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This article deals with the pattern of changing functions of the rural community consequent on changes in agriculture. The first half of the paper is devoted to the definition of the problem under investigation, an outline of its precise scope and an indication of its limits. The article is concerned both with those social changes in the rural community that are the product of internally generated developments in agriculture and also those that result from the effect on agriculture of the influence of outside factors. The paper confines its analysis to European conditions and, more particularly, to the more-developed rural regions of Europe. Taking up the findings of the Limerick Rural Survey in Ireland, the article illustrates these consequences by reference to them. The first consequence is shown to consist mainly in a weakening of the rigid class system which formerly kept the farm laborer in subordination. Today, due to their shortage and the possibility of bettering their lot by emigration, the status of the farm laborers is being upgraded, to an extent that is having some unsettling effects on the farmer's family, on whom the burden of agricultural work is falling more heavily.

Research on communities often fails to meet two important criteria which permit valid generalizations from the findings. First, studies generally fail to apply the scientific comparative approach and the techniques of multivariate analysis in their design and execution. Second, theory fails to distinguish between properties of communities and properties which are properly classified in other systems. Sociologists who study communities do not share a precise definition of community, nor do they agree how observations about community phenomena are to be incorporated into sociological theory. The discussion that follows will be facilitated, however, if one can make reasonably clear the sense in which this paper deals with the sociological study of community. Community is viewed in this paper as a territorial system. The more comprehensive territorial definitions of community view it as a form of social or ecological organization arising from the fact that people share a common area for their daily activities.

The tendency for neighborhood patterns of association to localize the exchange of farm information on a person-to-person basis is demonstrated in this paper by the analysis of two types of interpersonal relationships. Conditions which help to explain this relationship are examined and evaluated, and the relationship of neighborhood residence to the evaluation of sources of farm information is considered. Although consideration of the relative influence of neighborhood and clique patterns of association is beyond the scope of this study, the data show that clique members are more likely to live outside neighborhoods than inside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tins Is the second of two papers dealing with the relationship between voluntary social participation and happiness. The earlier paper/ which like the present one was influenced by the work of Norman M. Bradburn and his associates on the 'happiness" project at National Opinion Research Center and by the theoretical writings of George C. Homans,2 examined the influence of voluntary social participation upon people's self-reports of happiness and explored the mechanisms through which this relationship was established. Analysis of data from a sample of 600 adults revealed that, as hypothesized, happiness was highly related to social participation? The greater the extent of participation, the greater the degree of happiness reported. This relationship was shown to emerge from the following: (a) positive feelings were directly correlated with social participation, (b) negative feelings were generally unrelated to social participation, and (e) the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feelings indices which Braclburn termed the Affect Balance Score 4--was a major determinant of happiness. That is, the greater the preponderance of positive over negative feelings, the greater the probability that an individual would report being "very happy." Conversely, the greater the preponderance of negative over positive feelings, the greater the likelihood of an individual's being Knot too happy." To explore the stability of these relationships, they were examined under several different control variables. For the most part, the original relationships were maintained within these various subgroups. Before proceeding to the main concerns of this report, it is useful to restate the hypotheses tested in the earlier paper and to explain the reasoning behind them. The first hypothesis—the higher the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the number of positive feelings —was derived from consideration of Homans' general proposition that individuals tend to repeat those activities that were found to be rewarding in the past and to avoid those activities that were found unrewarding. Hence, if an activity is not rewarding or is punishing, individuals sooner or later will look for some alternative source of reward—if they are free to do so. Since with voluntary social participation men are, by definition, free to look for alternatives, it was hypothesized that a greater extent of social participation leads to a higher level of positive feelings. The second hypothesis—that negative feelings are unrelated to extent of social participation—also follows from the above argument. For as long as they are free to do so, we should expect individuals to withdraw from any social activities that are unrewarding or result in negative experiences. The third hypothesis—the greater the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the degree of happiness—was derived from the first and second hypotheses and from the work of Bradburn which showed that the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feeling indexes is a good indicator of an individual's current level of happiness. Thus, the earlier paper concentrated mainly on testing these three hypotheses. It also was concerned with the stability of the relationships within each of several control groups and not, for the most part, with differences among groups. In this paper, however, the main focus is on examining the effects of socioeconomic status upon the relationships between social participation and positive and negative feelings, and participation and happiness. A further interest is in "interaction-opportunities" and "investments," two concepts which are utilized to account for patterns of relationship between social participation and the various dependent variables listed above: positive feelings, negative feelings, and happiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past sociologists have argued that high membership turnover is conducive to the breakup of small primary type groups. Others have taken exception to this view. In the resent paper, we point out that the real sociological issue is whether the groups are structured to deal with mobility or not. If they are, mobility is not disruptive. In this regard we suggest several aspects of group structures which minimize the disruptive effects of mobility. These views are illustrated with empirical data on neighborhood cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relation of urbanization with group participation. This paper is a report of the data obtained in one metropolitan community which bear on this relation. The data were collected by the Detroit Area Study. Interviews were obtained from a cross-section sample representative of the Detroit Area population. The sample size was 749 and was a probability sample selected by the method known as "area sampling." Findings indicate that: a majority of the population had formal group membership. However, membership was neither markedly intensive nor extensive for most organizational members, and at least one-third of the population had no such membership. Formal group membership and participation were not randomly distributed throughout the population, but were related to what are considered to be some basic and fundamental differentiating characteristics in society. In the population studied informal group association was well-nigh universal with only a small segment entirely devoid of such association. Relatives emerged as the most important type of informal group association. Formal and informal group participation were found to vary positively together.

