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In this paper, changes in the socio-economic structure in rural regions have been looked upon in the light of international migration, with special reference to the flow of labour from the Mediterranean into the northern and north-western industrialized countries of Europe. The effects of these increasing manpower movements do not always appear beneficial for both areas. The free movement of labour and capital in Europe implies a concentration and accumulation of economic activity in some few regions, and has the effect of depopulation and deprivation in many other areas. The resistance against the international planning of capital and labour distribution is still dominant among the powerful European pressure groups; also the prejudices against the countryside still operate. In order to increase the attraction of rural areas, breaking the vicious circle has been proposed through an international programme of large-scale investments in the socio-cultural sector of stagnating districts, including the areas where no industrialization may be expected. The increase of the general education level of the rural population can be one of the main stimulants in a development schema. For rural sociologists, this approach implies renewed attention to the study of the possibilities of radical change in rural communities. A successful reduction of the economic and social inequality between the rich and the poor areas in Europe should be a good exercise for the forthcoming development of the Third World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural Negroes achieved farm ownership in the southern United States after the Civil War. The number of Negro farm owners has declined substantiaIly from a peak of more than 200,000 around World War I, yet they remain significant in some areas. The small size of Negro farms, and the limited capital of their owners, will make their survival difficult. Many of these landholdings now have greater social value than economic significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extent of the causal relation between interpersonal contact and racial prejudice is examined with emphasis on how this relation is intervened by the effects of family socioeconomic status. A cross-cultural, comparative study of American and Chinese students is attempted using a stereotype questionnaire adapted, with some modifications, from Katz and Braly's adjective list. The data indicate that (a) family socioeconomic status is significantly related to cross-national contact among both the Americans and Chinese, (b) increased contact does not linearly reduce prejudice for both the Americans and Chinese and (c) family socioeconomic status is, relatively speaking, more important than interpersonal contact in its relation to prejudice and significantly so in the American sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While a great deal of sociological attention has been given to phenomena identified as social problems, a general theory of social problems has yet to be presented. The describing and categorizing of social problems has dominated such inquiry, with little attention given to the process of problem creation and maintenance within the context of power, interests, and politics. We must look to the arena of political, social, and economic power, and identify those varying interests vying to define certain phenomena as problematic and those attempting to counter such recognition. The emergence of the "drug problem" in the early twentieth century provides an excellent example of the political nature of problem identification and definition. Early entrepreneurs and their organizations brought about the institutionalization of the problem through the passage of drug laws. While medical interests were victorious in protecting their practice in the Harrison Act of 1914, subsequent efforts by enforcement agencies, among others, brought about the criminalization of the user. The criminalization of the "drug problem" was aided by a change in the image of the user. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on an interview with sociologist Jürgen Habermas. He gave the Communication Theory of society and his works are in the form of an immanent critique of bourgeois sociology, linguistic philosophy, systems theory and various forms of neo-positivism. His Communication theory rests upon solid philosophical anthropology. He explains that only by elucidating the linguistic aspect of the reproduction of social life can the images, plans, programs and organization of free society be realized without perpetrating explicit and implicit repressions. Habermas was asked in the interview about his use of the term "subsystem" of purposive action and communicative action with correspondence to sociologist Talcott Parson's concept of "system." Habermas answered that he used the term "subsystem" in two different contexts, subsystems which mainly serve functions of pattern maintenance and integration such as the family or face to face relationship and those social systems which mainly serve goal attainment and adaptation related to economic and administrative system. Habermas said that in his sociological analysis he made use of the usual concept of system and subsystems. He gave an example that he tried to analyze empirically if there are systematic limitations to the planning capacities of state bureaucracies, then his focus is the administrative system.

Examines changes in the structure and politics of the two-party system in the South. Role of the political division of the population on political change; Association between socioeconomic development and party voting; Impact of race on the voting trends of the population.

Describes a technique for delineating a region known as the Rocky Mountain West. Use of socioeconomic indexes available in Census publications; Component counties of the region; Evidence of homogeneity.

