright lecturers at two universities in Burma in 1961-1962.

In this paper the author reports the results of a carefully planned and extensive public opinion survey designed to ascertain probable reactions of Turkish couples to a government program of family planning. Also, the survey undertook to weigh the possible usefulness of the mass media and the political and spiritual leaders in the villages in winning support for the program, particularly among the villagers. The value of a public opinion survey in implementing public policy in this situation is clearly underscored. J. Mayone Stycos is Professor of Sociology and Director of the International Population Program at Cornell University. This is a revision of a paper read at the 1964 meetings of the Population Association of America. S A RESULT of heavy losses of population earlier in the century and the fear of the military might of her neighbors, /4 ~Turkey, a nation of 28 million people, has followed a pronatalist policy for several decades. In the past few years, however, there has been increasing concern over growth rates, which approximate 3 per cent per year, and as a result a national program of family planning is now under consideration. Before such plans can be accomplished, a law especially prohibiting birth control propaganda must be rescinded. Turkish leaders, on the recommendation of a commission from the Population Council, decided to undertake a national fertility survey that would both reveal public opinion about birth control and suggest directions for the program. It was expected that rural attitudes would be more conservative than urban, and male more conservative than female. Yet Turkey is a country where villages represent almost two-thirds of the population, and where male authority in family matters is unquestioned. Consequently, it was felt that the study should be designed in such a way that the residence and sex hypotheses could be tested adequately, while providing leads for reaching the rural male should such hypotheses be confirmed. Accordingly, the survey design had the following features: 1. Both husband and wife would be interviewed in sampled house^ holds containing a couple with the wife between the ages of twenty and

T HE FOLLOWING TERMS common in oral use among men and women who practice on paper targets with the handgun were collected over a period of three years in and out of target clubs in Massachusetts and southern New Hampshire. Only terms actually heard are listed and then only if they are not to be found in Mathews,' Craigie,2 Berrey and Van den Bark,3 Wentworth,4 Partridge,5 or Weingarten.' Care has been taken to exclude the terminology of the machinist, which can be confused with shooting jargon related to handloading and accurizing. Terms like blue pill and limb wvork arose in the machine shop; they are now quite at home as handgunner language but with altered meaning. It is inevitable also that colloquialisms of the handgunner overlap with those of the rifleman. In this paper where a rifleman's term like bull pup appears, special note is taken of its peculiar application in the handgun field. The list contains a number of stereotyped epithets like alley cleaner, chopper, and clunker. Their frequency in oral usage is somewhat greater than might at first be imagined. Pistol and handgun are rarely heard among target shooters, the usual neutral term for the weapon being often a maker's name like Smith and Wesson, Colt, or Ruger. Again, a caliber designation is frequent-'my .38'; 'a Government .45'; 'an old .44.' But such epithets as clunker appear with persistence in conversation and comment that center about a favorite weapon, in particular one that has won matches or prizes at turkey and charity shoots. With the exception of an occasional term among these stereotyped epithets, there are few words in the colloquial vocabulary of the handgunner that are heard on television or used in Hollywood productions. The exclusiveness of serious target handgunners and the surprising vitality of handgun targeting seem to have generated a fairly self-sufficient vocabu

Individuals, because of variations in age, sex, education, personality characteristics, social roles, and statuses, may have different attitudes toward a particular person, group, or social event. Individual differences in attitudes may also result when similar variations exist among the objects of attitudes-that is, one person may hold different attitudes toward the young as compared to the old, to those of high as compared to low status, and so on. Indeed, systematic examination might reveal that certain configurations of personal and social characteristics of those holding attitudes and of the objects of these attitudes will lead to extremes in attitudes. In industrial societies, where occupational roles are basic determinants of social class and identity, the occupational roles of both natives and immigrants can be expected to contribute to variations in the attitudes natives hold toward immigrants. In a previous paper we reported that Canadians employed in higher-prestige occupations held more favorable attitudes toward immigrants than did Canadians employed in lower-prestige occupations.' In this paper, using data from the same research, we describe variations in attitudes of native Canadians at different levels of occupational prestige toward immigrants at different levels of occupational prestige. Although the data reflect the attitudes of the residents of a relatively small community, they illustrate how a person's occupation

