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The article presents a literature review that discusses the importance of American Indian linguistics. It also presents a summary of the state of description and comparative work for each linguistics family. It presents a classification of American Indian linguistics as well as the role of various language families and the interrelationships among postulated families. Though space limitations have dictated a narrowly linguistic concern in this literature and the ethnographic semantics are omitted, possible wider relationships of the families and classifications were still discussed.

Several quantitative studies comparing Indian cultures and testing the reliability of informants have been published in recent years by sociologist A.L. Kroeber and his students at the University of California. This article describes a possible extension of the quantitative approach to the comparison and analysis of cultures. As a sociologist, the writer is interested in living cultures rather than in cultures almost extinct. This opens up possibilities that did not exist in the California studies. It may be said that to sociologists, who spend their time investigating their own exceedingly complex culture, the study of abstracted aspects of a culture for the purpose of testing this or that particular hypothesis undoubtedly seems a much more thoroughgoing and promising type of approach than such broadly generalized cultural comparisons as that outlined above. On the other hand, the method of total comparison is the one commonly employed by ethnologists who are concerned with relatively homogeneous cultures, and the suggestions made in this paper are perhaps most obviously applicable to the quantitative study of primitive living cultures.

This paper attempts to deal directly—in an exploratory fashion—with certain variables which might be considered basic to any verification of the intellectual subsociety hypothesis, focusing primarily upon the ethnic dimension and secondarily upon the class factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professor William I. Thomas, formerly of the University of Chicago, Illinois, is regarded by many as the most original and erudite of American psychological sociologists. Certainly no one excels him for mastery of the subject or for a firm command of the auxiliary sciences essential to the successful exploitation of the field of psychological sociology. It is generally conceded that no other American sociologist approaches him with respect to knowledge of the facts and literature of ethnography and primitive culture. Unfortunately, Thomas has confined his systematic exposition of psychological sociology to his university lectures, which have not yet been published. His written contributions to this subject are, then, few and relatively fragmentary. In a notable paper read before the Congress of Arts and Sciences at St. Louis, Missouri, in 1904, he presented his views on the province of social psychology, indicating its importance to the social scientist. He held that social psychology is "an extension of individual psychology to the phenomena of collective life," and suggested some of the chief problems with which it should concern itself.

The South as a culture area is characterized by certain rather unique population problems,' and it is important that careful and critical thought be given to the field. Many questions come immediately to the attention when one thinks of a population policy for the South. A policy infers a rather definite course of action to be pursued, and the pursuance of this course implies that some means should be available for the accomplishment of the aim or policy. It would be very difficult to outline such a definite course of action at present; one that should be put into actual effect, or even one that leaders in various walks of life in the South might be able to agree upon. It is obvious that any policy would have to be initiated "by the consent of the governed" and carried out with the full and complete sympathy of the people in the region. In this paper no attempt will be made, in fact, to outline such a definite population policy for the South. Another alternative will be adopted; namely, the formulation of certain broad principles that must necessarily be involved in a population policy, and the statement of the more important essentials which should be considered in shaping such a policy. The important thing at present, it seems, is to direct thinking in channels that may some day lead to a population policy for the Southern Region.

The field of social anthropology or comparative sociology, as rests upon sociological conceptualizations and anthropological data. The problem is more than interdisciplinary: the sociologist's penchant for broad general theory is contrasted to the ethnologist's concern with detailed cultural data. The immediate need is for more modest theory on one hand, and more conceptualized comparative ethnography on the other. The purpose of the present article is to discuss this intermediate area with respect to one very crucial element, namely the analysis of values. This article attempts to show the two ways in which social anthropology should contribute to the development of general sociological theory. These are the establishment of (1) general social imperatives, and (2) requisite functional relationships between certain cultural forms in different departments of social life. To fulfill this broad purpose, empirically based examples are offered. This article introduces substantive theoretical analysis through the comparative examination of cultural systems.

The article presents a literature review that discusses the linguistic theory in relation to syntax, semantics and pragmatics. It provides a definition of linguistic theory, the details of issues of theory in syntax and semantics and some of the problems in accountability. Furthermore, the literature includes a discussion of the criteria which involve category and rule types, rule applicability, naturalness of linguistic generalizations, and diachrony versus synchrony. This provides a discussion of the more restricted area which is based principally on the linguistic theory as defined by the transformational generative point of view.