A considerable amount of effort and of capital is invested for development in Ethiopia. But the social and political situation in the country is such that all efforts bear little effect. The distribution of property, chances, and influence is extremely unequal. The prevailing power structure enables the landlords, rich merchants and officials to employ every new project for their own interests. Even development projects which were started to improve the lot of the poor peasants end up being additional tools for the rich to exploit the peasants more effectively. Technical aid does often not reflect over its social side-effects. This helps to increase social and economic differences, instead of filling the gap between rich and poor. If we do not want this situation to continue, we will have to revise our own concept of development, and to accept responsibility for the social consequences of our interference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional theoretical assumptions are drawn from development communications research and are challenged on the grounds that as theoretical concepts they are inadequate guides to the selection of data and the resolution of development problems. The first conceptual fallacy results from the regular practice of choosing operational examples and analogies from the experiences of developed rather than underdeveloped countries. This is especially evident in terms of a bias favoring technology (especially U.S. technology) as a correlate to communication phenomena and as a solution to development problems. The second fallacy results from the use of inappropriate and frequently untested theoretical models within communication research causing a distorted view of the role of communication in relation to social and behavioral systems. The first issue is argued by presenting a review of empirical studies which show that communication processes and the adoption of new technology does not go on apart from the factors which define the behavior of the social, economic and political system. Correlational analyses are of little value in explaining communication processes, or in establishing their role in relation to development. The second issue is addressed by suggesting that communication be viewed as part of a social interaction theory in which communication is treated as a process which unveils and transforms reality in the exchange of information among persons. Communication can be defined as a process of accumulating and integrating intelligence. This reformulation shifts the research focus from questions of how communication functions to change persons (senders or receivers), to how it functions to change and transform ideas. Concepts, ideas, interests and positions can then be used as the primary units of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the effect of economic and social changes on a small village of a hundred people situated in the Spanish Pyrenees. Although on the margin of urbanised Spanish society, this community is increasingly dependent on forces that originate outside the village: the influence initially of industrial migrants, and latterly, tourists and land developers. As the composition of the community has changed it has become increasingly difficult for groups of people in the village to regard themselves as part of a collective entity with shared traditions and institutions. The changes in Gema, and the responses to those changes, provide a commentary on the way rural communities relate to largely urban and national social systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is considerable interest in the United States today in social indicators, social accounting and data banks. This interest is in part a simple elaboration of the increasingly heavy use of computers by social scientists, but it also has its roots in the belief, held mainly by sociologists, that social solutions must supersede, or at least temper economic and technical perspectives in the many problem areas of the U.S. This social indicator movement, it does seem to be something of a ground swell among social scientists, is focused on individuals, their attributes and access to goods and services. Given the heavy use made in the United States of sample surveys, it is to be expected that initial efforts to measure the quality of life should take the individual as a unit. However, this approach seems quite inappropriate for developing countries. The outlined contained in this article of a technique for measuring and monitoring over time selected dimensions of the institutional accumulation and patterns of a country is an answer to the question of use of social accounting in developing countries. Even the poorest of countries can profit from knowledge of the institutional characteristics of its principal civil units. Whether to move beyond these units to others such as bureaucracies, factories or ethnic groups is a question that will have to be answered differently for each country, but the indication is that many countries already recognize a need for the minimum information.

The article discusses several issues related to social conflict and social change as an aspect of social development. Programs of development cannot end existing social conflicts if the general socio-economic system remains unchanged. In such a situation, programs of development can stimulate rapid general change because they sharpen social conflicts and not because they stifle them. But it means that such development programs may lead to unanticipated results. Programs of development could be more effective if they are applied by a new political power, which emerged during the process of change in the general socio-economic system. In such a situation, the new power would be temporarily free of basic social conflicts, and programs of development could be more flexible in creating a new socio-economic system and new social structure. The knowledge about society does not allow us to predict the social consequences of development in a given country. The reasons for this have more to do with the lack of an adequate theory of social change than with the lack of empirical data.