Under what conditions will attitudes be predictive of behavior? What types of behavior can be predicted from a knowledge of attitudinal structure? These problems have been central to the social sciences since the first attempts to measure attitudes. In this article we have a fresh approach to these issues in an original formulation of systematic theory about social action. The point of view is sociological rather than motivational and complements the psychological approach of most of the articles in this issue. Primary emphasis is given, however, to whether the affect or feeling base of the attitude derives from the verbal expression of the attitude or from various related acts. The author is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Uppsala, Sweden, and has just published Social Pressures, Attitudes and Democratic Processes. T ~ e HE PROBLEMS of measurement and prediction indicated in this paper provide an excellent paradigm for the analysis of the sociological and psychological factors which jointly determine the transmission of verbal messages and their transformation into various kinds of activity. In terms of transmission and transformation our interest in the field of social communication is restricted to critical properties of the transmitters and transformers located at the crossings and terminals of social communication networks. Given a certain structure of such a network, the transmitter and transformer properties which cause variations in the outcome of social communication processes may be identified as certain characteristics of the persons (or groups) occupying the positions as transmitters and transformers in the network. In the identification of such characteristics we have found it helpful to use the relationships between verbal attitudes and behavior as a paradigm. In the terminology of transmission and transformation a verbal attitude is a kind of verbal message stored in the central part of a combined transmitter-transformer and observed, * This paper is a final version of a draft read to the Stresa Conference, 1959. A more thorough presentation of theoretical arguments and empirical evidence related to the topic of the present paper will be found in the author's book, Social Pressures, Attitudes and Democratic Processes (Uppsala, Sweden, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1960).

rrHE LIST of Nebraska publications to be £ound in the State Historical 1 Society Library at Lincoln is a veritable mine for anyone interested in collecting names. There are ingenious names and flippant and ambitious names, but a majority of Nebraska newspapermen preferred stolids conservative headings. By far the m(}st popular title is News, e.g. the Alexandria News, Grafton News, Waterloo News, Cedar County News, Dannebrog News. I tallied 211 papers called by this name. Herald ran second and Times third. Republican was fourth, leading Democrat by only one. Other names which were selected by more than forty papers were Journal, Tribune, Enterprise, Gazette, Independent Press, Record, Leader Advocate, Sun, Sentinel, and Courier.l Credit goes to Civilian Conservation Corps camps of the middle thirties for amusing titles reflecting youthful exuberance: witness the Super Snooper, published by Camp 758 at Alma; Wild Cat Tails, of the Wildcat Camp in Banner County; Bugle Call Rag Camp e736, at Ponca; the Stcoop} Camp 2738, at Denton. Among the lighter names is Summer Breeze, started at Ashland in 1895.2 More invigorating, to judge from its title, would be the WIilford Ozone, established in 1884. Blair's The Knocker, a Journal for Cranks (lgo) should have been lively reading if it lived up to its title. Florence's Tattler (lgls) and Bloomington's Prickly Pear (1899) gave promise of stirring up a little excitement in their home townss as did the daily Snort which published a few issues in Brownville in 18S,9. Beatrice and Louisville had their Kickers, both established in the nineties and both short-lived. DeWitt, Friend, and Rosalie were buzzed at by Rip-Saws.3 Under humorous titles belong also the Falls City Bazoo, which published several issues in 189a, the Nebraska Razoo, appearing at Alma in 1893, and the Farnam Caprice (1889). The longest ar;d most detailed explanatory name is that of an advertising pamphlet put out in the 1890S by a Sheridan County dealer in Indian

In an earlier paper in this journal,* the author suggested that the processes of attitude change underlying mass communication impact are of two kinds: with low involvement to persuasive stimuli one might look for gradual shifts in perceptual structure, aided by repetition, activated by behavioral choice situations, and followed at some time by attitude change, while with high involvement one could look instead for the classic and familiar conflict of ideas at the level of conscious opinion and attitude that precedes changes in behavior. The present paper describes the development and application of a workable tool to measure this involvement, a necessary step if the study of communication impact along these lines is to proceed further. Dr. Krugman is Vice President of MARPLAN, a division of Communications Affiliates, Inc., New York City, and a member of the Editorial Board of the Quarterly.