According to what might be regarded as a basic postulate in sociology, when a number of persons are in interaction over a period of time, mutual expectations and norms develop concerning the behavior of the persons involved, and the individual's actions are not independent of these norms and expectations. the postulate is the basis of the hypothesis that relationships among neighbors affect many of the individual operator's decisions concerning the farm business. The author of this paper seeks to test the hypothesis that the extent to which farm operators adopt recommended farm practices is, in part, a function of the operator's neighborhood of residence.

The patterns of neighborhood life adopted by the residents of a locality are unlikely to be accounted for to the equal satisfaction both of those whose interest is in the unconscious levels of individual personality and those who are concerned with social structure. The group of housewives whose pattern of interaction is described in this paper were such a set of close neighbors, unknown to each other on moving in, some from their parents' homes, some from sub-let rooms. How this group of women in a Scottish town deal with the tensions inherent in such a degree of closeness as they maintain is the main theme of this paper, in which consideration is also given to the significance of the life stage of the women, their geographic origins and socio-economic level, and the layout of the building.

Expanding traditional sociological conceptions of community to include environmental considerations in community research, this paper stresses the importance of documenting both subjective and objective environmental concerns, as well as reconciling such differences as are presented and details precedence. Some recent data on the nature of social contact in high-rise ‘communities’ illustrate this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contradiction to much of the theoretical literature on the community organization field, this paper assumes that the practitioner is not a free agent but is bound by the goals and structure of the employing agency. An attempt Is made to sort out the variety of agencies in the field by analyzing them as miniature polities. Focus is on organizational constitutions and goals, the limitations on agencies Imposed by their constituencies, dilemmas of agency target relations, and the foreign or external relations among agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the last two decades social anthropologists and sociologists have turned to the study of informal groups. Among the first empirical evidence of the interest were the famous Hawthorne research studies of researchers George Elton Mayo and Fritz J. Roethlisberger. Since these studies many others have been made of informal groups in community and institutional life. All of them, however, have lacked concern with individuals who are not bona fide members of cliques, but who interact with them. The focus of the paper is on these persons. In the article, they are called "fringers." The concept "fringer" should not be confused with that of the "marginal man," for the two are distinct concepts implying different categories of behavior. The "marginal man" shares the cultural life of two distinct people, whereas the "fringer" defines his own goals of behavior and disregards those of the group in favor of his own. Specifically, the paper proposes to analyze and describe the role of "fringers" in a state prison for women. Data used are from observations and personal interviews secured during the author's employment at the prison as director of religion, education and recreation from June through October 1930.