The investigation in two Rumanian villages aimed to establish to what extent the speed at which innovations are adopted or the readiness to accept them may be determined by the following factors: i) information, and its role in the process of adopting an innovation; z) the traits of the general socio-economic system; 3) the characteristics typical of the village in its capacity as a social system, and the degree to which its members have identified themselves with the system; 4) the social status of the individuals; 5) the rationale of the behaviour of the individuals with respect to the co-operative farm; 6) the type of interest taken in innovations (the motivation for adopting them). The innovations considered were: the mechanization of the various farming tasks and the degree of use of chemical fertilisers, of insecticides and fungicides, of selected seeds and of industrial fodder. In addition to the diffusion of technical innovations in agricultural production, the study also embraced the penetration of technical innovations in the private life of the peasant's family (diffusion of household appliances and of mass media). The research centred on the co-operative farm since, in Rumania's co-operative agricultural system, the function of the individual plots of land is quite different from that of the privately-owned land of the individual peasant. The survey showed the decisive significance of the social agrarian structure, which sets its seal on the speed of innovation diffusion in agriculture. In co-operative agriculture, it is not the information on technical innovations that is the main agent in their diffusion. The admission of technical novelties depends on deeper, structural factors, namely, the socio-economic structure of the co-operative and of the entire social system. In the case of agricultural co-operatives, the utilization of technical innovations is mostly financed by the state and controlled, either by means of contracts concluded with stateowned agricultural machinery enterprises or by means of state allotments of such machines, the cost of which is refunded by the cooperative farm. Decisions concerning production, including the introduction of innovations, are taken by a population with a specific institutional structure. Information exerts a comparatively greater influence on decisions concerning the admission and acquisition of technical items for personal use in the peasant family. It is argued that a socialist agrarian structure cannot by itself ensure an optimum functionality. It requires self-conscious activity and the ability of the human being to turn the advantages of the new system to good account. The modernization of rural life depends to a marked extent on the internal cohesiveness of the rural group and of the organizational level of their productive efforts. The investigation disclosed that the subjective conditions for a rapid pace of development are also conditioned by the vocational, moral and civic qualities of the leaders of the co-operative units. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents some of the findings of a comparative sociological investigation carried out during the years 1966 and 1967 and partially continued in 1968 in two of Rumania's rural settlements, namely Belint and Comana. The investigation aimed to establish to what extent the speed at which innovations are adopted or the readiness to accept them may be determined by several factors, including information and its role in the process of adopting an innovation, the traits of the general socio-economic system, the characteristics typical of the village in its capacity as a social system and the degree to which its members have identified themselves with the system, the social status of the individuals, the rationale of the behavior of the individuals with respect to the cooperative farm and the type of interest taken in innovations. It is argued that a socialist agrarian structure cannot by itself ensure an optimum functionality. It requires self-conscious activity and the ability of the human being to turn the advantages of the new system to good account. The modernization of rural life depends to a marked extent on the internal cohesiveness of the rural group and of the organizational level of their productive efforts.

Religious preference at several points in the life cycle is examined with regard to its affect on socioeconomic achievement and with regard to how religious preference is influenced by education, occupation, and income. The importance of considering the several major denominations separately instead of as a single category is demonstrated. When this is done Jews, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians have above average socioeconomic achievements; Methodists and Catholics are near the mean; and Baptists are below the average. Controlling for social origins and early achievements greatly attenuates the differences, but does not remove them with regard to education and income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographers have paid little attention to the study of federalism, despite the fact that it is the most geographically expressive of all forms of government, and spatial interactions in the functioning of federal States are most easily recognized. Though a particularly complicated form of government based on Western-style democracy, federalism is a dynamic process and not a static phenomenon. Although specially relevant to political geographical study. Federalism seems of interest also to social, economic, and historical geographers. Here is a research frontier which provides great scope both for students of regional political geography and for theory-minded political geographers who want to think in terms of concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historic trend of rural and urban fertility in the South Island of New Zealand conforms closely to the experience over time of other world areas of similar socio-economic evolution, in particular Australia, the United States, and Western Europe. In the period from 1881 to 1936 a widespread decline occurred in both rural and urban fertility. There was a subsequent resurgence lasting to 1951 but thereafter, especially in the 1960's, a new phase of decline emerged. Meanwhile, an appreciable narrowing of rural-urban, inter-rural, and inter-urban fertility differences has taken place. Within the larger metropolitan centers, however, pronounced suburban variations are evident, a major contrast existing between the downtown pattern of low fertility and the outlying residential districts of high fertility. Both long term and recent shifts have been causatively linked with changing cultural attitudes deriving from the emergence of an overwhelmingly urban-dwelling society in place of the rural agricultural, pioneer society still predominant in 1881. Fertility differences at the regional and local level are explained by reference to a wide range of cultural variables, chiefly socio-economie status, religion, marital status, and other sociological circumstances peculiar to urban as distinct from rural ways of living.