The article talks about the approach and concerns of cultural anthropology in Japan which are highly eccentric to the Japanese intellectual tradition. Cultural anthropology in the country is relatively isolated from the rest of the world and overwhelmed by local materials and discussions. Most of the cultural anthropologists in the country rarely addressed their work to the international community. Furthermore, though the Japanese Society of Ethnology has long been known as the nationwide academic association of cultural anthropologists, it was only after World War II that cultural anthropology became recognized as an independent discipline in Japan's academic field.

The article focuses on the social psychology of rumors and rumormongering. A rumormonger is defined as a person who purveys "negative gossip." It distinguishes gossip from rumor, wherein gossip is described as a talk why may not be substantiated by facts, whereas a rumor does not have a clear evidence of the truth. Also, gossip is distinguished from rumor due to its focus on the private affairs of individuals, while rumors may revolve around any issue or object. Coding system of classification for identifying rumors are noted, such as the use of frequency count per incident and the degree of collective excitement aroused. Theories that have dominated the literature on the function of rumormongering are explored.

A survey of small-town Jews indicates that they generally conceive their relationship to their communities in terms of personal relations rather than economic factors; that they regard the general populace rather than the Jewish community as their primary reference group; that they incorporate to a considerable degree the small-town Weltanschauung; that they tend to be ’localites’ rather than ’cosmopolites’; that they view non-Jews in universalistic rather than particularistic terms; that they join organizations, both Jewish and non-Jewish, which stress status and exclusiveness; and that there is no significant difference in number between their Jewish and non-Jewish friends. The data lead us to the conclusion that small-town Jews are in general ’residents’ rather than ’strangers.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural-urban differences in attitudes toward race relations were explored by using data collected in the fall of 1967 in a nationwide study of 7,500 Presbyterian ministers and elders. A 72-item questionnaire concerning civil rights was completed by ministers and elders attending fall presbytery meetings. An 8-item Guttman scale for civil fights was utilized in the analysis. Ministers were found to be more liberal than laity. Substantial rural-urban differences in attitudes toward race relations were found, with rural dwellers—and especially the rural laity—more conservative, [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An overall classification scheme of community studies is presented, and several varieties of research are located within the scheme and discussed. Main approaches to community research which deal with the community per se are the holistic approach, including community ethnography and stratification studies; the typological approach; and studies of dimensions and processes specific to the community as a sociological category. Community ethnography suffers from noncumulativeness and the decline of local autonomy. Traditional stratification research has limited applicability in urban settings. The typological tradition is vitiated by independent variation of elements in- corporated within its polar types. Conceptual progress has been made in defining the community as an interactional realm, but the new definitions [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea that "primitive" societies are dominated by kinship goes back a long way. Morgan in the nineteenth century put forward the still much cited notion that primitive societies were characterized by having kinship rather than politics and the same idea has reappeared in various guises ever since. Usually there is also the implication that primitive communities are characterized by an emphasis on ascription rather than achievement, and by lack of individualism and opportunities for choice. The present article examines this group of assumptions. This impression of kinship dominance in "primitive" societies has also been increased by the long-lived fashion in social anthropology for collecting kinship terminologies and ideal rules of behavior, as well as by the prominence given to "lineages" and their significance in analyses of African traditional systems. Whatever the original intentions or subtlety of such writers--and many of them are far from subscribing to the assumptions under discussion here-- this has all provided fuel for popular assumptions about the special nature of "primitive society". This comes out not only in popular views on the subject but in student essay after student essay, professedly based on anthropological writings, about the "kinship-bound nature of primitive society", its "lack of individualism" or its "ascribed kinship nature."

