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The article presents a detailed discussion regarding India's problem about coping up about family planning. It mentions that since India was predicted to have a large population at the turn of the century, which will be around one billion people, it is necessary that they should implement the methods of birth control to avoid the catastrophe of overpopulation. It mentions that India's population is more than that of the United States and USSR combined. It explains that the idea of birth control is not the first priority for India because essential needs are the primary focus of the country.

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The article focuses on structural sociology. From time to time, it is necessary and desirable to review the progress of sociological studies, as of other studies, in a wide theoretical perspective. It may well be that Indians cannot yet participate fully in making new movements of thought in the world of learning, on an equal footing with all other nations, but the author does believe that Indians are ready to develop and adopt in India an independent interpretation of international intellectual trends in the social sciences. To develop a new perspective is a theoretical task, which is specifically not for one person but for several or all in a particular discipline. Indeed, it is truly the theoretical complement and the other half so to speak, of the intellectual self-reliance, which has been happily attained in empirical studies of India. The united result of the two would be that, rather than merely applying the principles of the study of human society, worked out by others, to the study of India, one should look upon India with fresh eyes and mindful of its universal human significance.

The Twenty Statement Test (TST) was first reported by Kuhn and McPartland (1954) as a valid instrument for identifying and measuring self-attitudes as they are defined in the self theory of C. H. Cooley, G. H. Mead, H. S. Sullivan, T. Newcomb, and others. Since 1954 the TST has been used in studies of the general adult population, businessmen, students, the professions, and other populations in order to learn how self-conceptions vary and how they are related to changes in age, the reference set, and other social variables. Although this instrument and its associated theory have been assessed in several ways (see Wylie, 1961; Kuhn, 1964; Kemper, 1966), it has not been assessed in terms of its cross-cultural adequacy in eliciting self-conceptions. Yet, this evaluation is quite important both because self theory is not viewed as having subcultural or cultural boundaries and because the users of the TST implicitly suggest its rather general applicability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If social problems be defined as significant behaviors out of harmony with practiced social values, which the society believes can be brought back into harmony, then the study of social problems cannot ignore the dominant social values. This means that similar objective conditions involved in a social problem will be different in significance from society to society, and that the social problems of a given society must be analyzed in the context of the culture of that society. It is in this spirit that we shall approach a discussion of the social problems of India, a society very different from the Western societies in which the study of social problems has developed. Fortunately, there is a new guide available: Contemporary Social Problems in India, by Bela Dutt Gupta. It is a competent survey, in the light of extensive coverage of the Western literature, of the meager data concerning Indian housing inadequacies, family disorganization, prostitution, juvenile delinquency, bad working conditions for women, child labor, the physically handicapped, and the difficulties associated with leisure and recreation. The book is one of the few sociological studies of India produced by an Indian, a woman who teaches sociology at Calcutta University. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents comments of the author on the book "Western India in the Nineteenth Century: A Study in the Social History of Maharashtra," by Ravinder Kumar. This book can viewed as a social history of Maharashtra, India as a contribution to the general literature on South Asia, or as a contribution to the ongoing scholarly debate on the nature of colonialism. In this critique I shall consider Kumar primarily in terms of what he has to say about colonialism, but first some remarks should be made about our ability to generalize from the single case of Maharashtrian society. Since South Asian scholars have usually emphasized the uniqueness of India and have been reluctant to see aspects of this society from the viewpoint of the effects of more general imperial processes, it is well to point out that almost as good a case can be made for generalizing from Maharashtra to "colonial societies" as from Maharashtra to "Indian society"-for it is now regional uniqueness that is being discovered and emphasized. In addition, Maharashtra itself in some respects offers a uniquely useful basis for generalization. First, of all the regions in India, the Marthi-speaking area seems to be about the closest approximation one has to an "integrated" and cohesive social system.

In order to grasp correctly the situation in India, especially for people in England, there must be a proper realization of what India has been, and is at present. The average man on street does not know that India possessed a very ancient civilization, rich in philosophy and religion, and at one time a highly developed social organization, long before many of the present European nations got the first glimmerings of civilization. India is a vast country inhabited by peoples of different religions and creeds. The Bengali is very different from the Punjabi, and both are very different from the Madrasi and the Bombay Brahman. They are mixed in the population of every Presidency in varying proportions, people following the Hindu and Mohammedan religions, not to mention smaller groups like Parsees, Jews and Christians. When the British came to India they found the Mughal Empire in disintegration, and the country in a state of perpetual warfare between various ruling dynasties. When British rule was firmly established in India it was the first time for many years that the country came under one organized system of Government.

