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The article presents abstracts of various papers related to immigration in Europe that were published in several periodicals. One of the papers discussed is "Planned Indian Immigration: The Role of the High Commissions," by B.A. Chansarkar. This paper offers a critique of some of the existing arrangements for the movement of voucher holders out of India and into Great Britain and makes a number of specific proposals as to how these might be improved, particularly under the aegis of the particular High Commissions concerned. Another paper discussed is "A Shipboard Study of Some British Born Immigrants Returning to the United Kingdom From Australia," by Alan Richardson. The aim of this study is to explore some of the psycho-social determinants of return migration among British born married, male, skilled, manual workers and to compare those who intend to resettle permanently in Great Britain with those who were undecided about resettling there. A tentative conclusion suggested by the results is that permanent' returnees are more likely to be motivated by economic considerations. The undecided returnees, on the other hand, are more likely to be motivated by emotional considerations.

The article develops an economic hypothesis about the origin of social movements. The paper is divided into three parts: the first elaborates a theory of demand for social change or, more specifically, a theory about why the demand for change manifests itself in social movements. This first part, in turn, is subdivided into two sections examining: first, some structural components of the environment in which social movements originate and discussing, second, the definitions and assumptions of the proposed theory as well as its essential mechanisms. The second part introduces the concept of the supply of social movements and examines how this supply is related to the demand for social change. This discussion sheds some new light on the question of social change itself. This is briefly discussed in Section III. The hypothesis formulated appears to be consistent, at least in the large, with what is known of the history of social movements in Canada, in the United States, and in Europe during the first part of the twentieth century.

The experience of two world wars, the revolutions in Soviet Union and Germany thirty years ago, the Civil War in China, the expansion of the Soviet sphere of influence into the very heart of Europe and the ensuing tensions between the partisans of capitalism, socialism and communism have aroused an intensified interest in the study of those forces and factors which have contributed to the present crisis of Western society. Among these are, of foremost importance, those patterns of concerted social action and more or less organized groups which are commonly referred to as social and political "movements." The conventional approach to the study of these phenomena has been a historical and philosophical study of the ideas or "theories." These were interpreted and analyzed as if they were systems of philosophy. They were submitted to critical evaluation in terms of empirical truth, logical consistency, and ethical standards. Not much attention was paid to the meaning of these ideas to the masses of people who made up the movement or party, or to the social structure of these groups, or to related problems of sociological relevance.

In this article the author takes a full view of the panorama of events that arose in Europe after the Boer War. The Entente Cordiale was regarded by many Europeans as a pitiful confession of Great Britain's weakness. However, it should not be considered an agreement shaped by the administrations. For, in France King Edward VII was acclaimed the author of it. This the author may assert without fear of contradiction, for much of his life at the beginning of the century was spent among men of great influence in the political parties of Great Britain and France. In 1900 the author became stage director of the Royal Opera, which position gave me many chances of hearing what was said in high social circles about the politics of the day. It is true many of these people knew the author was labeled a pro-Boer, but somehow, in my case, that did not seem to Concern them much, for they were chiefly interested in my work behind the curtain and the part the author played in the then promising movement for a national opera.

This article examines co-determination in Europe and its implications to European workers. The concerted drive of free European workers toward some form of economic democracy has assumed the proportions of a major revolutionary movement. The drive for economic democracy enjoys the support of influential social thinkers in the schools and in the churches. The U.S. was made acutely aware of the situation by the announcement of the passage of the co-determination law in Germany on May 21, 1951. Protests were raised against the enactment of the law by some European governments as well as by representatives of U.S. business. Co-determination is an economic problem, to be sure, but it cannot be understood solely in terms of economic referents. Rather, it must be viewed as a manifestation in the economic order of a much broader social movement. There is a vague, fumbling, not clearly defined, yet consistent and powerful demand on the part of the working classes in all West European countries to achieve a status in the community which corresponds to their function in the overall organization of society. The movement for co-determination in Germany must be viewed as merely one manifestation of this broader movement so that to consider it apart from its historical and social context is to miss its significance for the future of European society.