While the effects of social origin variables on the status attainment process of individuals are well recognized, the influence of career contingencies--events occurring subsequent to the determination of social origin status--are less well explored. Using the 1/100 Public Use Sample of the 1960 U.S. Census, we examine the effects of one career contingency-military service-with respect to current income for three ethnic groups, Mexican Americans, blacks, and Anglos in five Southwestern stales. Contrary to expectations based on Anglo-dominated statistics in which nonveterans report higher average income than veterans, among both blacks and Mexican Americans, veterans have higher average income than nonveterans. The concept of a "bridging environment" as applied to military service is used to interpret the minority patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about various American institutes and associations. The Committee on UNESCO year plan for the Social Science Division of UNESCO. A session at the annual meeting of the Association in Los Angeles will be devoted to proposals by sociologists regarding this UNESCO plan. The great success of UNESCO in the physical sciences with the geophysical year program and the recent contribution of the social sciences to such practical and important problems as social and economic development in the non-industrialized areas and intergroup relations have prompted leaders of UNESCO to request the contribution of sociologists in the development of along range plan. Anthropological Forum, a new annual journal focusing primarily on social and cultural anthropology-comparative sociology in the areas: Aboriginal Australia; European Australia; the Pacific, particularly New Guinea; and South East Asia; is being published by the University of Western Australia Press for the Department of Anthropology. Ronald M. Berndt serves as General Editor assisted by an International and Australian Advisory Panel of Editors.

Developmental change is planned change leading toward development. There has been little application of this concept in race relations, though general development and the solution of racial problems may be interdependent. Although the extent to which man can plan and control his own destiny is still undetermined, developmental change in race relations appears feasible if it is conceived as a planning process guided by general values and goals, and continuously readjusted to take account of new conditions. The scientific knowledge and skills of sociologists impose on them an obligation to "backstop" the planning. Sociologists in the South may have a special obligation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many years ago the eminent Dutch sociologist, Rudolf Steinmetz, made a vigorous attack on "arm chair" sociology. Being also an anthropologist and ethnographer of considerable experience, Steinmetz felt that the sociological work of his time suffered from a lack of empirical, even descriptive, foundation. Steinmetz therefore demanded a discipline of sociography, which would have a similar relation to sociology as ethnography has to ethnology or cultural anthropology. Unfortunately Steinmetz never made it quite clear what exactly would be the field of sociography as distinguished from geography and related disciplines. The author thinks that the empirical sociologist or sociographer ought to perceive clearly the criteria on the basis of which he selects from the chaos of reality those aspects, which he deems sociologically relevant. This will, of course, depend on the general idea of sociology, which the author has adopted. It would seem that all empirical phenomena in concrete contexts should be studied by the sociologist under the ultimate aspect of their significance for social integration or disintegration.

This article presents information related to National University of Tucumán, Argentina, which is publishing a news-sheet called Cultura on the work of the various institutes of the university, and invites contributions concerning research developments in similar institutions on the American continent; the social science journal Huszadik Század (The Twentieth Century) which will be edited by researcher Imre Csésy; The American Council of Learned Societies which has undertaken a program for the improvement of materials for Russian studies in American universities and colleges; the announcement of the sixth Annual Conference of The American Group Therapy Association; Cornell University, Ithaca, New York which has announced a greatly expanded program of instruction, research and field training in cultural anthropology, beginning with the 1948-1949 academic year. Three new appointments of cultural anthropologists have been made in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology since July 1, 1948. Researcher Alexander H. Leighton and researcher R. Lauriston Sharp are being joined by researcher John Adair, researcher Allan R. Holmberg and researcher Morris Edward Opler in order to carry out the development.

This article discusses the various aspects of collective behavior in race relations. Many sociologists have concerned themselves with public opinion and propaganda, subjects which lie at least partly within the field of collective behavior. In the racial field studies of "racial attitudes," "racial hostility" and "racist propaganda" abound. But in much of this work the frame of reference has been more psychological than sociological. The focus of study has commonly been that of sampling the opinions or attitudes of selected individuals, with controls established for such non-group attributes as age, sex, educational level, economic position, geographical location, and the like. Studies of the poll type have become widely accepted among sociologists as appropriate projects for considerable financial support, the similarity of these projects to market research studies places them in popular company since they are formulated along lines readily understood by those close to research funds. Of course, the percentage distributions of given types of opinions and the statistical trends in these distributions may be revealing.