This article describes trends and issues in Soviet Union's geography of population. Theoretical developments within Soviet geography of population is being studied because they represent an attempt to introduce a new kind of socio-economic discipline. The geography of population in Russia dates back to the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Soviet geography of population is the study of population distribution and productive relationships existing within various population groups, the settlement network and its fitness, usefulness, and effectiveness for productive goals of a society.

The passage of centuries has not effaced the devilish aura that has persistently surrounded the Jew. He has appeared as an impure creature, working in league with Satan for the downfall of Christendom, a pernicious and corrupting figure, cynically auctioning away the values that tradition has hallowed. The author seeks to explain how such a myth has survived the cultural, social, economic and political upheavals the western world has known alter the middle ages. He gives his answer through a study that is directed firstly to the medieval gargoyle of a church in Alsace, then to the diabolical role attributed to the Jew by the rumours of white slavery circulating in Orleans, Amiens and Strasbourg. Three revealing approaches emerge. From a socio-economic standpoint, the Satanic image of the Jew is seen as a tendentious interpretation of the role he has actually played in western economics, resulting in his becoming, today, the sinister symbol of the "success at any price" life style. A cultural standpoint analyzes the secularization of the myth created by medieval theology, that presented this contemptible outcast o[ society as the privileged eye-witness of Christ's martyrdom and triumph. In Hitler's version, the Jew achieves his dominant position over other peoples by propagating subversive political ideas among them, and undermining their religious and moral foundations. In a psycho-sociological perspective, the identification of Jew with devil is placed within the wider dialectic relating man with the Other. The Jew repeatedly incarnates the stranger in his nearness, his radical difference, and his irreducible otherness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents evidence on some of the socio-economic forces operating on Christian Churches in a modern metropolitan area based on a case study from the city of Durban in South Africa. Evidence has been provided of some of the economic and planning problems facing Christian churches as a result of the rapid development of the metropolitan area in which they operate. The impact on the churches of social and economic forces associated with modern industrialization and its associated patterns of differentiation, specialization and organization, has also been given. There is a tension between a somewhat fundamentalist evangelism and a more secular concern with the welfare of communities and people within them and the contribution that the church can make in terms of the social gospel. Some Christians behave and speak as if they see a conflict between loving God and loving one's neighbour, whereas many church leaders see loving one's neighbour in terms of Christian community-involvement as an integral part of loving God. There is increasing concern about duplication not only within but also between the different denominations, certainly as far as the churches composing the natal Council of Churches is concerned.