A SK ANY literate American if he has ever heard of a Negro newspaper, and one out of ioo might nod his head and say, 'I've never seen one, but I suppose they have them.' One out of 900 more might be able to mention the Chicago Defender or the Pittsburgh Courier, two of the older and more widely circulated papers. Rare indeed are those people who are aware that there have been upward of 3,000 Negro newspapers published in 40 states and the District of Columbia since I827. Yes, 3,000 of them, of which 206 are operating today. One of the striking omissions in the accounts of American newspapers in past years has been the story of these Negro papers, a story that is just gradually being pieced together with any degree of fullness. The appellations the overseers have given their papers is a story in itself and one that is the subject of this article. These papers have been variously named and have not all, chameleon-like, taken on the surrounding hue. There are, to be sure, a number that bear the usual titles one expects of newspapers: Herald, Star, Ledger, News, Tribune, and the like; but many others have been given strikingly individual names. There is, for instance, the Oklahoma Black Dispatch, whose editor told the writer a few years ago that the name was chosen to 'dignify a slur.' In a former day, the expression black dispatch gossip had ignominious overtones; put a good newspaper under that expression, Roscoe Dunjee reasoned, and you raise the latter. So, the Black Dispatch came into being, a weekly at Oklahoma City. The Civil War left in its wake such Negro newspaper titles as Freeman; Free Man's Press; Union Republican; Black Republican; and perhaps one of the longest titles of any newspaper, North Carolina Republican and Civil Rights Advocate. Before 1900 Republican was the title of eight Negro papers in the Southern states.

The "brink of hope" for research in mass communications, according to this author, lies in a new orientation toward its study and some resulting generalizations which order many of the seemingly diverse and unrelated findings. This article contains a description of the new orientation, of the emerging generalizations, and of the findings which they may mold into a body of organized knowledge. Joseph T. Klapper is Mass Communication Consultant with General Electric. At the time this article was written, he was Research Associate at the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia University. T WENTY YEARS ago writers who undertook to discuss mass communication typically felt obliged to define that unfamiliar term. In the intervening years conjecture and research upon the topic, particularly in reference to the effects of mass communication, have burgeoned. The literature has reached that stage of profusion and disarray, characteristic of all burgeoning disciplines, at which researchers and research administrators speak wistfully of establishing centers where the cascading data might be sifted and stored. The field has grown to the point at which its practitioners are periodically asked by other researchers to attempt to assess the cascade, to determine whither we are tumbling, to atempt to assess, in short, "what we know about the effects of mass communication." The present paper is one attempt to partially answer that question. The author is well aware that the possibility of bringing any order to this field is regarded in some quarters with increasing pessimism. The paper will acknowledge and document this pessimism, but it will neither condone nor share it. It will rather propose that we have come at last to the brink of

How can the German press be made democratic after V-Day? Mere freedom and the refounding of democratic German papers, William Sollmann suggests, are not enough. The democratic papers must be transformed from their traditional dull doctrinairism so that they may win a large popular audience for democratic i(leas. Mr. Sollmann's recommendations are based on extensive political and journalistic experience in pre-Hitler Germany. Before coming to the United States, he served in the Reichstag for eight terms, edited the Rheinische Zeitung Cologne, a chain of Rhineland newspapers, and directed a large German news agency.

