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Focuses on the political activities of the New Left in the U.S. Admiration for the energy of the young radicals; Response of socialists to the demonstrations against the war in Vietnam; Disappointment on the difficulties and opportunism of the political system; Fundamental pattern of American radicalism; Socialism of Norman Thomas; Destruction of freedom in the name of total transformation of man; Complications of democratic radicalism.

Focuses on the contribution of the Watergate Trial on the wave of radical protest in the U.S. Effects of the exposure of the crime and scandal in highest office on radicalism and militant activism; Vindication for the radicals of the 1960s; Sudden emergence of the youth revolt; Radicalization and politicization of universities; Reassessment of the American youth rebellion in the 1960s; Scenario of retributive justice.

Broad recognition and growing acceptance characterize management's attitude toward consumerism, the ‘buyers' rights’ movement that has sometimes frustrated, sometimes dismayed, the business community. Generally considered as here to stay, consumerism is now seen by a surprisingly large number of executives as an opportunity rather than a threat. This comprehensive report interprets the opinions of HBR subscribers on the causes and growth of consumerism, its impact on marketing and other business practices, present and prospective business reactions to it, and its regulatory ramifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an interview of Emil Mazey, secretary-treasurer of the U.S.-based United Agricultural Workers on aspects of the labor movement in the U.S. as of September 1974. Factors responsible for the slow growth of membership of the American labor movement in comparison to the nation's labor force; Relationship between intellectuals and the labor movement; Views of Mazey on chances of political involvement of the American labor movement in future.

Focuses on the structure of movement of women liberation in the American society with an overview of its achievements and shortcomings. Diversity in contemporary manifestation of feminism in form of variety of styles and organizations; Differentiation of radical and reformist feminist organizations on the basis of style and structure rather than ideology; Similarities of women's liberation movement with other social movements; Achievements and shortcomings of feminism in the last decade as of 1974.

The article reports and comments on current events in the news during the week of April 29, 1972. A number of items are covered including the conduct of the war in Vietnam by the administration of U.S. president Richard Nixon, the possibility of appointing an African American ambassador to South Africa and the impact of activists promoting social change on corporate stockholder meetings.

Comments on the feelings of distrust among masses of Afro-Americans during the term of U.S. President Richard Nixon. Problems encountered by the movements of social change; Promises addressed by Nixon to the white Southeners but never the blacks; Efforts of liberals to appease the black revolutionaries; Economic problems contributing to the social problems.

Comments on economic and political power of African American people in the U.S. Role of ethnic political machines and other ethnic institutions in the rise of the minorities; Opinion that the African American revolutions such as the civil rights protests, the spreading violence in the cities, and the controversy over black power are reflections of economic changes; Impact of technological developments on the occupations of African Americans; Information on the launch of civil rights movement by African Americans; Differences in the government plans for organized and unorganized labor.

Describes the situation of the Communist Party of the United States. Massive loss of membership during the McCarthyist period and subsequent recruitment of a younger generation; Sources of tension between communists and the New Left, including the latter's anti-communism; View of the communists that socialism is inevitable in the U.S.; Relations with the Black Left; Relative sanguinity about radical developments in the U.S.; Existence of at least 15 Marxist factions on the Left.

Focuses on the politics and government in Vietnam. Comments on the U.S. military relations with Vietnam; Cooperation of Communist guerrillas with non-Communists; Rise of the government's youth movement; Loss of Vietnamese in the war; Dismissal of the criticism of the Saigon regime; Discussion of the American official reporting on Vietnam.

Profiles Bill Belanger, secretary of the Massachusetts Congress of Industrial Organizations. Family; Career history; Circumstances that led Belanger to question the hardships he saw around him; Discovery of the gap between socialist theories and workers' practices; Development of the industrial-union movement; Lessons learned about unionism; Highlights of Belanger's years in the labor movement; Belanger's role in the victory of U.S. President Harry S. Truman in the elections.

Presents an insight into the political situation in the United States. Overview of the political activities taken by the Independent Voters of Illinois; View that the outcome of 1946 congressional elections will be determined by the extent to which the Democratic Party leadership, the labor movement and independent progressive groups can agree on a program of positive action; Suggestion to encourage new leadership in Missouri; Acknowledgement that Utah has become a really progressive state through political action; Comment that organized labor is the most important political force in California; Description of the situation of the Negroes in Oregon; Deterioration of the Non-Partisan League in North Dakota.

The author offers opinions on the U.S. civil rights movement. Objection is issued to the idea that the civil rights movement was lost direction due to a series of civil right laws enacted by the end of 1965. This opinion is said to be a projection of the civil rights movement from white political leaders who are themselves uncertain and confused..