The author has used the word ethnic in its omnibus sense so that everyone may consider studies of all groups which are set off from the rest of the population on the basis of racial criteria, religious identity, cultural attributes, or national or ancestral backgrounds. For example, on the Pacific Coast, in addition to Negroes, Orientals, Jews, and several nationality groups, one would have to include the Okies even though they are old American, racially invisible, and by cultural criteria only weakly differentiated. In an area of investigation so broadly defined one would face up to such important considerations as acculturation, in-group formation, which lie at the basis of race relations so-called but which too often are not entertained because they do not directly and immediately involve ethnic interaction. Because sociology is still known as a textbook science it may be symptomatic that no general work adequately covering the field of ethnic relations has been published since the publication of the book "American Minority Peoples" in 1932. The author make an exception of the valuable collection of essays under the title "Race Relations and the Race Problem," which does not presume to be a textbook.

For a number of years, the Institute of Human Relations at Yale University has been conducting a general program of research in the social sciences, with particular reference to the areas common to, and marginal between, the special sciences of sociology, anthropology, psychology and psychiatry. In 1937, as one of the specific research projects on the anthropological and sociological side of this program, the Cross-Cultural Survey was organized. A year of previous experience in collaborating with other social scientists in research and discussion had made it clear to the anthropologists associated with the Institute that the rich resources of ethnography, potentially of inestimable value to workers in adjacent fields, were practically inaccessible to them. Culture is not instinctive, or innate or transmitted biologically, but is composed of habits, that is, learned tendencies to react, acquired by each individual through his own life experience after birth. The conception of cultural change as an adaptive process seems to many anthropologists inconsistent with, and contradictory to, the conception of cultural change as an historical process. The Cross-Cultural Survey can answer specific questions of fact with a minimum of time-wasting labor. It can reveal gaps in the ethnographical record and thus suggest what groups should be restudied and what hitherto unreported data should be gathered in the field. It can subject existing theoretical hypotheses about collective human behavior to a quantitative test and can be used to formulate and verify new social science generalizations.

Cultural anthropology and related studies have in the last decades provided materials which maybe helpful in discovering the agencies producing civilization and culture. Consequently a revision of some antiquated concepts may be advisable. The study of contact between different peoples and between different cultures has revealed that the so-called primitive cultures have been exposed to various influences and changes, and that it is necessary to discard the assumption of their permanent stability during many hundreds or thousands of years. Migrations of men, exchanges of women, reception of refugees, trade relations, and so on, have been instrumental as influences. In recent times, the contact with the Western world of the modern European-American type has entailed rapid changes of a special kind. In society, tremendous alterations are continually taking place. Such facts impress upon one the importance of a general study of the changes of culture. In fact, sociologists' view of the phenomena of civilization and culture as well as of society is affected by these realizations, and they become aware that stability and structure are merely relative.