The Cumming and Henry hypothesis that aging involves disengagement from interaction with others is related to response differentials in survey research in this paper. Within the aged population, differentials in family structure, type of housing unit, and size of housing unit were found suggesting that the aged who refused to be interviewed were more "disengaged" than those who were cooperative. On the other hand, no major differences were found in the extent of political participation and general level of social participation. If adjustments are made for age, then socioeconomic, social participation, and political participation difference, are relatively minor. The findings, then, were equivocable insofar as the disengagement hypothesis is concerned. Also, it was concluded that age response differentials are important enough to warrant a correction factor for age bias when precise population estimates are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A survey of the social landscape of any large metropolitan area will reveal a wide variety of groups commonly known as community organizations. These associations function as para-potitical organizations in the sense that they seek to initiate, influence, or control public policy. This para-political style of involvement has been part of our American pattern of government. Churches, along with many other institutions, have participated in this process, supporting various kinds of organized efforts to influence public policy. Attention has been directed to community organization in recent years for a number of reasons, two of which are readily identifiable: the black community is becoming organized; the style of many organizations discloses a crisis in the city. This research is concerned with black neighborhood organizations. The central point of this paper is that the general theory of public authority provides a helpful framework for research on community organization, for an evaluation of community organization, and for policy recommendations regarding involvement in community organization. The attainment of a more adequate expression of public authority is the imperative, which can guide policy in a general way.

This paper re-examines the significance of the ecological approach for community study. First it briefly recounts the character of the "new" ecology fostered especially by Hawley and Duncan. Secondly, it summarizes the main similarities, differences, and convergencies between this new ecology and each of four other theoretical stances which currently seem to be the most vital to community study: the typological-shared meanings approach. the social system idea, inductive taxonomy, and an interactionist mode. While significant divergencies remain, the ability of the new ecology to comprehend many of the concerns in these other approaches suggests it may be quite helpful in the continuing effort to bring order to the diverse phenomena of the community field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present a sketch of procedures which hold promise for yielding behavioral indicators of connections among actions in the local society. The community is viewed as a behavioral and interactional phenomenon. From this perspective, which assumes but does not emphasize spatial, institutional and psychological dimensions, relevant data have to do with the behavior of actors in specific task-accomplishment processes. The tasks might be building a hospital, conducting a political campaign, evacuating a residential area which is threatened by flood, or any infinite number of other public, locality, relevant concerns. The raw data of behavioral study of community are acts by individuals. Reports of acts are amassed, sorted, classified and examined. Acts are seen as fitting together into projects and episodes, and these into fields of action concerning specific interests or goals.

Influenced by such theorists Karen Hawley and others, contemporary ecologists and city planners have tended to view the metropolis and its sub-areas as habitats and the deployment of urban people as the end result of a geographic competition amongst land users. It is generally presumed that certain areas of the landscape are more desirable than are others, a condition which leads to a competition amongst potential land users with "victory" going to that land user who utilizes the contested urban space most intensively. This paper proposes that the failure of such explanations of urban development are rooted in a very incomplete view of the nature of the association which exists between modern man and specific parcels of urban land. The classical ecology of Hawley is based upon an overdrawn analogy between the natural and the human worlds. By indicating just where the analogy properly ends (at least in terms of relation to habitat) it may be possible to arrive at a more "human" human ecology. In such manner, a more adequate explanation of contemporary metropolitan development and the planning role may be derived.

The major objective of this paper is to describe with a high degree of specificity the more significant economic, demographic and social determinants, and dimensions of crime areas in a large urban community. The basic data include two series of crime statistics, "offenses known to the police" and "arrests," totaling over 65,000 cases, along with detailed economic, demographic, and social statistics from the 1950 decennial census. A 38 x 38 correlation matrix, based on 20 crime indices and 18 economic, demo graphic, and social variables was derived. This matrix was analyzed by the principal axes technique. Eight factors were extracted and retained for orthogonal rotation. To determine how the basic dimensions derived for the community as a whole are related to specific areas, standard factor scores for each of the eight factors were computed for the 93 census tracts in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern period of city planning, which dates roughly from the World's Fair of 1893, has been dominated from its inception by architects, landscape architects, and engineers. Their domination has spread from the private consulting firms to the established planning commissions and departments on federal, state, and local levels. For years the problems laced and dealt with in the planning field were problems with which these specialists were equipped to deal, and the buildings, fountains, civic centers, lagoons, monuments, and even the highways were treated in isolation from the thinking and research of the social scientists. The latter were pursuing the problems of urbanism in their own way, and for the most part with neither knowledge or concern of efforts of those technicians in the drivers' seats of the planning firms, commissions, or departments. The plea made by this paper is that the social scientist in general, and the urban sociologist in particular, make certain amendments and additions before the planners.