The article focuses on Chicago, Illinois, civil rights demonstrations, which is faced by Chicago's Mayor Richard J. Daley. By moving the battleground to the Mayor's sidewalk, the marchers hope to mold the city's sporadic and somewhat aimless protests into the first genuine civil rights movement in any Northern city. The shock of Negroes walking into Bridgeport, Connecticut, must be compared to the shock of the first Southern demonstrations when Negroes walked downtown en masse, says one member of the Chicago civil rights' brain trust.

In this article the author presents his annual report on the progress of civil rights. When 1963 came to a close, more than skeptical progress had been achieved through the demonstrations that had drawn more than a million Negroes into the streets. The two years of 1963 and 1964 marked a historic turning point for the civil right movements; in the previous century no comparable change for the Negro had occurred. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 is important even beyond its far-reaching provisions. It is historic because its enactment was generated by a massive coalition of White and Negro forces.

In 1963, the civil rights movement, coalesced around a technique for social change, nonviolent direct action. It elevated jobs and other economic issues to the summit, where earlier it had placed discrimination and suffrage. It thereby forged episodic social protest into the hammer of social revolution. Within a few months, more than 1,000 U.S. cities and towns were shaken by street demonstrations, and more than 20,000 non-violent resistors went to jail. It was a major upheaval in the history of Afro-Americans. The impact of this new strength, expressed on, a new level, means among other things that the civil rights issue can never again be thrust into the background.

This article focuses on the success of the test-ban treaty that has been proposed by the U.S. for developing peace movement. There is considerable questioning within the U.S. peace movement about where the movement goes from here. There are several doubts regarding the treaty like will completion of the test-ban treaty produce a loss of interest or will it, by increasing the respectability and believability of peace activities, help the movement grow? Will the relaxing in world tensions be paralleled by a relaxing of work on peace issues? Actually, most of the peace movement's projected "next steps" seem wishful thinking it is a delusion even to think of the test-ban treaty as a step in the direction of the objectives of the peace movement.

The peace movement in the United States has become a reality and is gathering momentum. For the first time since Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, peace-oriented periodicals are burgeoning, increasing numbers of scholarly articles on disarmament are appearing, ad hoc pressure groups are springing up, and even the allegedly apathetic college generation has been able to mobilize a massive demonstration in Washington. If the American peace movement, now enjoying dynamism, is to play an effective role in slowing down and perhaps reversing the gruesome race toward destruction, its member should go through a certain amount of soul searching.

The period since mid-1961 has seen the greatest proliferation of peace activities since the 1930's perhaps in the history of the United States. Reasons are not hard to find: Berlin, Germany crisis, the deterioration in the United Nations, and the Soviet test resumption. But the author thinks the major reason is the realization, yet hazy for many, that powerful elements in American society are mentally and morally capable of starting a nuclear war, or at least of knowingly taking actions involving the highest risk of one. Until this recent period, the peace movement had consisted of in-group stimulations by disparate groups ranging from pacifists to one-worlders.

Focuses on the present condition of American literature. Disinterest in literature among young authors; Reasons for disinterest among middle aged American authors; Involvement of American authors in the war; Discussion on the reaction against social literature after the First World War; Opinion that the social movement among writers reached it highest point in 1937; Information on the pamphlet called "Writer Take Sides," published by the League of American Writers, which was campaigning for the Loyalists; Information on the novels published during the social realism of 1930's; Suggestion of an experiment for training writers; Domination of the American literature by the writers who came of age during or shortly after the First World War; Information on such writers.

Presents information on the public hearings of the La Follette Committee that was concluded in California on January 29. Report on the traditional open-shop policy of the community; Recognition of the Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association (M and M) as one of the most powerful anti-union employer organizations in the U.S.; Information on the members of the special committee which fostered the idea of founding Southern Californians Inc.; Information on the testimony concerning the Neutral Thousands, more popularly known as TNT; Information on the activities performed by TNT; Tactics of the M and M to induce various employers in a particular industry to create open-shop units; Realization of all employer groups, confronted with a rapidly growing, militant trade-union movement in California, that they must control the apparatus of state and count government.

The article comments on various political developments in the U.S. Most of the Southern States are politically active, and preparing for the conventions which are to frame a new their Constitutions. Governor of Georgia, made a very sensible speech at Macon on the 15th in which he told the people very plainly what was the shortest and the only way to rid themselves of a protracted military rule. This was to admit that slavery was dead, and to alter their statutes to suit this inevitable fact. In an another news, a large portion of the public have never understood why the exhibitions of the National Academy begin on the first of May and last till the fifth of July.