This article reports that the phenomenon of caste attains a special significance in 558,000 villages of India, where more than 80% of 540 million Indians live. In the village the caste-system manifests itself as a vertical structure in which individual castes are hierarchically graded and kept permanently apart, and, at the same time, are linked by well-defined expectations and obligations which integrate them into the village social system. The highest in the traditional caste-hierarchy are Brahmins, with their functions of teaching and preaching, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Sudras, in that order. The so-called "Untouchables" are not considered to be in the caste-hierarchy. The problem of the caste does not consist of this division of society into well-defined groups; but of the functional relationships between various castes; especially between caste Hindus and the "Untouchables," lately called Harijans and Scheduled Castes, referring to the castes listed in a schedule given special privileges under the Constitution.

The article focuses on the wolf-child histories from India. The recent publication of "Wolf Child and Human Child," by Arnold Gesell has reanimated a controversy that is now centuries old. Even more numerous are the stories of wolf-children which are told as factual narratives of actual occurrences. There is an account as early as 1341 of a boy found among wolves in Hesse. Since then many more reports have been published of children raised not only by wolves, but by bears, leopards, baboons, and jackals as well. India has incubated more of these tales than any other land. As in the latest instance of the two girls of Midnapore who form the subjects of Gesell's book, each report relates that the children, lost, strayed, or stolen, were nourished by the wolves and retained the marks of their lupine existence long after their rescue. It is noteworthy that all the wolf children tales which have come out of India are presented as true stories. The recent addition to the roster of wolf-child tales from India has been announced in a number of periodical articles, in many newspaper stories, and in Gesell's book.

The article presents autobiographical profile of the anthropolist M.N. Srinivas. He is concerned in this brief essay with narrating how he became a sociologist and how he grew in the discipline. He has brought in his personal and domestic life only to the extent that it is relevant to understanding his career. He has also not discussed his contribution on the purely technical side but confined himself to describing his activities as an organizer of sociological studies in two Indian universities and elsewhere, and the work he did for strengthening the profession in India. He finds even this difficult as he has to steer clear of the Scylla of egotism and the Charybdis of undue modesty. If the former is vulgar the latter is dishonest. The author owes his career in sociology to his delicate health during boyhood and adolescence. As a scholar progresses in his academic life, he finds to his dismay an increasing amount of his time being spent on matters other than his studies and research. Ever since the author's return home in 1951 he has been torn between two conflicting desires, one, to make such contribution as he could to the building up of a national sociological tradition, and the other, to his own study and research.

The attempt to view race and caste within the same framework of understanding could take in two different directions. In the first place, one might consider to what extent systems of stratification based on caste and on color can be regarded as analogous in structure, this is a problem in comparative sociology. In the second place, one might ask how far in India caste distinctions correspond to differences in physical or racial type. This problem is of more special interest to students of Indian society and history. When American social anthropologists, mainly under the influence of anthropologist Lloyd Warner, began to study "Deep South of the United States in Thirties," they found it useful to speak of a caste system in representing cleavages between Negroes and whites in rural and urban communities there. Sociologist Gunnar Myrdal employed similar terms and categories in his classic study of the American Negro made at about the same time. The metaphor of caste has since then been widely used in describing multiracial societies in other parts.

The article presents a study on the social life of rickshawallas in Lucknow, India. The term "rickshawalla" is Hindi and denotes one who operates a three-wheeled conveyance propelled and steered in the same fashion as a conventional bicycle. Throughout India, the bicycle ricksha meets a need for cheap, individualized transportation. A few basic points have emerged from this study of Lucknow rickshawallas that may provide guidelines for subsequent investigations into the impact of industrialization upon Indian social life. The adoption of achievement-oriented occupations in the context of the city does not imply the total abandonment of traditional social organization. Decisions to migrate to cities in search of modern occupations arise from complex motivations that can't be explained by allusions to simple economic factors like poverty and landlessness. Entry into modern urban occupations doesn't automatically imply the disintegration of the extended family and its replacement by the neolocal nuclear family. Compound kin groups persist because corporate activities determined and validated by kinship ties continue to enjoy importance in the eyes of those whose life and work are situated in cities.