The fact that adolescent residents of smaller communities have lower aspirations than adolescent residents of larger communities is well documented. A number of possible explanations have been suggested: (1) financial resources and needs, (2) educational opportunities, (3) the sociocultural context of community life, and (4) special consequences of farming. However, no previous researcher has attempted a direct empirical evaluation of the relative importance of these explanations. In this paper data from a survey of Canadian high school girls were used to evaluate the first three, since the fourth appears to apply only to boys. This analysis indicates that educational opportunity explains most of the relationship; and when both educational opportunity and community context are controlled, all relationship between community size and college aspiration disappears. Previous research allows tentative generalization of these findings to high school boys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis of the churches in a rural North Carolina school district which has become a part of a metropolitan community. Expanding congregation and Sunday school enrollments created achievement lag. Several churches adopted innovations which made them centers of organized social activities. The churches facilitated expansion of the middle class in the district and, at a time of rapid change, were important stabilizing influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to compare four different techniques of assessing farm family values: (1) direct questioning, (2) choosing between alternative expenditures of time or money, (3) verbal ranking of family goals, and (4) behavioral data in the form of material possessions, family expenditures, and social participation. A high degree of association is found between the three verbal indices of family values. The validity of verbal measures is dependent upon the type of value measured. Choices between alternatives in the expenditure of time or money appear to be a reliable as well as valid means of measuring family values which involve such expenditures. Behavioral indices of value are valid only when the behavior is not highly influenced by immediate situational factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper emphasizes the importance of training foreign students in a manner that will enable them to effectively carry on their professional duties in their home countries. Changes needed in graduate school programs to more effectively train foreign students are described. The five major changes suggested are: (1) Give more consideration to language facility and living conditions so that they will support rather than detract from the students' training program; (2) use more intercultural data in classroom presentations; (3) get the students off the campus for more systematic observation of and contact with American family and community life; (4) experiment with doing more of the training work in the field; (5) provide more training opportunities in the application of social science to problem-solving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Almost without exception, students of community life have held that the neighborhood as a basis for association disappears as the degree of urbanization increases. Simmel and Park provided the early theoretical basis; Bernard, McClenhan, Roper, Sweetser, and others, conducted early empirical studies which provided the factual basis for Wirth's later restatement of the Simmel-Park position. After this initial research, which could be characterized as "Chicago style," interest in the problem waned. Recently there has been a resurgence of interest in the problems of urbanization including studies of neighboring as well as other forms of social participation. On the basis of these theoretical statements and empirical studies, most students of the community have continued to point out that contacts with neighbors are less frequent and more superficial in the city than they are in the country. Unfortunately, however well conceived and well executed the empirical studies in this area have been, they do not provide a factual basis for the comparative statements given in most urban-sociology textbooks. The research has been confined to studies of one neighborhood, or two or more neighborhoods in the same city. In addition, none of the studies uses the same "valid" scale for populations from various points on a rural-urban continuum. The problem of testing the above hypothesis, i.e., that there is a negative relationship between urbanism and frequency or quality of neighborhood contacts, is two-fold: to develop a "valid" scale applicable to people located at any point along the urbanism continuum; and to interview a sample of people located at various points along that continuum. Work that tests this hypothesis and is aimed at solving both the problems outlined above is the interest of this paper. Because of the resurgence of interest in the area and a possibly wider use for the scale, it was decided to report these results even though the full work was completed almost eleven years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notions of public relations, community relations, and peopleto-people programs are considered to be essentially the same, and for purposes of this paper may be used interchangeably. Under this concept there is always the existence of an agency or an institution within a community of persons, and there is a regard or concern about the attitude or feelings of those persons to the agency. The sum total or resultant of the opinion or attitudes of such persons to the agency is referred to as "public opinion." All of the associations which individuals in the community have in relation to the agency, pleasant or unpleasant, leave their impressions in the form of mental and emotional scars and serve to create their feelings and attitudes. They include both intensity and constancy of impressions, beliefs, views, or convictions on all matters pertaining to the agency. It is not necessary to have a basis of ascertainable bet, but usually more than a hunch is needed to generate significant feelings. Often attitudes are largely unconscious in nature, and the persons may not understand the causes or basis for them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This papers has two frelated aims: first, to describe variables used as measures of urban social participation; and second, to review correlates of these measures. Social scientist and psychiatrits have long utilized this concept in explanatory schemes regarding deviant be havior; thus it seems appropriate to review the vast literature dealing this concept.In addition, a number of demographic correclates of social participation have been found and will be reviewed here. first, however, it is conrious combinations, as measures of social participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with two polar models of community power structure, the elitist and the pluralist, and shows how certain organizational strategies are appropriate to communities of each type. Tentative guidelines are suggested for the community organization practitioner who needs to know which type of power structure his community has. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the route by which community organization has come to its present interest in organizing among the "grass roots" population and attempts to support th. rationale, viability, and future of such organizational efforts in light of the fact that almost all welfare services are currently provided by government It is because social welfare is moving to the point at which it serves a total community of citizen-clients, the author states, that community organization should concern itself with organizing the grass-roots population to participate in welfare planning. Such activity calls for new techniques, which are spelled out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about a method for evaluating the social functioning of families under treatment. This paper is a progress report on an attempt to measure the social functioning of families under treatment, as a preliminary step to measuring change or movement. This approach has it origin in the realization gained through the research work of the Family-centered Project that movement measurements are of limited usefulness without knowledge of the position from which and toward which change takes place. Furthermore, the experience and that of others had shown that it is easier to get reliable evaluation of movement when judges rating movement are able to refer to anchor points delineating the continuum of change. The endeavor to evaluate the social functioning of the family rather than that of individual clients has its roots in the work of the Family-centered Project, a pilot project in casework, research, and community organization, aimed at helping seriously disorganized, hard-to-reach families with children in dear and present danger. The project is an alliance of local agencies, operating with the financial aid of the Hill Family Foundation and under the auspices of the Greater St. Paul Community Chest and Councils.