In the Italian Mezzogiorno with its overpopulation and its archaïc economic structure, modern economic and social life emphases the contrasts. The A. analyses these aspects and the processus of urbanisation which occurs there. He explains the dilemma of Italy divised between two socio-economic systems, and which has to choose between economical and sociological still insufficient models, these which can give the bases of a harmonious and accelerated regional development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most missionary districts are lying in the so-called underdeveloped countries where little prosperity is to be found. This applies especially to the Tropics. The author aims at analyzing the causes which this slight prosperity can be imputed to and at indicating the means which may lead to an increase of welfare. Industry and commerce hardly occur in these countries. Agriculture yields little on account of the small area of arable land per family (small average of working area), because of the bad quality of the soil and on account of the low prices of tropical agricultural produce. Next the author treats a number of possibilities of raising the level of welfare. As regards the condition of the soil: dunging, increase of the grade of vegetable mould in the soil, introduction of mixed agriculture and of biennial vegetables. Regarding the working area: furtherance of weed-killing, mechanization of breaking up the fields. The low prices can be explained from the fact that native agriculture is practically limited to nutricious produce, whereas commercial produce (constituing or having constituted the monopoly of the Tropics) is cultivated by foreign estates. Mission can exercise agriculture in the Tropics not only in order to supply its own needs, it can also endeavour to improve agriculture among the population. There, however, it will meet with the difficulty that an intensive knowledge of technical and economic problems is essential with a view to finding a remunerative form of economy, appropriate to the social surroundings. The author elucidates this matter in detail and gives a general view of the different forms of activity in the tropical territories. It may be possible to educate the population by means of model farms and concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official driving records of educable mentally retarded individuals were compared with records of individuals with normal or above intelligence to study the relationship of intelligence and socioeconomic status to driving ability and driving habits. Generally, intelligence and socioeconomic status did appear to be influencing factors in the total number of violation points accumulated over a five year period. However, inspection and analysis of driving records indicated that subjects from high socioeconomic groups received more speeding violations than the low groups, and that low intelligence subjects had more points for violations, other than speeding, than the average and above average intelligence groups. The low intelligence group differed significantly from an average group on the factors of combined accidents and violations. However, the low intelligence group did not differ significantly from the high intelligence groups on these same factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the study on the effects of two levels of socio-economic status on the identification of hearing loss children by their parents. The general plan was to select samples of school children who differ in socio-economic level when compared on the basis of the occupation of parents and their salary income. The study presented in the article considered the possibility that parents from higher socio-economic levels might be superior to parents from lower socio-economic levels in discovering hearing loss in their children.

The article highlights the concept of political economy coined by well-known socio-economist Horace Greeley. Historians of economic thought, in customarily appointing Henry C. Carey dean of the American School, have generally neglected the high spokesman of discontent, Horace Greeley, founder and editor of the "New York Tribune." Horace Greeley's life and political economy stand out as clearer expressions of a young America in its middle period transition. Greeley was an awakened figure of his time. Never the totally eccentric dreamer he is frequently considered, he found himself aware that narrow parochialisms were breaking up, and he aimed to conform society to the changes under way. He saw his country as the great chance for righting wrongs- and he wished to make it a proving ground for social experimentation. Thus, he devoted his life and his paper to teaching the people to seek freedom by building a wealthy nation in which resources should be correctly utilized and special privileges should be destroyed.

The article argues that centuries of bondage and servitude of any race naturally results in inferior intellectual, moral, social and economic weaknesses; these qualifications tend to give the African American an attitude of inferiority, and for many years to come destine him to furnish a large contingent of the indigent, dependent, and defective population in the South. In the United States the history of the African Americans dates back to August 1619, at which time a Dutch ship in the James River landed a cargo of slaves in the colony of Virginia. The slave traffic to the New World drew from the diversity of tribes along the West African coast, and in consequence a great variety of African American types was introduced into the American colonies. These types have gradually fused, so that the present typical American African American is a truly composite type which has incorporated in it all the generic characteristics of the West African tribes. The most important modifying influence on the present American African Americans is the effect of the infusion of white or Aryan blood into the original pure black type. The modifying influence of blood infusion is proportional to the amount of blood of either race that enters into the general composition of the individual.