I TIS FREQUENTLY said that the only important differences between British and American English are those in pronunciation and vocabulary. The proportionate space given to these subjects in Professor Krapp's English Language in America may, it seems fair to assume, be taken as representative of the usual belief that other variations are relatively negligible: 256 pages are devoted to vocabulary and kindred topics, 251 to pronunciation, 22 to spelling, and 16 to 'inflection and syntax.' The arrangement of Mr. Mencken's American Language makes it impossible to state the proportions of his treatment so precisely, but in general it may be said that he too gives very little attention indeed to syntactical variations-at least on the level of cultivated speech. It perhaps should be added that a third, and far briefer, treatment of the subject, H. W. Horwill's 'American Variations' (S. P. E. Tract no. 45) does give much greater emphasis to 'difference in grammatical usage'-roughly five pages, as compared with sixteen on vocabulary-though this is partly explained, as the author himself points out, by the fact that an earlier tract, by Sir William Craigie, had dealt with the American vocabulary and (as the author does not indicate) another tract, by Professor Kurath, had discussed American pronunciation. The purpose of the present paper is to catalog some of the variations in syntax and idiom to which but little attention has been given. I shall not attempt to explore the entire field of 'grammatical usage,' since the rehearsal of morphological and inflectional variations would be far beyond the scope of a brief paper, but shall limit myself as far as possible to strictly syntactical differentiations and related variations in idiom. I have no idea that I shall treat exhaustively even this limited aspect of the subject; what I propose to do, rather, is confessedly tentative and suggestive only. As a means of bringing the subject within workable bounds I have based what I have to say largely on one summary of the grammar of present-day

D R. STOUFFER'S paper on "Some Observations on Study Design,"' published last year, is a most stimulating article. In that paper, he sets forth many thought provoking ideas for social scientists-among them "the model of the controlled experiment as an ideal to keep in the forefront of our minds, even when by necessity some cells are missing from our design." He proceeds to outline some of the problems that arise because our experiments in social psychology so frequently do not measure up to this ideal.

lar medium of information whose editors are using the language so freely and boldly as to suggest conscious experiment. A weekly newsmagazine, founded in 1923, it showed for about three years little trace of its now famous editorial, stylistic, and linguistic mannerisms. Then, during 1926, these features began to appear The popularity of the magazine increased as its mannerisms developed, until today it is beyond challenge one of the most widely read and quoted publications in the United States. Because of its popularity, any word which it introduces and uses consistently may be considered at least potentially a part of the language. For this reason, I discuss the vocabulary of Time and the efforts of its editors to achieve striking effects by the use of new words or combinations o£ words. I have chosen the years 1926-1928 inclusive as the years during which the editors were beginning to formulate their characteristic vocabulary, and the years 1934-1938 inclusive as the years in which that vocabulary reached its present stage of development. From these issues of the magazine I have selected a representative list of words to form the basis of this paper. My list pretends to no completeness; but it is sufficiently representative to make possible certain conclusions as to the effect which such experimenting with vocabulary may have on the English language. I do not claim to have discovered the first time that the word was used; to be sure, in some instances I think that I can name the approximate date, perhaps even the exact date, but these instances are rare. The distinctive words employed by Time fall into the following classifications: (1) esoteric words; (2) words, more or less obsolete, from English dialects; (3) slang or barbarisms; (+) blends; (5) compounds; and (6) words formed with prefixes and suffixes. Because of limitations of space, I cannot in the present paper consider all of these categories. I shall therefore confine myself to what are perhaps the most characteristic and significant groups: esoteric words, blends, and compounds. Heading the list of words in the first category are those which Time designates as 'courtesy titles' The two most frequently used 'courtesy titles' are tycoon and pundgt. Although both words were known in the language before Time gave them currency, their meanings were somewhat recondite. The word tycoon, according to the NED, was 'the title by which the shogun of Japan was described to foreigners,' and is derived from the