Social work during its evolution as a profession, has developed or used numerous working concepts, among them that expressed by the terms "representativeness," "representation," and "the representative." This concept figures prominently in a particular area of social work practice, namely, community organization work. This paper attempts to delineate the various ways in which the concept is applied in practice and to examine some of the resultant implications. Two distinctly different concepts emanate from the adjective "representative" or the noun "representativeness." The first of these is a socio political idea and refers to the authorized functioning or acting by one person in behalf of another or others. The second comes from a statistical frame of reference and has to do with the quality of being typical or typifying a group or class. Both, found in social work practice, need clarification. The socio-political definition of "representativeness" can be readily demonstrated in the community organization activities in social work. It is most clearly revealed in the role of the professional worker providing the agency service to clientele. In community organization, the worker may be the staff member of such agencies as a community welfare council, a sectarian planning federation, a neighborhood council, or a health education agency.

The paper is a brief report of a study of the way of life followed by the caipiras who inhabit the Paraitinga Valley in the eastern part of the state of Sāo Paulo, Brazil. It is limited largely to considerations of the population and its characteristics; health, diet, housing and related aspects of the level and standard of living; labor contracts and work techniques; religious beliefs and practices; social participation; and the rights enjoyed by these humble folk who are similar in so many ways to the bulk of the rural inhabitants of other sections of the Brazilian nation. Most of the description and analysis is based upon a long period of personal observation and study by the Brazilian co-author of the report. For almost two decades the author has been in intimate contact with families in the region studied, making detailed observations and records of various aspects of social organization and social participation. Caipira is a term widely used in Sāo Paulo to designate the humble rural folk who inhabit the less advanced sections of the state. It usually has a depreciative connotation.

The article presents a paper on federal action programs and community action in the South, presented by the author at the fifth Annual Meeting of the Southern Sociological Society in Knoxville, Tennessee on April 5, 1940. It focuses on the influence which these programs had for community life. It expresses in a general way the lines of more or less conscious thought which the activity of the federal government during the depression has given rise to in the South. This trial was not conscious nor wholehearted but its main movement would have denied the false divorce between democracy and work which the eighteenth century initiated. The double task failed, not because it was wrong nor impossible, but because in the setting in which it was tried the opposing patterns and forces were far too strong. Neither the South nor the whole of the North believed in allowing back folk to have voice in their own government; but it was more especially because the industrial North and the ruins of the planting South still wanted to keep political power separated from industry. This was finally accomplished by setting up in the South, political institutions which deserve more thorough and critical study than they have received.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the Base Map as a device for community study. Base Map is a cross section of a given region, giving a snapshot of some particular set of facts within that area. It is intended to show graphically the geographical distribution and relationship of these facts. In laying out a plan of study for any community it becomes apparent that there is certain basic information which will be called for time and again in connection with various studies. Some method of getting this foundation data into graphic and easily available form is needed. In Cincinnati the base map was called into action to provide a way of doing this. The procedure in the making of these maps is so simple that no especial technical skill is required. Chief points upon which care is required are in obtaining accurate information from authoritative source, and the exercise of patience and exactness in the plotting of the data. Ordinarily a bound index accompanies each map to give further information supplementary to the map itself.