The article discusses about economic and social aspects of farm tenancy in Texas. Tenancy has grown pari passu with the development of cotton production in Texas and since 1880 the percentage of tenancy has been higher than in the United States as a whole. Although the first figures on tenancy were given in the Census of 1880, the tenant system existed in Texas to some degree before this time. Tenancy in Texas is closely related to fertile soils and to the one-crop system. In those areas of the state where the soil is favorable to cotton growing, a high degree of tenancy will usually be found. One great advantage of farm ownership over tenancy is that the owner is in no danger of being told to move in order to make a place for someone else, provided he keeps out of debt. The average tenant farmer, on the other hand, shifts from farm to farm every few years. One factor that has handicapped the economic progress of the tenant is the extremely high price that he has been forced to pay for credit.

The article presents information about the great depression and activities of the Catholic worker movement. European Catholicism always had its communitarian perfectionist followers, but these did not develop among American Catholics until the 1930s. Utopian sentiments, in the U.S., were shaped by the societal dislocation of the Depression and by disenchantment with the capitalist system on the part of educated laymen and clerics. With the Depression many young Catholic intellectuals questioned the capitalist system and the Catholic Worker Movement attempted to provide an alternative. The Movement itself was founded by Peter Maurin, a French itinerant philosopher and Dorothy Day, the Movement's administrator, kept Maurin's ideology relevant to contemporary America by superimposing her sometimes conflicting point of view. The result was a dualism consisting of Maurin's agrarian communitarianism and Day's more pragmatic ideas oriented to the urban industrial worker. Though equally committed to an alternative economic order, her willingness to work within the capitalist system sowed the intellectual seeds of social reformism; Maurin's philosophy, on the other hand, was more uncompromising.

The article focuses on the life and work of Cornelius O'Leary, the Missouri pastor who worked to further the activities of the Knights of Labor in his own region and presumably played a minor role in the behind-the-scenes negotiations leading to the continued rapport of the Church and the laboring man. The career of Cornelius O'Leary throws light on many aspects of American social history-how labor's struggle affected one small but regionally influential community and how a clergyman, hitherto only slightly associated with a social reforming organization, found its challenge to his church a call to action. It also shows the social and economic pressures upon this reform-minded clergyman and, finally, his personal struggle not only to continue in his work of social reform but in addition to continue running an effective ministry. Interestingly, an obituary tribute to Father O'Leary, written seven years after his death, makes no mention of his activities with the Knights of Labor. But had it not been for these activities, Father O'Leary would probably have had an entirely different career.

This article discusses the Southern Lumber Operators' Association and unionism in Texas and Louisiana from 1906 to 1916. During the antebellum and immediate post-Civil War years, forest lands extending from the central and northern parishes of Louisiana, west into northeastern Texas, and south to the Gulf Mexico stood virtually untouched. The last two decades of the 19th century, however, witnessed the concurrent arrival of railroad transportation and large-scale lumber manufacturing which transformed the region from an economic backwater into a new land of opportunity. Unfortunately, this new-found prosperity reached too few as timber empires were carved out by northern and southern lumber companies, and company-owned towns came to dominate the area's economic, politics and social life. As corporate wealth increasingly made itself felt from the company-controlled municipality to the state capitol and beyond, those excluded from a full share in the rewards of industrialization voiced dissent through the People's Party and the Progressive movement, only to be disappointed in their bid for political voice and by-passed by legislative reforms.

Focuses on Cuba's agricultural policies. Effect of impatience and ideology on economic growth; Economic effects of social and political context; Production of agricultural products; Role of foreign trade.