^ FTER an achievement such as the completion of A Dzctionary of 1E American Englash, it is inevitable that the field of American lexicography will appear to have contracted somewhat. Yet new material continues to accumulate; earlier examples and addenda come to light, and as the Editors of DAE indicate in their prefatory note to Volume IV in time a supplementary volume will become both desirable and necessary. The writer has occupied the scanty leisure of a British staff-officer during four years of war-time in collecting (with the continuous and kindly encouragement of one of the co-editors of DAE, Sir William Craigie) some two thousand notes on DAE, comprising earlier, later, and gap-filling examples, unrecorded Americanisms) earlier English examples of words considered to be of American origin, etc. It is hoped from these notes to indicate in this and other articles, with illustrative examples, some of the sources in which further material may be sought, and, in consequence, the classes of words likely to emerge in earlier examples. This may prove of interest as foreshadowing some of the paths along which DAE Supplement will be likely to move. For the colonial and revolutionary periods, American records have already been worked over with great care, as the Bibliography to DAE shows; British records still have a good deal to yield. The examples which follow have been culled from only three volumes, representing two classes of British recordsthe Calendar of State Papers, Colontal Serzes (America and West Indies), and the Reports of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts. The British Calendar of State Papers, Colonia1! Series, has not, of course, been neglected by the editors of DAE, and the Bibliography lists the series published 1860 to current as having been consulted. But other years have apparently been published since thecollection of material for DAE ceased, the volume here used being that for 1732 (Volume XXXIX). The British Historical Manuscripts Commission has since 1870 published 198 volumes of its Reports. These cover the manuscript treasures accumulated during the centuries in the muniment rooms of most of the noble and ancient families of Britain. The bulk of this material is otherwise unpublished} and it represents a vast quarry for the philologist as

We hear a great deal nowadays about the effect of American race relations on American standing in world affairs. Little heed is given to the reverse effect, i.e., the impact of world affairs on American race relations. Yet it is clear that the matter is more than one-sided and that the process is one of interaction. These notes set forth some questions that arose in the first phase of an inquiry into this subject at Little Rock. Of the impact of U. S. racism abroad, we now all know that every outbreak of race conflict in this country is carried large on the world's news circuits. Little Rock was certainly the most heavily reported U. S. story abroad in 1957, and it began when the echoes of the Till murder trial, Clinton, the Autherine Lucy case, and the Montgomery bus boycott had barely died away. Such events also get heavy coverage in the American press, but some news of American race affairs is even more fully reported abroad. One of my recent informants said: "Why I have sent my wife clippings from Hongkong papers about things she had never even seen in the papers here in Washington." We know this newly-enlarged intercontinental interest in American race relations exists for it beats down on us in great waves every time the issue arises in visible form, and nowadays hardly an American traveller anywhere in the world can fail to run into some of it. We know it is strong, for it obviously moves people to high feeling in many places, and for many different reasons-some obvious, some not so obvious. And this is about all we do know. No one, it seems, has yet sorted out either the facts or the reasons. We know that the Communists use the issue as a handy stick with which to beat the American beasts-the demonstrators who tore at the Nixons in Caracas came shouting "Little Rock! Little Rock!"--but this is mostly effect, not cause. The stick is there for them to use, so is a fair-sized herd of real American beasts, and so are the emotions ready to be exploited. They come spontaneously into play quite without Communist help in many places and often among people well beyond the reach of Communist manipulation.

This paper discusses the Chinese indoctrination methods for Prisoners of War.' In the wars of the last fifty to one hundred years, American soldiers who fell into enemy hands experienced a variety of physical and emotional hardships, but the Chinese have made the first major attempt to produce defectors and collaborators among American POWs and to indoctrinate them in an alien political ideology. We do not propose to consider the Chinese aims in conducting this enterprise, nor will we discuss in any detail how the indoctrination program affected our men. Instead, in this paper we will present a brief account of the specific experiences of the POWs from the time they were captured until the time they were repatriated.2 To some extent, it will be possible to present a chronological account. It should be pointed out, however, that most of the significant experiences were occurring contemporaneously. Therefore, we have chosen to organize them into some social psychological categories rather than simply to recount them as they occurred. The broad social psychological categories that we have chosen will suggest to the reader that the Chinese were using certain fairly well known principles of propaganda in conducting their indoctrination program. But it is important to recognize that we are not thereby implying that the Chinese have an explicit understanding of these principles, nor that they were using them with any deliberate intent. It may be that they have, through practical experience, obtained a methodology that fits into a set of principles that are meaningful to us but that may not be explicitly verbalized or theoretically understood by them.

