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The article discusses conflict and congruence related to tradition and modernity. In the decades following World War II, Social Science has recaptured an interest in the study of social changes affecting total societies. The emergence of new nations and their quickened aspirations toward economic betterment and equality of citizenship have confronted scholars with the task of understanding the past and the present and foretelling the future of the non- European countries. The study of social change cannot avoid some variant of a before and after sequence in which institutions and cultural attributes characterizing a past are seen as being replaced or modified during the present and in motion toward new relationships and values that will be realized in the future. A distinction between tradition and modernity has been at the center of the analytical models that have attempted to describe and understand these changes. This distinction represents an old stream of thinking in social science. It was influential in the nineteenth century and has left its residue in the perspectives of many social analysts.

This research paper is a report on just one aspect of the comparative study of two adjacent, competing, and sociologically similar communities. These data do show that the two adjacent, competing communities that contain similar population stocks, similar economic bases, and similar geographic characteristics did define the same stimulus in quite different ways. The methodological device of seeking for similar situations, which are differently defined, was fruitful. The hypothesis that communities to which different diffused values had been ascribed would define very specific situations in different ways is supported. One is impressed by the persistence of these definitions. Certainly that social change has a one to one correspondence with changes in modes of production or technology is not borne out here. These data cover the periods of the bloody Civil War, World War I, World War II; the depressions of 1859, 192 1-23, 1929-1941 occur in this time span, changes in the technologies of steamboats, railroads, roads, automobiles, canning sardines, and in communications by wire and air have come about, yet in this particular, Eastport, Maine, remains Eastport, and Lubec, Maine, remains Lubec, each distinguished from the other by specific local values.

Natural history, observational, and interview data from a study of two anti-pornography crusades and the social movement organizations which created and directed them are used to assess nine propositions formulated by Zald and Ash (1966) concerning the structure and dynamics of social movement organizations. The Zald-Ash propositions were formulated from the literature on national, established social movement organizations. This paper explores the applicability of the propositions to those organizations which are small and emerging. The propositions are generally supported. Discrepancies are accounted for by the significant influence of leadership orientation, goal specificity, and incentive structure in determining other structural and dynamic characteristics of small or emerging social movement organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interest in the diffusion of innovations has, in the last twenty years, produced a plethora of research findings, which have been summarized by a number of writers (e.g., Lionberger, 1960; Rogers, 1962, 1967 and 1968; Katz et al., 1963; Jones, 1967; Bohlen, 1064). However, these summaries are basically taxonomic and programmatic rather than theoretic in nature. As the paucity of theoretical work in diffusion studies has been well recognized (cf. Bogers, 1962:300; Robinson and Bailey, 1965:332), there exists a real need for us to search for a general theory pertinent to this field. The aim of the present paper is to discuss a recurrent theme running through many diffusion studies, namely the old concept of adopter-innovation compatibility, and to show how this concept looms as highly suggestive of its utility as a theoretical approach to the studies in the diffusion of innovations and social change. The notion of adopter-innovation compatibility has been utilized in recent diffusion research in two general ways: explicitly and implicitly. We shall therefore discuss first these two different modes in which it has been used and then its implications as a general theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the concept of sociotechnique and how it applies in the field of sociology. Sociotechnique deals with all kinds of social changes which are the result of collective or individual human action. It is a practical science which deals with how to formulate sociotechnical rules based on the relations found between facts, and with how to attain desired social aims while taking accepted values into account. Sociotechnique deals with the mass patterns of human attitudes and behavior. Such attitudes and behavior can be changed mainly through four fundamental means by the education system, the mass media, the legal system and the use of power. All these techniques are based on sociotechnical principles, which again are based on a group of certain basic elements. These are in general punishment and reward and in detail, persuasion appeal to certain highly rated values, manipulation of the compulsive situation, guidance by means of the gap between thought and action. The paper lays no claim to solving the complicated problems of sociotechnique. The intention of the author is to indicate certain key questions and to stress one more important aspect of how to bring about rational social changes.

A basic problem in the analysis of social change has been the search for regularities--patterns of recurrent social phenomena. In the past, this search has been postulated on the assumption that such regularities exist and are discoverable. It is possible to quarrel with this assumption, but that does not obscure the fact that it is a reasonable and justifiable assumption, and argument about it merely obscures a more fundamental problem. Implicit in the concept of reversibility is an assumption that coexistent phenomena can be observed repeatedly and in any order. The structure is not altered by the order in which elements are observed Social phenomena, however, are sequential-- the units of behavior occur only as irreversible sequences. This means that the order of observation can neither legitimately be reversed nor repeated. In another sense, irreversibility manifests itself in the fact that physical organization tends to decrease over time whereas social or cultural organization tends to increase Entropy is, in effect, reversed in social phenomena. This is, of course, the distinction between a closed and an open system.