S long as economics is conceived as a purely formal science of human action (praxeology) the basic concepts and findings of such behavioral sciences as psychology, sociology and cultural anthropology will be considered as irrelevant for economic analysis. However, if economics is considered as an empirical (substantive) science which starts from actual human needs and places man's dependence upon and interaction with his natural and social environment in the center of its investigation, the basic concepts and conclusions of the behavioral sciences cannot be dispensed with. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Nationalökonomie und die Wissenschaften vom menschlichen Verhalten. So lange die Nationalökonomie als eine rein formale Wissenschaft vom menschlichen Handeln (Praxeologie) begriffen wird, erscheinen die grundlegenden Konzeptionen und Erkenntnisse der Verhaltenswissenschaften wie der Psychologie, der Soziologie und der Kulturanthropologie für die ökonomische Analyse als irrelevant. Wenn indessen die Nationalökonomie als wirklich empirische Wissenschaft betrachtet wird, die von den tatsächlichen menschlichen Bedürfnissen ausgeht und die Abhängigkeit des Individuums von seiner natürlichen und sozialen Umgebung sowie deren Wechselwirkung in den Mittelpunkt ihrer Forschungen stellt, so können die grundlegenden Konzeptionen und Folgerungen der Verhaltenswissenschaften nicht übergangen werden. RÉSUMÉ Ľ economie politique et les sciences du comportement humain. Tant que ľéconomie politique sera concue comme une science purement formelle de ľ action humaine (praxéologie), les concepts fondamentaux et les découvertes des sciences du comportement humain telles que la psychologie, la sociologie et ľ anthropologie culturelle seront considéréd comme de peu ď importance pour ľ analyse économique. Cependant, si ľéconomie politique est considérée comme une science effectivement empirique qui part des besoins humains réels et place la dépendance de ľ homme de son ambiance naturelle et sociale ainsi que ľ action réciproque de cette dernière au centre de ses recherches, les conceptions et conclusions fondamentales des sciences du comportement humain ne peuvent etre négligées. The question then arises as to the proper method by which the results of one field of inquiry can be utilized in another. Such integration is possible only if we find or formulate common denominator concepts sufficiently broad to contain and cut across the subject-matter of several social disciplines. Which particular concepts are likely to prove useful for a 'substantive' science of economics depends upon the nature of the central research problems of contemporary economic analysis. Since these germinal questions of modern economics are all related to the behavior of social groups and of individuals acting as members of structured social entities the basic concepts and findings of social psychology and cultural anthropology are likely to prove most useful for the substantive-empirical economist. Having outlined the major concepts which have proved helpful in the analysis of group decisions and the individual-group relationship the article concludes by setting forth the thesis that a substantive science of economics must be conceived from the very outset as an integral part of a science of man and culture. Such a 'humanization' of economics would have the task of placing the living human being once more in the center of economic analysis and, at the same time, would provide a starting point for the solution of the urgent task of integrating our contemporary knowledge about man and culture. Es stellt sich dann die Frage, durch welche Methode die Ergebnisse des einen Forschungsgebiets im andern verwendet werden können. Eine solche Integration ist nur dann möglich, wenn für die verschiedenen Konzeptionen gemeinsame Nenner gefunden oder formuliert werden können, die weit genug sind, um den Gegenstand verschiedener Sozialwissenschaften zu umfassen. Welche Konzeptionen sich für eine wirklich empirische Wissenschaft als nützlich erweisen dürften, hängt von der Natur der zentralen Forschungsprobleme der heutigen ökonomischen Analyse ab. Da alle diese grundlegenden Fragen der modernen National ökonomie sich auf das Verhalten sozialer Gruppen und des Einzelnen beziehen, die als Glieder sozialer Gebilde von bestimmter Struktur handeln, dürften die grundlegenden Konzeptionen und Erkenntnisse der Sozialpsychologie und der Kulturanthropologie für den empirischen Ökonomen von grossem Nutzen sein. Nach einer Skizzierung der hauptsächlichsten Konzeptionen, die sich für die Analyse von Gruppenentschlüssen und der Beziehung zwischen Individuum und Gruppe als nützlich erwiesen haben, wird die These aufgestellt, dass eine wirklich empirische Nationalökonomie von allem Anfang an als ein wesentlicher Teil einer Wissenschaft vom Menschen und der Kultur begriffen werden muss. Eine solche 'Humanisierung' der Nationalökonomie hätte zur Aufgabe, den Menschen - so wie er in Wirklichkeit ist - in den Mittelpunkt der ökonomischen Analyse zu stellen, und würde gleichzeitig den Ausgangspunkt darstellen für die Lösung der dringenden Aufgabe, unser gegenwärtiges Wissen über den Menschen und die Kultur zu integrieren. La question se pose alors de savoir par quelle méthode les résultats ď un domaine de recherche peuvent etre utilisés dans ľ autre. Une telle intégration n'est possible que si nous trouvons ou formulons pour les différentes conceptions des dénomina-teurs communs suffisamment larges pour contenir ľ objet des diverses sciences sociales. Quelles sont les conceptions pouvant se révéler utiles pour une science réellement empirique, voilà qui dépend de la nature des problèmes majeurs de recherches de ľ analyse économique actuelle. Comme toutes ces questions fondamentales de ľéconomie politique moderne se rapportent au comportement de groupes sociaux et de particuliers agissant en tant que membres ď entités sociales ď une structure déterminée, les conceptions fondamentales et les découvertes de la psychologie sociale et de ľ anthropologie culturelle devraient etre ď une grande utilityé pour ľéconomiste empirique. Après avoir esquissé les principales conceptions qui se sont révelées utiles àľ analyse des décisions de groupes et des rapports entre ľ individu et le groupe, ľ article se termine par ľnonce de la these qu'une Economic politique reellement empirique doit etre concue des Tabord commcar; part intégrante ď une science de ľ homme et de la culture. Une telle 'humanisation' de ľéconomie politique aurait pour tǎche de placer ľ homme - tel qu'il est en réalité - au centre de ľ analyse économique et représenterait simultanément le point de départ de la solution de la tǎche urgente consistant à intégrer notre connaissance actuelle de ľ homme et de la culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some problems in the interpretation of alien belief systems, which were suggested to this article's author in his own fieldwork on Aladura churches among the Yoruba of Western Nigeria and by the analysis of other belief systems by social anthropologists, in ethnographies and in general surveys are considered. To 'understand' human belief and behaviour is, despite its ambiguity, the universally agreed programme of these studies. Since people are social beings it might seem adequate initially if, when confronted with other people with different social standards of what was right or true, they were able to encompass them in their mental system, to show how others had gone wrong and to preserve and validate their own beliefs. It is in this sense that convinced Communists are able, to their own satisfaction, to show how those who disagree with them are the prisoners of their own social situation, and so to understand them. Any successful ideology must be able to do this with competing belief-systems. The understanding of sociology is rather different, however. Sociology models itself on biology to the extent that just as the biologist aspires to produce a theory to account for the forms of all organisms, none excluded, so the sociologist aspires to account for all belief systems.