The origins, diffusion, and effects of rumor described. This paper is a revised version of a have long been challenging problems for the paper presented to the Fifth Annual Confersocial scientist. The author here submits a ence of the American Association for Public progress report on a three-year study of rumor Opinion Research at Princeton, New Jersey, being conducted by the Washington Public in June, 1951. Opinion Laboratory. Several pretests, as well Stuart C. Dodd is Director of the Washingas the project's working hypotheses, are ton Public Opinion Laboratory.

HE PRESENT inquiry was undertaken in the belief that it might throw some light on a subject of linguistic investigation which has hitherto received little attention from students of the language, namely, on the kind and degree of interest which American newspapers and newspaper readers show in problems affecting the English language. For this purpose the files of three New York newspapers-the Times, the Herald-Tribune, and the World-Telegram-were examined for periods ranging from six months to one full year, for news items, special articles, editorials, and readers' letters on matters of language. It should, perhaps, be pointed out at once that these three newspapers represent an obvious selection as to the type of journalism subjected to this inquiry; an examination of a larger and more heterogeneous group of papers might yield somewhat different results in number and quality. Moreover, of the three newspapers mentioned, one, the New York Times, has consistently and over a period of many years shown a greater concern with problems of English usage than either of the other two. A fuller reader response to language matters is therefore to be expected from that newspaper. The writer believes, however, that the basic facts about the interest of American editors and readers in English language matters brought out by an examination of these three papers will prove equally true of a very much larger sampling of newspapers. The method followed in this investigation was simple: the editorial, magazine, and news pages of the newspapers were scrutinized-the former carefully, the latter two in more cursory fashion-for news items, articles, or expressions of opinion on the English language. Book reviews and miscellaneous literary notes containing comment on the English language were excepted, as were also incidental and occasional references to the English language in other articles. The items collected were then arranged under the following heads: vocabulary, etymology, pronunciation, spelling, semantics, grammatical usage, and miscellaneous. News items and special articles dealing with some phase of English were classified separately as falling into a somewhat different category from editorial comment and readers' opinion.'

This paper examines differences in level of educational attainment as reported for the same individuals in two questionnaires administered at approximately a three-year interval. The use of education as a research control variable and major indicator of socioeconomic status needs no amplification. Because of the importance of respondents' educational achievement in surveys and polls, this paper is presented as a contribution to the understanding and possible improvement of interview data reliability.

STUDY of any copy of Aufbau, the English-German newspaper for refugees1 published in New York, will reveal many striking aspects of interlingual influence. While Aufbau publishes articles in pure English side by side with articles in equally pure German, purity in either language is by no means characteristic. Except for such pure German matter as literary feuilletons and such pure English matter as a news release from a federal agency, to be able to read the paper one must actually possess a reading knowledge of both English and German, and the flexibility of a Montrealer in shifting instantly, sometimes in the very midst of a word, from one language to the other. While the English of Aufbau is on the whole excellent, one can occasionally find German influence, as might be expected. Thus, Muni, after a 'pause' of two years, makes a comeback, and a woman baker is called a 'bakeress.' Like the diction, the idiom is also sometimes Germanic. A certain young man, for example, 'is already sergeant,' and from a sports column this passage has been culled: '. . . not so much that they'll win themselves more games as that they'll lose themselves less.' Verb forms are likewise Germanic, e.g., '. . who since 1929 religiously pays six dollars a month,' and, 'Don't you come (Aren't you coming) to hear Harry?' Note also these uses of verbals: '. . . Corporation specialized in cigarette paper,' '. . . [certain refugee physicians allegedly] . . . grab good practices from leaving American doctors,' and '. . we will help building a new world.'

HE purpose of this paper is to present a representative discussion of the English influence, in the form of direct and indirect loans, on the spoken Spanish of southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. The second author, a bilingual native of the region and student assistant to the first author, is responsible for nearly all the words and expressions listed; much of the material came to her attention in the course of several years of teaching in the region. The introduction, the phonetic transcriptions, the general linguistic commentary, and the form of the paper are the work of the first author.