In this study, the authors investigate the relative influence of ten variables as predictors of library circulation in the United States. Their findings regarding the relationship between level of female education and total library circulation; population size of community and circulation of fiction; and community income level and nonfiction use of libraries are a few of many significant discoveries. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the American Sociological Association meetings in Montreal in September 1964. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates husband-wife social participation by occupational status in Greensboro, North Carolina. The major conclusions include the following: (1) In the sample as a whole, churchgoing and kin-visiting are the dominant activities, with family and commercial recreation also widespread and frequent. (2) Upper-middle-class professional and managerial couples most closely approximate the popular notion of "togetherness," as evidenced by their frequent participation in commercial recreation, churchgoing, and family entertaining and recreation. (3) Working-class couples' major social involvement is in kin-visiting. (4) The ideas of both a status continuum and the white-collar-blue-collar dichotomy are useful in interpreting the data, although the highest and lowest white-collar categories are difficult to account for by either of these conceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the special methodological and technical problems in community research. Two general questions are discussed: how has community research met the general considerations of the comparative community and community context methodological models and what are the more common logical fallacies and technical errors in community studies. We shall answer this question primarily by reference to the methodological models of the experiment and the case study. The discussion is organized around the two major research designs in community study--the comparative community study and the community context study. The comparative community study ideally begins with a set of hypotheses about community and two or more empirical instances of community are employed for a test of the hypothesis. The community context study investigates the effect of communal parameters on a specific relationship under observation or test.

This article has been an attempt to synthesize and apply the theories and methods of action research to a practical research problem. It grew out of the needs of the authors for a framework within which to analyze specific actions of community groups. In the spring and summer of 1932 it was used as the basis for a field study of 145 community-needs-oriented actions in ten rural communities in North Carolina. Community research in the United States has been predominantly structural in emphasis. While acknowledging the fundamental importance of structural studies, it must be recognized that they have not been very fruitful for predicting actions of organized groups within communities. Even in those studies of communities in which the functions performed by structural elements have been featured, the group or organization itself is the major focus or unit of analysis. The twin aims of understanding and allowing the researcher to predict group actions under given conditions, either actions of the total community or the actions of some part of the community, are met only in small degree by concentrating on this unit.

This paper presents certain distinct and fundamental shortcomings contained in ecological explanations that rely upon physical variables. The limitations stem from the continuation of impersonal notions and questionable analytical premises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents studies dealing with the multidisciplinary view on the preparation of written clinical psychological reports previously reported from veterans administration installations were repeated in child guidance clinics. Veterans Administration hospitals and clinics represent a setting which, in many respects, is drastically different from a community child guidance clinic. The age of the patients and the fact that their parents are invariably involved in the therapy program represent one major set of differences; another lies in the stress which a child guidance clinic places on the use of the interdisciplinary team.

A metaphor of classical social theory concerning the "intersection" of persons within groups and of groups within the individual is translated into a set of techniques to aid in empirical analysis of the interpenetration of networks of interpersonal ties and networks of intergroup ties. These techniques are useful in the study of director interlocks, clique structures, organizations within community and national power structures, and other collectivities which share members. The "membership" network analysis" suggested in this paper is compared to and contrasted with sociometric approaches and is applied to the study by Davis et. al (1941) of the social participation of eighteen women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to review studies of attitudes and motivations of Jews which bear on patterns of identification with the Jewish community and participation in Jewish community services and activities. While a great number of studies could be considered as relevant to the topic, the diversity in approach and methodology has made the task somewhat complex and difficult to achieve in a short paper. Many of the findings reported by these studies relate to particular groups, such as big city and small town Jews and groups known to have close involvement in Jewish affairs and those who do not. Methods used in collecting the data ranged from psychological tests, projective techniques, objective personality tests, scales of Jewish identification, and open-ended questionnaires, on the one hand, to simple general discussions and participant-observation on the other. The groups studied were the membership of synagogues, Jewish community centers, total Jewish populations, or samples of the Jewish population living in a given city. Two recent sociological studies conducted in 1961 and 1962, for the purpose of studying general populations, have given some information on the Jews only because they happened to be included in the sample. Some studies were conducted on a shoe-string budget while others were conducted by very well-known research organizations at a highly sophisticated level.