One of the most enduring hypotheses concerning which aggregate of a population is likely to rebel was put forth by Kropotkin (1930). Simply stated, this hypothesis sees the "emerging groups," those not at the lowest socio-economic level but on some higher level as being the most likely for social disturbance or revolt. But this hypothesis by itself is not comprehensive enough to account for the fact that some emerging groups experience social disturbance and others do not. A dynamic or motivational component is necessary. Cantril (1965) provides such a mechanism with his aspirational theory and the self-anchoring scale to operationalize his concept. The dynamic component that accounts for social disturbance is the unsatisfied aspiration level. In various studies in foreign countries Cantril (1967) showed that revolt in the Dominican Republic or lack of support for any attempt to overthrow Castro could be predicted by measuring aspiration levels on the self-anchoring scale. His predictions were confirmed by subsequent events. The riot of April, 1968, in Kansas City, Missouri provides a definitive example to test Cantril's aspiration theory. This riot is especially instructive in that it shows how with the use of the self-anchoring scale and a very few socio-economic measures one can predict the areas of the city most likely to have social disturbances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to describe the model for a poverty intervention program that purports to work largely inside the system as an organization funded by the Office of Economic Opportunity, yet intends to bring together presently disparate intrasystem and extrasystem components of the community into a single program for social change. This social action approach, conceptualized here as the Overlap model, will be outlined and then for further clarification compared with Saul Alinsky's approach as summarized by Riessman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How important is the economic role of business executives in determining their degree of involvement in local community affairs? Studies of social class and social participation, of community decision-making processes, and more general analyses of the economic institution in modem society all have suggested that as one ascends the corporate pyramid he becomes more involved in the organizational life of the local community. Explanations for this association between economic position and community involvement have been of two general kinds. The first emphasizes the structural position of local economic dominants in community affairs and the second focuses upon the concept of "corporate social responsibility" and the attendant role conceptions of business executives. While there are many claims as to the primacy of the economic role in community involvement of executives, there have been few empirical attempts to ascertain the degree of local involvement actually explained by the economic role. Certainly businessmen are active in the local community. But how important is their economic role as compared to their other sociodemographic characteristics in accounting for variations in their activity? It is the purpose of this paper to discover the degree of local community participation explained by both the structural dimensions of the economic role and the executive-community role conception based on a national sample of business executives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses itself to the problems of "cultural difference" through a semantic feature analysis of the lexicon of the hard-core poor. The hard-core poor are an internally organized, often highly resourceful, deviant subculture, the members of which do not share common societal values and do not wish for social mobility. They have their own ideology concerning the middle-class striver, considering him "sick" and his values inimical. Although other types of slum residents appear to lack integrated social systems for surviving in conditions of economic marginality, the hard-core poor do not. Their neighbors refer to them as "the self-contained society." They have developed their own adaptive institutional forms, including those for religious expression, economic survival, and social aid. This subculture has its own economic strata (not all of the hard-core group are economically poor), as well as its own elites, its own methods of communication, and highly efficient system maintenance and group insulation mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper briefly explores the association between a nationally derived scale of socioeconomic status and the variables of prestige, reward, skill, and functional importance as they were measured and employed by Lopreato and Lewis. These authors suggest that prestige is a "fulcrum variable." It is assumed that prestige has some common underlying features in relation to other variables such as reward, skill, and the functional importance of occupational roles. The investigators also suggest that prestige is the best single measure of this factor. The purpose of the present exploration is twofold. An attempt is made to assess the probable influence of the restricted sample which the investigators employed. Their findings will be evaluated by correlating the prestige ranks which they obtained with the ranks which can be derived from the Duncan Socio-Economic Index. Secondly, the ranks obtained from the Duncan Socio-Economic Index will be correlated with the Lopreato and Lewis ranks with regard to reward, skill, and functional importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The image of affluence has dominated much of the recent discussion of American society. Laymen and specialists alike have tended to accept as proved certain broad generalizations about socioeconomic changes which are presumed to have taken place in the second quarter of the twentieth century. The assumptions on which the affluent image rests may be stated briefly: (1) personal income has become more equally distributed; (2) the concentration of wealth (particularly stock ownership) has decreased markedly; (3) poverty has been reduced in scope drastically by the general up-grading of the income structure and the expansion of welfare programs; and (4) government action has been a major factor in these redistributory changes. These assumptions are turned into slogans for common use in such phrases as "the affluent society," "the welfare state," "the income revolution," and that remarkable coinage "people's capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the congressional party differences in civil liberties and criminal procedures issues. Probably the most unexpected issue of the 1964 Presidential campaign was lawlessness and crime in the streets. To many observers these themes appeared as covert ways of dealing with the race question. Yet, it is quite possible that the crime issue consisted mainly of a new aspect of the ongoing dispute between liberals and conservatives which had only incidental relevance to race relations. Significantly, the Democratic reaction to the issue was to stress the need to eliminate the social and economic causes of crime, whereas the Republican approach expounded by Barry Goldwater centered on law-enforcement techniques. Events and personalities unique to the 1964 election campaign could account for lawlessness having appeared as a political issue, but it is equally possible that events and personalities of 1964 served only to accentuate existing partisan differences, differences perhaps evident in Congress for some time. Moreover, its treatment in the presidential campaign suggests that the crime controversy is tied in with other issues of long standing.