This article informs that the transfer of cultural traits may be considered to be a normal phenomenon in society. The cultural make-up of persons and groups is to a very large extent determined by this transfer. There is another reason to place tradition opposite the other two kinds of transfer of culture. When dealing with the transfer of cultural traits we have to make distinctions as to the nature of the elements to be transferred. We may take as our starting point a clear polarity. At the one end there are the elements of a material or instrumental character, at the other the elements with an immaterial, mental content such as religion or philosophy of life. T.K.N. Unnithan in his work on social change in India in relation to Gandhian ideas points out in a well- argued thesis that in society the biological and natural factors are the most static ones. The mind is the next, being already relatively less static. Then follow traditions, customs, religion, ideas. Habits and attitudes are somewhat more dynamic still. The social, economic and political organizations, however, really belong to the dynamic elements. Gandhi's idea was to attempt to make some dynamic factors relatively static and certain static factors more dynamic. He wanted to transform the mind and to make it more dynamic. Here his ideals of change represent an important deviation from modern conceptions of social change.

The article discusses studies conducted by the author related to the development of Rural Sociology outside the United States. The author had used the American model on which he had based his study and found it the legitimate approach. He focuses on the case of India, where the Rural Development Program was launched in the 1950s. The author presents views of an Indian Sociologist, who clarified the non-participation of sociologists in rural development in the country. The author then goes on to discuss the Purnell Bill to provide funds for social research. The author found out in his studies that the development of rural sociology, whether in the United States, in other countries where rural sociology is emerging as a scientific discipline, or in countries where it has not emerged at all, the one basic reason for the phenomena is the difference between the societies and not the difference between the task and the function of rural sociology. In the developing nations the operating programs of reform are revealing to the elites whereas identification with the rural people is required.

The article examines the changing caste ideology in a North Indian village of Khalapur in northwestern Uttar. Analyses of interviews on caste obtained from four opinion leaders in the village are presented below. Of the four, all are influential elders in their respective castes: one is a Rajput, one is a Baniya (Merchant), and two are untouchables (one a Sweeper and the other a Chamar). The Baniya is a high caste just below the Rajputs in the local caste hierarchy. The way by which the village leaders cope with the confiict between the two opposing ideologies concerning untouchables is discussed.

This article forms part of an address by the author, Dean of the Theological Faculty at Marburg in Germany, which is actually, a tribute to S. Radhhakrishnan, Vice-President of India. This address took place on the occasion of Radhakrishnan's being awarded a peace prize, "Friedenspreis des Deutschen Buchhandels," at a ceremony held in Paulskirche in Frankfurt, Germany on October 22, 1961. Benz, eminent church historian and historian of religion, utilizes this occasion to set forth his own and Radhakrishnan's interpretations of the world religious, cultural and political situations. These interpretations are highly significant for contemporary historical study of religion, sociology of religion and communication between religions. Benz maintains that an age has passed beyond the exuberant joy of discovery of the Indian intellectual world. Collective efforts from various quarters, over a century of intensive contacts in all fields, have made it possible to appreciate India and her master spirits in a more objective and a more deeply substantiated manner. In this feat, not only the German Indology and German research on the history of religion, but the German publishing trade also, has played an important role.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

The article takes a detailed account of sociological aspects in India. Indian society comprises not only Hindus, who constitute the dominant majority, but also Muslims, Christians, Parsees, Jews and the adherents of the three major off-shoots of Hinduism, namely, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism. Each of these groups claims inheritance from a distinctive socio- cultural and religious tradition. Ideally, a sociology of India should encompass all these groups and their traditions. If we claim that the aim of Indian sociology is to reveal, not only the social characteristics of the different ethnic and religious groups in Indian society and the prevailing processes, but also the nature of intergroup relations, historical and contemporary, it would appear that the discipline has failed in fulfilling one of its cardinal aims. The paucity of sociological studies of non-Hindu communities has led to the perpetuation of commonplace stereotypes about them. A second reason for the Hindu orientation of Indian sociology would seem to be the extensive use by Indianists of Redfield's notion of the Little and Great Traditions.