During the last two decades there have many advocates for interdisciplinary work between the fields of history and sociology. Despite favorable arguments (listing the advantages of collaboration) and the founding of committees and journals (aimed at aiding or initiating cooperation) a number of writers have noted the aloofness of both fields and the lack of any real commitment to interdisciplinary work. But with an increasing interest in the study of family history over the last decade by both historians and sociologists there does seem to be an opportunity, and to some degree a necessity, for an interdisciplinary effort between these two fields. The focus here is upon one area of family history that has recently received much attention from both fields- the colonial American family. Both disciplines are involved in a restoration of the colonial family which, in the process, is providing the beginnings of an interdisciplinary effort. The presentation of the results produced up to this point and the problems arising in the restoration process are reviewed with the expectation of stimulating further comparable research and collaboration. A growing knowledge and appreciation of the works, concepts, and techniques of both fields should enable meaningful efforts in the future between the two disciplines. The result will be, for this particular area of study, a more precise image and better understanding of the colonial family system. This should eventually lead to a clearer understanding of familial change and societal change, in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The concern of the psychologist with person-blame attribution has meant a failure to analyze types of change and social causes of societal changes. Social change can be radically structural (revolutionary), incrementally structural, or cultural. Sources of change can be found in internal contradictions within a society as in Marxian analysis, in uneven rates of growth of various parts of the system, in contact and clash with other systems, and in generational differences. Ongoing social systems are based upon a number of mechanisms designed to insure a continuing input so that effective forces of change need some accumulation and mobilization of social disaffection along group lines rather than the alienation of scattered individuals or transient sub- groupings. The basic contradictions in our society have led to incremental rather than radical change. Generational differences have produced cultural rather than structural change. Thus, the divisiveness and rebellion stemming from differences in social class, age, sex, and race has not resulted in sharp deep lines of cleavage facilitative of revolutionary movements, but have been contained within the society. They may assume more significance, however, as the American system comes into increasing competition and conflict with other systems for resources, markets, and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A source of social movement transformation which has been relatively neglected by researchers involves the effect of factors in the pre-movement environment which reemerge sporadically throughout the careers of social movements. Their reemergence may account for the direction of the transformation process and, specifically, for the differential transformations which characterize some movements at various points in their careers. A case study illustrating this effect is presented, followed by a more general consideration of when this phenomenon may be expected to occur and what movement-related factors facilitate its effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates the utility of the concept, systemic linkage, in the analysis of social change in general. It attempts to carry the demonstration further and propose hypothetical types of change involving systemic linkage. Directed social change is consciously brought about by an actor or social system representative who for convenience may be designated as the change agent. The actor or social system he seeks to change may be designated as the target system. Initiation, legitimation, and execution are terms by which it is convenient to designate stages of change. In terms of systemic elements and processes as used by the present author the stage of initiation involves the process of decision making and initiation into action. Legitimation involves the processes of evaluation and communication of sentiment. Other elements and processes may be perceived in the specifics of legitimizing procedures such as status-roles of prestigeful sponsors and the normative sentiments and beliefs expressed in ritual and prayer. In the analysis of systemic action and particularly in the analysis of change it is convenient to separate the internal and the external patterns.

This article focuses on organizational and conceptual barriers to social change. In various ways, the society seeks to bring theory and practice into focus on human problems of the group, the community, and the nation as well as the increasingly important ones that have no national boundaries. In addition to that the author have attempted to explore the perennially relevant problem of the role of the social scientist in helping to bring about rational social change, with particular reference to the current concerns and changes in our society. Two areas of central concern in psychology that have great social relevance are: conceptions of the nature and evolution of intelligence, and the impact of race and class membership on the life experiences of individuals. Major emphasis in the social sciences has been placed on categorizing types of relationships hypothesized to exist between various psychological characteristics and demographic classifications. Among these psychological characteristics is intelligence, a concept of prime importance.