Consumer movements are not a new phenomenon on the U.S. business scene. But the current one, unlike its predecessors, shows no signs of subsiding. In fact, this author argues that consumerism is inevitable, enduring, beneficial, promarketing, and profitable. This is quite contrary to the intuitive assessment of businessmen. After discussing his own assessment, the author advances a new concept of societal marketing to replace the time-honored marketing concept. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The "New Left" is a relatively small but hard core of young student revolutionaries aiming at nothing less than the destruction of U.S. society in general and the Business Establishment in particular. What is the philosophy of the New Left? Where are its blind spots? How should businessmen respond to it? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on changes in the labor movement since the 1930s and its current status as a weakened social force in the United States. Physical reasons contributing to the unions' loss of power include a population shift from blue-collar to white-collar workers. Trade unionism has become weak due to conservatism among labor leaders, a lack of negotiation points, and the acceptance of productivity measures to justify cost increases. The purpose of labor unions now is to maintain and improve existing rights and benefits. Topics include the status of European unions and psychological reasons for a trend toward weak unions in America.

The article reports on the public's desire for economic security and a trend toward the welfare state and labor unions, which support state-guaranteed plans for security in the United States. Industrialization improved workers' quality of life, but automation diminished their sense of achievement in the work place. Business is concerned that a welfare state will lead to economic stagnation and reduced industrial productivity. A solution is government programs encouraging individual responsibility for self-sufficiency--not dependence on the state. Topics include the distinction between welfare society and welfare state, profit and loss economy, appropriate mix of "freedom from" and "freedom to" in a social movement, and management incentives to promote private initiative.

Focuses on the U.S.-based revolutionary organization Black Panther Party (BPP). Role of BPP in the New Left phenomenon of the 1960s; Factors that led to the establishment of BPP; Issues concerning radical communities raised by BPP.

Focuses on the prospects for a peace movement in the U.S. Distinction between an anti-war and a peace movement; Priorities of a revitalized peace movement; Emphasis on working-class internationalism.

Focuses on the ideology of radical democrats in the U.S. Ideals of radical democrats; Character of the society that radical democrats sought to build; Need to present them in such a way as to challenge the average citizen with a vision of how an alternative America might look; Social changes which bring about by calling for a transformation of the metropolis; Need for radical democrats to assume responsibility for coercing private institutions to join in the struggle for justice.

The article focuses on the Seattle conspiracy trial, which ended in a mistrial. The Seattle trial was a bald contemporary drama acted by the inexperienced forces of youthful activism. The trials has been considered as the intention of U.S. President Richard M. Nixon administration to derail young activists in the country. The U.S. moves into an era of increasing political ferment, one can expect to see more such trials. In future, appeals of the contempt sentences, and appeals of the mistrial, will wind their way through the federal court apparatus, probably taking years to sort out.

The article discusses recent arrest of members of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) movement in Chicago, Illinois. From its inception SDS was part of the student movement, and it must be understood in terms of its relationship to that movement as a whole. The civil rights movement of the early sixties created large numbers of student activists who went out from their colleges into projects or demonstrations in the South and in their local communities. Their activities were rarely directed against the university or college from which the activists were drawn and their role was of detached involvement in the struggle for freedom of an oppressed group. These students tended to accept the image of themselves that was held by society as a whole.

If there is validity in the charge that the American labor movement is dominated by backward looking traditionalists, it is to be found in the relationship between trade union leaders and the racial minorities in the U.S. Most of the controversy relates to the unions' response to the African-American worker in large urban centers, where trade unionism is strong and the influx of African-Americans and Puerto Ricans has produced conflict. The response is an ambivalent one-on the one hand, generous support by some of the progressive unions for legislation which improves the lot of African-Americans, but at the same time a reluctance on the part of the union leaders to put their own house in order and thus offend the white majority.

A preoccupation with power, black power, student power, flower power, poor power, "the power structure," is the most striking aspect of the American political scene at the moment. Oddly enough, obsession with power goes hand in hand with a fear of power. Some of the New Left groups that talk the toughest about power are extremely reluctant to see power operate in institutional form; within their own organizations, they shun "hierarchies" and formally structured relations of authority. What the preoccupation with power reflects, essentially, is a deep-seated, pervasive feeling of powerlessness. On the first aspect that of power, Thomas C. Cochran, the economic historian, has reminded people that "the modern centralized, militarized, and welfare-directed state" did not come into being overnight; it is the result of a complex internal evolution.

It is never easy to fix the beginnings of a movement, but participants in the emerging welfare recipients movement will probably remember the last days of June, 1966. About forty men and women on relief left Cleveland on the first lap of a 155-mile march to Columbus, there to present complaints about public welfare to Governor Rhodes. As the marchers passed through cities and towns on the route, local recipients, ministers, social workers and other sympathetic citizens, sometimes hundreds of them, fell in line for a short distance. When they finally reached Columbus, the forty marchers were joined by busloads of recipients from all over Ohio. Some 2000 protesters paraded down Broad Street to the capitol to argue the case against Ohio's welfare system. Dick Gregory, one of those who addressed the crowd, announced that this is not a civil rights movement; it's a human rights movement.