The article is a collection of connotations in which the term "region" has been used. Sometimes it denotes nothing more than the cartographic phase in diverse, on-going research processes, but sociologists' interests may also turn on the social structures in a region such as of Tamil Nadu, India. On this scale, some work has appeared dealing with single role-frames by several sociologists namely M.N. Srinivas on Coorgi religious institutions, Adrian C. Mayer on kinship and some others. The author of this article has stated that there are no regional sociological analyses apprehending multiple role-frames. An attempt in this direction will have to be based on the premise that a social structure is not unitary and it results from the coincidence of, the superimposition, the interdigitation of many different kinds of relational matrices and structures. It is suggested that a sociologist should grasp the genetic forces that produce the totality of relational and institutional matrices.

This article presents the author's views on the debate over the nature and scope of a Sociology of India. There are two separate questions involved in this controversy initiated by some sociologists. The first pertains to theory and method in sociology: whether theory in sociology comprises a system of general propositions and concepts or whether it is a descriptive-analytic account of particular social or cultural phenomena in terms of a hierarchy of value-premises derived from some unifying principles. The second question relates to the issue of nationalism versus internationalism in the formulation of problems and priorities for research. It has geo-political and historical dimensions and has been frequently raised in the recent past in terms of "academic colonialism" in the new nations. The controversy between these sociologists is not about sociology as a unique or historical discipline or as a generalizing, comparative science. One of the sociologists' emphasis on Indology has inadvertently led to a displacement of focus, as if there is no scope for comparison or abstract generalization in his sociology.

The objective of this paper is threefold. First, to take account of the published material to establish what significance should be attached to the status hierarchies of territory and kinship in various regions of northern India. Second, to discuss the nature of the relationship between the hierarchies of caste, kinship and territory in terms of what will be defined as diverse positional viewpoints, and the relevance of such an approach for our understanding of social structure and social change. Finally, to analyze some features of the social organization of a particular north Indian city in terms of multiple status hierarchies and diverse positional viewpoints. This paper suggests that the social organization of much of northern India can be best understood in terms of a complex network of status hierarchies rather than in terms of a single, caste hierarchy. Further, it suggests that there is no single morphology, or structure, which describes the relationship between these hierarchies, but rather that the categories of caste, kinship and territory are the basic building blocks which are molded into structural configurations in relation to diverse positional viewpoints; or to which significance is attached on the basis of a certain limited body of knowledge about one's social universe.

The article examines the societal relationship in rural Bengal, India. Participants in a social system usually perceive a difference between the form of society they think should exist and the realized form. From the perspective of the anthropologist, however, the actor's description of ideal social structure is often incoherent and overly specific, while his statements about realized forms of social relations are often biased by observations on the iniquity of his enemies and slogans about the excesses of the "younger generation". In simple societies there is a correspondence between social relations ritually symbolized and, thereby, legitimated, and social relations enacted in everyday life. In Indian village societies, however, the ideal forms of social relations embodied in ritual may not have a basis in village society at all. An important aspect of the long term process by which once discrete rural societies in India have become parts of general Indian society is the adoption by the small societies of structural ideals of the large society: this is the familiar process of "Sanskritization" viewed macroscopically.

In this paper I have tried to suggest some probable extensions and projections into the future of what is at present a dimly visible and restricted condition. As previously reported, the situation at present is stable, in the sense that the attitudes supporting the traditional way of life of both Ladinos and Indians are dominant, and some of the tensions are capable of being drained off by desertion of Indians to other areas. Moreover, the average Indian is so securely orientated and integrated to a pattern of poverty, illness, and hard work that he seems quite capable of taking considerable slack in his psychological belt to adjust to still more of the same. The dynamics of alienation from tradition are at present cumulating their forces. How quickly the power which they contain will be recognized by or forced upon the Indians and Ladinos is a matter of speculation. The evidence would seem to point to considerable resistance to any variation in the way of life to adjust to the new forces at work. It is for this reason that in a previous paper the situation was described as one which has much promise of long life. For, there always remains the alternative that the Indians will grow increasingly small in numbers, but will nevertheless stubbornly keep up their traditions. If this alternative is pursued, it may be some generations yet before they either effectively disappear as a local community, or, through various other mechanisms, become so altered as to be no longer recognizable for what they were in 1940. It seems of significance to note here, finally, that the stratification by age and generation and the vertical division of the sexes in the community have come to have special significance. It makes considerable difference to the observer whether he views the situation through the eyes of a young man or an old man, a father or a son, a mother or a daughter. One does not get the same picture from any randomly selected individual in the community. This in some measure is a decided qualification on the usual assumption of homogeneity of such peasant or primitive communities, an assumption which underlies the use of one or two "trust- worthy informants" as the principal sources of information about such communities. These materials therefore incidentally suggest that a more adequate sampling of peasant populations in transition is called for than has hitherto been practiced in typical ethnographic investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes an exploratory field study carried out to ascertain the pattern of assimilation among East Indian immigrants in California. It was found that the Hindustani immigrants, because of their small numbers and their pattern of living in individual isolation, are prevented from forming their own ethnic communities. In this paper, the term Hindustani refers to immigrants from India and includes Hindu, Sikh, and Moslem immigrants. They constitute one of the smallest Oriental groups in the U.S.— 2,405 in 1940— and are the least known of all ethnic groups in this country. Of the total Hindustani population in the U.S. in 1940, 61.4 percent resided in California. Many have lived there for over thirty years. The majority of California Hindustanis are emigrants from rural villages in the Punjab, with a handful from Gujarat, Bengal, Oudh, and Madras. This study focused on four aspects of Hindustani life— residential pattern, occupational interactions, community life, family and home life.