In this article, the author presents his views on anthropological studies. He proposes the inclusion of approach of anthropology to higher cultures, notably to modern societies, in school teaching. Though social anthropologists and sociologists group themselves by their interest in special subject areas, they also divide up in their allegiance to particular schools of thought. Though the work of social anthropologists may have lifted the discussion of social institutions on to a more general plane, today it is sociology which is the aggressor subject. Anthropologists are called upon by nationalist governments and scholars alike to justify the study of disappearing cultures. The article then discusses anthropology in respect of community studies. The community studies have drawn implicitly upon a model of the perfectly integrated society, the parts of which are interdependent. Another feature of this approach is its stress upon social patterns as standardized forms of behaviour and its neglect of individual idiosyncrasies. The article then talks about the study of inter-personal relations. The shift in emphasis from institutions and groups to norms and networks brings social anthropology closer to problems and theories of the social psychologist. The article concludes that it is not possible to discuss the relations between social anthropology and sociology without imparting a false factitiousness to the two terms.

This article discusses the kind of pressures, intellectual and social, which have been at work in sociology to produce a vocabulary for the analysis of complex modern societies. It is not directly concerned with the concepts in terms of which social scientists discuss the complex structures of preliterate societies. The structural functional school in social theory borrowed many of its concepts from the social anthropology of anthropologist Radcliffe-Brown. The author tries to show that the language of sociology has evolved in an attempt to discover or map the grounds of social stability and coherence through analogies of emulation with a sister social science in which these concepts have borne a heavy and respected harvest. The author also comments on some trends and problems in theoretical vocabulary.

The article reports on cross-cultural analysis of the United States. The study of governmental agencies, as instruments that have induced or failed to induce socioeconomic and cultural integration among rural populations, has long been of interest to social scientists. A study which focuses on the goals and structures of agencies concludes in analyzing agencies as if they existed in isolation of their cultural and societal context. The greater success of the Mexican agencies has been heavily influenced by factors related to the extent of the dominant-subordinate cleavage in the two local societies the author studied in Sinaloa and California.

The article presents autobiographical profile of the anthropolist M.N. Srinivas. He is concerned in this brief essay with narrating how he became a sociologist and how he grew in the discipline. He has brought in his personal and domestic life only to the extent that it is relevant to understanding his career. He has also not discussed his contribution on the purely technical side but confined himself to describing his activities as an organizer of sociological studies in two Indian universities and elsewhere, and the work he did for strengthening the profession in India. He finds even this difficult as he has to steer clear of the Scylla of egotism and the Charybdis of undue modesty. If the former is vulgar the latter is dishonest. The author owes his career in sociology to his delicate health during boyhood and adolescence. As a scholar progresses in his academic life, he finds to his dismay an increasing amount of his time being spent on matters other than his studies and research. Ever since the author's return home in 1951 he has been torn between two conflicting desires, one, to make such contribution as he could to the building up of a national sociological tradition, and the other, to his own study and research.