The article focuses on movements and ideologies related to traditionalism and modernization. In the contact between the Western and non-Western worlds over the period of the past three hundred years, complex technological societies have come into contact with a variety of simple social systems whose technological organization did not permit effective resistance to external control. The establishment of control by foreign authorities initiated a vast transition from traditionalism to modernity whose impact is still being felt on a worldwide basis. This article examines this transition in terms of movements and ideologies generated as a result of such contact. Its approach is inductive; from a single case, that of Tanganyika which will be described in some detail, a model will be formulated. Although a general model can be constructed, there are a number of limitations in its applicability. Socially, the model is most applicable to those situations of contact where the indigenous societies were relatively simple, small in scale and locally based. The model is less applicable to indigenous societies of considerable complexity. Spatially, this means that the model is most applicable in Africa and Oceania and most, but not all, of Asia.

The term "dialectic" is troublesome for sociologists, as for others. A dialectical bent has been discernible in significant sociological work for two centuries. What is meant by such a bent is indicated in an array of seven meaning-clusters. These have to do with (1) unanticipated consequences; (2) goal shifts; (3) adaptations that, once made, inhibit more effective ones; (4) development through conflict; (5) phenomena of the type of contradiction, paradox, negation; (6) the "contradictory logic of passion" in particular; (7) dissolution of conflict in coalescense of opposites. These clusters suggest uses of dialectic in analyzing social change, illuminating certain distinctive statements and sharpening the sense of scientific notions that sociologists have found helpful in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toennies' views on social change were never systematically brought together by Toennies himself, but they are implicit in many of his writings, from Gerneinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887) to his posthumous fragment Gels! tier Neuceit (1936). In Toennies' parlance, they are identical with "applied sociology," but must be considered in the light of the concepts of "pure sociology." According to Toennies, the principle of change is inherent in the contradictory or dialectical nature of human nature which is based on communal or shared feelings but disturbed by arbitrary or reflective will. In other words, individualism as the carrier of change arises out of gemeneinschaft and sustains gesellschaft. Individualistic striving primarily becomes operative in trade, secondarily in politics and in science; it is in evidence throughout history, but becomes extraordinarily virulent in the modern age, through the medium of capitalism. The increase of trade and population and the growth of cities are indicators of this development. Toennies differs from Durkheim because he is a typologist and from Weber because he is a dialectician. He shares Weber's pessimistic appraisal of present trends, but envisages a possible reversal in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Weber's concept of charisma has not been empirically useful to sociology even though it has influenced sociological thinking considerably. The reason is that Weber dealt with charisma more as a psychological than a social phenomenon. The concept can be useful, however, in the analysis of social change if the focus of attention is concentrated on the social context within which charisma develops rather than on charisma or charismatics. Utilizing the example of modern African leadership in Tanganyika, charisma appears in situations where (a) leaders formulate inchoate sentiments deeply held by masses; (b) the expression of such sentiments is seen as hazardous; (c) success--as defined by the relevant social groups--is registered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sketches some of the stark realities of social change facing the nomadic shepherd groups of northern Greece. For centuries pastoralism has been the type of adjustment that many of the Greek mountain villagers as well as the non-Greek nomads have made to their habitat conditions. For half the year they kept their herds down on the plains to graze on unoccupied land or upon cropland lying fallow, the other six months they drove their flocks and took their families to the upland pastures in the mountains where there was lush grass through much of the summer. On the basis of language, one can easily divide these shepherd peoples into three groups. There are Koutzo-Vlachs who speak a Latin tongue, the Arvanito-Vlachs who speak Albanian among themselves, and a third group, or Sarakatsani, that speaks Greek as its only language. The origin of these nomadic Greeks is still a puzzle which may never be solved, the relationships of the three groups to each other culturally and linguistically also present some questions still unanswered.

Folk sociology undertakes to provide a basic subject field for the historical study of total human society in process and for the empirical study of group behavior in interaction. It is primarily a general sociology on the level of social theory constructed in the framework of a societal continuum with a body of propositions and a series of concepts adequate for scientific inquiry into the interacting causal factors of cultural evolution and the cumulative products of social change. The conceptualization of folk sociology as theory finds its genesis and development resting solidly upon real situations and continuing needs. For, manifestly, some of the essential needs of sound sociological theory, now inseparably interrelated with scientific research, may clearly be identified with a number of needs of contemporary science and society. These needs are reflected in trends and problems both in the development and integration of the behavioral sciences and in the demand for expanding knowledge for understanding contemporary society and for resolving the critical ideological problems of modern civilization.