Presents letters to the editor referencing articles and topics discussed in previous issues Account of peace efforts in the Indo-China region; Analysis of the voting pattern followed in the American Sociological Association; Reference to the directory of the American Sociology; Remarks on the sociology followed in the Soviet Union.

The article presents clarification by T. N. Madan regarding his earlier paper on Indian Sociology. He questions the assumption that it is identical in nature with the natural scientist's external point of view, and that in its pure form it can be combined with the sociological procedure of looking at data "from within". It denies the existence of the external point of view in sociology and that it would amount to ignoring the great bulk of sociological and social anthropological work. It is felt that there is a long and respectable tradition in sociology which treats ideology and action as distinct phenomena. One finds intimations of this separation in the works of famous sociologists Karl Marx, Max Weber and others. Having separated beliefs from action, autonomy has often been invested upon the latter at the expense of the former. Pursuantly, ideology has been treated as error or falsehood, as epiphenomenon or mental disturbance, and therefore as something to be avoided in the name of scientific objectivity.

Some seventy to eighty delegates from colleges, universities, institutes, and schools of social work throughout India, as well as several foreign observers, assembled on February 6-8, 1958 for the Third Indian Sociological Conference at Agra University's Institute of Social Sciences. Although the third of its kind since 1955, it was the first conference to be held in the newly-born institute, impressive both for its architecture and atmosphere of scholarship. In the opening session, the spotlight was focussed upon the sociologist of India, exposing the gravity of his responsibilities against a backdrop of rapid social change. His role was delineated as a composite of "social critic" and "social engineer," dedicated to the development of "precise and scientific procedures that will yield stable empirical results." This orientation, linked to pride in the fact that sociological thinking has its roots in ancient India, combines a realistic insight into the immediate with a sensitivity for historical continuity, that should distinguish future sociology in India.

This article presents information on several articles on sociology, that appeared in various Indian periodicals. "The Sociologist of the Swadeshi Epoch," by Satis Mukerjee appeared in the periodical "Arthik Unnati." "Women and the Nation's Health: Do We Neglect Female Infants? Suicides and Female Suicides in Bengal," appeared in "Bulletin of the National Council of Women in India." Benoy Kumar Sarkar's "The Theory of Wages in the Light of Social Insurance and Public Finance," Shridhar V. Sohoni's "Public Works and Labour Employment," Shitala Prasad Saksena's "Cost of Living, Wages and the Standard of Living of Industrial Labour at Cawnpore" and Cyril P.K. Fazal's "The Problem of Consolidation of Holdings in the Punjab," appeared in the periodical "Indian Journal of Economics." "Cost of Living Index Number for Industrial Workers in India and Burma," "The Payment of Wages Act 1936," "Industrial Disputes in India," "Trade Unions in the Bombay Presidency," "Factories in Burma," "Social Insurance in Egypt," "Protection of Maternity in Indore," "Labour Conditions in Madras,"Middle Class Employment in Bengal" and "Indian Labour in Malaya," all of which appeared in the periodical "Labour Gazette."

The article presents an announcement related to behavioural science research in India. The Behavioural Sciences Centre located in Delhi, India, has published a directory on the research in the field of behavioural science in India. A directory of Indian behavioural scientists is being compiled and is scheduled to be published in 1968. Indian behavioural scientists abroad may contact Udai Pareek at the department of psychology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.