The article discusses the subject matter and the terminology used in the context of legal ethnology. The place allotted to legal ethnology depends on what one regards as recorded in ethnological science on the one hand and by the concept of law on the other. The term ethnology, ethnography and anthropology are often used synonymously. Legal ethnology was concerned with traditional laws primarily based on custom. Legal ethnology is a new subject and views differ from country to country as to the methods appropriate for it to apply. The problem raised in the article in this context is threefold. In the first place, there is lack of clarity regarding the composition of legal ethnology and its relation to other subjects. Secondly, on the practical plane, legal ethnology's need for parallel training. Legal training is essential in order to interpret customary law correctly.

The article presents bibliography of literature on sociology of primitive and insufficiently developed peoples. The list includes literature on social anthropology; culture contacts; impact of technical progress; problems of administration and organized development.

The article presents a literature review that explores the development, methods and aims of ethnohistory. It furthermore explores the relationship between history and anthropology, the description of the historical trend of the relationship, the definition of ethnohistory and the different theories of ethnohistory. In the light of the historical interest in anthropology that has stimulated both anthropologists and historians, this literature aims to clarify the similarities between the two disciplines. On the other hand, the author proposed that ethnohistory might serve as a means for combining the generalizing aspects of ethnology with the careful evaluation of sources and interest in time sequence of history.

The article focuses on the critical view on Southwestern ethnology in Tucson, Arizona. Anthropologists have been investigating indigenous cultures of the southwestern U.S. and northern Mexico. Anthropological contributions to the study of Southwestern culture history continue to appear at a steadily increasing rate. The growing numbers of Southwestern Indians have been drawn to Anglo towns and cities in search of employment. These trends are clearly reflected in the work of anthropologists who have become increasingly concerned with the analysis of native political processes.

The article presents a literature review that discusses the position of structuralism in cultural anthropology. This literature provides a definition of structuralism against the background of other anthropological approaches, as well as a background of cultural anthropology, the theoretical summary of cultural anthropology and the significance of transformational analysis. This review is divided into five chapters of which the first discusses the proposed definition of structuralism as it focuses on the formal cause, the web of relationships between terms related to biological components, their origins, and their actual social functions.

Among Eastern Europeans, in addition to exercising a great influence on Polish sociology, Romanians made themselves a name because of a unique approach to the subject developed by sociologist D. Gusti between the two world wars. Since Romania still has a slight majority of persons living in rural areas, it is natural that even forty years ago Gusti concentrated primarily on studies of Romanian villages. Combining all possible information on a single village, he succeeded in organizing groups of researchers from different specialties. Probably people should acknowledge that Gusti's approach was inspired largely also by ethnography and anthropology. The generalizations about the character of Romanian sociology are: First, there is the great tradition of Gusti who not only concentrated his attention on an aboriginal social phenomenon, i.e. villages, but also developed original concepts to analyze it. Secondly, Romanians are a Latin nation living among Slavic nations and Hungarians. Consequently, their geographical position has developed certain social mechanisms in order to maintain their distinctive identity. Thirdly, at present Romania has been changing rapidly in the direction of industrialization. This is the major change in Romanian society. Consequently, sociologists are paying increasing attention to it. One can hope that Romanian sociologists will follow the Gusti tradition and will seek to develop a unique contribution to industrial sociology.

The article comments on folk sociology. Folk sociology is oriented to the end of providing a tool for societal direction. The concept of societal balance and equilibrium involves analyzing society in terms of the forces, factors, processes, and conditions, which make for imbalance, and the discovering of methods whereby potential imbalance can be detected, social upheaval forestalled, and society maintained on an even keel. The region offers a ready-made framework upon which to mould the contours of a stable society in the form of inter- and intra-regional balance. In folk sociology, the folk are the bearers of culture. Customs and social heritage, the constituents of culture, follow a line of development from folkways to mores to institutions, changing gradually and naturally in accordance with changing needs and conditions. In folk society, the wrenches and shocks of sudden or rapid change are absent, and maladjustment and social disorganization are at a minimum. Man and nature are synchronized in an indigenous syndrome which comprises the region.