This article gives historical survey of the theories which run throughout the whole history of social thought. Cyclical conception of social change is one of the oldest in the history of social thought. An old expression of belief in a cyclical character of social change is ancient astrology. A periodicity of the appearance of certain stars, and a belief in their influence on human affairs led to the belief that many social phenomena repeat themselves periodically in the course of time. A vague manifestation of a cyclical conception may be found also in the ancient thought of India. The dominant philosophy of ancient India seems to have been the philosophy of an unchangeable Being but not that of a changeable Becoming. The really existing is neither this nor that, as neither effect or cause, as neither past nor future, it is without sound, without touch, without form, without decay, without taste, eternal, without smell, without beginning, without end, beyond the Great, and unchangeable: it sprang from nothing, nothing sprang from it. Through the biblical theory of the fall, through Hesiod's theory of the five regressive stages, through Cicero, Seneca, and the church fathers' theory of the fall, through Rousseau's hypothesis of the idyllic and innocent primitive stage, up to the modern theories of social regress and degeneration, this conception constantly runs throughout the whole history of social thought.

A question of long standing in sociology is the relative influence of the individual in social change. A most interesting fact about living organisms is that when a particular trait of a random number of living organisms of the same species is measured, it is found to be distributed according to the normal probability curve. Measurement in psychology also indicates that mental traits, like such physical traits as height and stature, fall into frequency distributions of the same general shape as the "normal probability curve. This distribution seems to be true not only for simple mental traits but also for combinations and complexes of traits, such as logical reasoning and even general mental ability. It seems probable therefore that such traits as inventive ability or any particular combination of traits of greatness would also be similarly distributed. People therefore think that the biological bases of the different kinds of greatness occur in the normal probability curve of frequencies.

The term "succession" seems to have first gained currency and definition as a result of its use in the writings of the plant ecologists. It has not the same wide application in animal ecology, and where it has been used elsewhere, as it has by sociological writers, it seems to be a useful word but without as yet any very precise connotation. It has been used in describing the intra-mural movements and shillings of population incident to the growth of the city and of its various "natural areas." It has been observed that immigrant people ordinarily settle first in or near the centers of cities, in the so-called areas of transition. From there they are likely to move by stages from an area of first to areas of second and third settlement, generally in the direction of the periphery of the city and eventually into the suburban area-in any case, from a less to a more stable section of the metropolitan region. Although the term succession, as originally employed by sociologists, would seem to be more appropriately applied to movements of population and to such incidental social and cultural changes as these movements involve, there seems to be no sound reason why the same term should not be used to describe any orderly and irreversible series of events, provided they are to such an extent correlated with other less obvious and more fundamental social changes that they may be used as indices of these changes.

Manifold factors have been identified as causal mechanisms in social change, but an important one—temporality—has been neglected. Temporality is the social time that characterizes any society, and that social time is consequential for the rate and direction of change. The three dimensions of temporality are temporal pattern, temporal orientation, and temporal perspective. The differences between the Japanese and Chinese along these three dimensions help explain their differential responses to the 19th century Western challenge. Specifically, two propositions are examined in the light of the historical data: a society's temporality limits the range of adaptive responses to new circumstances, and the symbols of social time act as a mechanism of social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In The Sociological Imagination, C. Wright Mills attempted to point the way toward a more nearly viable sociology by identifying and defining the horns of the dilemma upon which the discipline was, in his estimation, caught. These horns were those of grand theory and abstracted empiricism. On the one hand, Mills believed, are those sociologists whose writings are on such a generalized level that they are unrelated to the sociological and social problems of the empirical world. On the other hand, are those sociologists whose work is so tied to picayune fact-grubbing that the results of their research have no theoretical orientation, are not cumulative, and, therefore, also are not relevant nor of value to the student of public affairs. The Millsian solution to the sociological dilemma was characteristic. He not only demolished its horns but also suggested that sociology could find a greater relevance in the world of affairs if it would follow an imaginative course through their remains. The sociological imagination, derived as it is from American pragmatism, became at once a method for research into empirical reality and for theoretical ordering of the data from that research. The models thus created from historical and contemporary data became open-ended ones of process, dynamic assessment, and strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on key issues concerning inter-racial and international relations. There has been a growth of nationality within the British Empire by a constant increase of autonomy and of separative sentiment in its constituents, which no longer accept the designation colonies, but are by name or by meaning Commonwealths. The peoples of India had for some time been linked up with Europe, but it is seen that during those thirty years Japan come into full connection, and the area of China which is in contact has expanded from the coastal fringe up the great river basins, while its central government is now in regularized intern national communication. Moreover, Africa having been further opened up by travelers' fresh kingdoms and tribes are now brought into more or less organized connection with European nations by means of a network of colonies, protectorates, and spheres of influence. The Pacific Islands similarly have been brought in. There remain in isolation only some peoples of Central Asia, Arabia, and the interior of Africa, and a few sparse tribes in remote regions, though most of these have some nominal political contact, and some of them have religious connection by means of Christianity, or Islam, or Buddhism. Thus, the article focuses on degree of change that has been proceeding in the grouping of the peoples of the world into nations.

This article presents a comparison of different types of self-surveys. These include the Montclair community audit; the Minneapolis self-survey, conducted with the help of members of the staff of Fisk University; and the Northtown self-survey, carried out with the assistance of the Commission on Community Interrelations of the American Jewish Congress. The authors explore more closely at these surveys to indicate the important integral components inherent in each survey and the extent to which these components show divergence and similarity in terms of basic assumptions, orientation, organizational structure, methodology, and objectives for each survey.

This article studies the application of sociologist Max Weber's theory of community, on the ethnic groups of Negroes residing in the ghettoes of the U.S. This article reaffirms that analysis of conditions underlying the present predicament of deprived urban Negroes and of changes occurring within the Dark Ghetto has necessarily been incomplete. Weber's investigation concerned with the origin of capitalism and the sociology of religion are generally interpreted as a refutation-rather than a modification and continuation- of Marx's sociological orientation. For Weber, social change essentially involves the change in relative positions of major and basic social groups, including social and economic classes, which is determined by interaction, antagonism, and conflict. Black power still lacks a definitive statement of policies and action strategies regarding how Negroes can attain access to political and economic privileges.

This article examines some of the functions of social conflict in the process of social change. Conflict not only generates new norms and institutions, it may be said to be stimulating directly in the economic and technological realm. Conflict within and between bureaucratic structures provides means for avoiding the ossification and ritualism which threatens their form of organization. Although conflict is apparently dysfunctional for highly rationalized systems, it may actually have vital latent functional consequences. However, not all social systems contain a degree of conflict and strain. Nevertheless, it is noticeable that the rigidity of the system and the intensity of conflict within it are not independent of each other.

Power through institutional participation has become for many communities and campuses the royal toad to social change. It has served at times as an ultimate objective for organized groups through which they have sought to humble agencies and organizations. However, a voting privilege, or representation, or even a majority vote in the policy-making unit of an agency or organization, hardly guarantees major systemic institutional or societal changes. Certainly some curricula and services, some administrative procedures and policies affecting fiscal allocations and personnel deployment have been modified. For the purpose of influencing institutional policy and changing institutions, it is possible to distinguish several levels of participation. All of them operate within the institutional framework although with varying degrees of impact, autonomy, and authority. These levels may be illustrated by the various channels of relationship through which public welfare clients, for example, may participate directly or indirectly in the policy-making functions of public welfare agencies.

This article focuses on outcome measures and social action experiments. Social change and social worth are variables defined by societal values, on which persons' hierarchical rankings are determined by normative properties. The sociological measures used as outcome variables in evaluation studies are not derived from a systematic sociological and ideological analysis of a community's values and goals. Rather, they reflect concerns made salient as part of a political process in which elected officials, entrepreneural academics, business and union leaders, and representatives of the religious sector exercise influence. Undesirable social conditions, deviant behavior, and personal dissatisfactions are the general categories of outcome measures employed in studies with a normative sociological orientation. The social systems approach to outcome measures holds that there is limited likelihood of developing useful outcome ratings across different locales, groups, and cultures. It holds, rather, that criteria measures should consist of the ranking of individuals within defined geo-cultural units. The impact of intervention programs is measured in terms of whether or not there is a redistribution of the rankings of persons or units in the target group compared with essentially little recording in parallel groups unexposed or treated with alternate means.

The article presents various comments on the article "Problems in the Application of Sociological Method to Historical Data: A Case Example" published in the May 1969 issue of the journal "The American Sociologist." Since one of the authors is a historian and one a sociologist, the author has a special interest in the interrelationships of the two disciplines and, particularly, the use of historical data for sociological analysis. It was this interest which led them to turn so eagerly to Kai Erikson's "Wayward Puritans," especially after reading that it had received the MacIver Award. It was their hope that Professor Erikson might respond with an account of obstacles he encountered that his training had left him unprepared to handle. They had also hoped that Erikson would discuss more fully their contention that sociologists tend to handle data and the supposed existing state of the society as though the society were not facing any large-scale social change that could not be inferred from a limited set of historical data.