The article focuses on German sociologist and political leader Ludwig Erhard's concept of the "Social Market Economy." It has been viewed that despite his big political image in Germany, he has neither tried to implement his policy recommendations and decisions in his writings nor he tried to develop his ideas into a scientific system. Basically, the Social Market Economy is a free market economy, founded upon the principles of free competition, free economic choice, and free development of the individual personality. Prosperity for all can be reached only through economic progress and growth, and true progress is only achieved when all share in it. Constant improvement in productive capacity makes economic and social sense by opening up improved and freer ways of living for the whole people. To multiply the national product and income, Erhard believes, it is essential to increase and maintain incentives for higher productivity, to utilize production capacity fully, and to make new energies available. The success of the Social Market Economy depends largely upon cooperation among the free entrepreneur, labor, and government. The complete economic process is taken as a team project to serve all the people in their daily consumption.

The article focuses on factors influencing socio-economic adjustments of farmers in low farm income areas. Between 1950 and 1960, Americans were leaving farms at the rate of nearly half a million per year. This tremendous migration represents a powerful social force produced by significant causes and developing significant effects. Unemployment and underemployment have played dual roles, as both cause and effect, in the shift of population from rural areas. Farm programs have made little impact on this shift from low farm income areas because the programs have been of most benefit to average or better than average farmers. No less than 26 percent of all farm receipts go to two percent of all farmers. On the other hand, half of the farmers, those on the smallest farms, produce only nine percent of farm products marketed. The results are low income, inadequate social services, and wasted manpower. With reference to socio-economic adjustments of farm families, the most significant independent variables were income, level of living educational level and racial derivation.

The article focuses on the economics of unseemly opulence. The belief among some economist that the United States has solved the economic problem is a new heterodoxy. Yet, despite the alleged resolution of mankind's long struggle against poverty, there is no rejoicing among those who argue this point. On the contrary, they stress that much remains to be done. There are pockets of residual poverty which persist despite general rises in real output, much social furniture needs to be built, and a vast extension of education is required to permit a wholesome use of the leisure and economic surplus created by the economy of abundance. The new heterodoxy is, of course, full of value judgments and refuses to accept consumer sovereignty as the ultimate determinant of the composition of gross national product. Excuse for abridging consumer sovereignty involves the financing of something desirable which only government could undertake-such things, for example, as unemployment compensation, the school lunch program, and so on-things, which would not be done under the profit incentive.

The article reports that in the history of important societies or nations, the attainment of a condition of economic stability has typically been followed by decline or breakdown in at least the economic sphere and has frequently been accompanied at a more or less remote stage by political, social, cultural, and even moral decay. In other words, stability in the sense of cessation of economic expansion seems to have been one of the indispensable conditions of ultimate demise. The major problem which this study analyzes is whether there is a necessary connection between economic stability and economic decay. The fact of past correlation is accepted. But the inevitability of it, the a priori necessary connection, merits further discussion, for if it is a necessary connection, the Western world is indeed faced with at least a serious problem. In the twentieth century the self-conscious quest for, and emphasis upon, security, the manifestation of the desire for stability, has become a firmly ingrained aspect of policy-security from external aggression, security from internal revolution, security from famine or the business cycle. All societies, of course, are concerned to a greater or lesser extent with these problems.

This article proposes a conceptual framework for the analysis of social and economic dynamics in Latin America. Property relations, ways of making a living, and instruments for getting and holding economic power have been in a process of flux since the beginnings of the end of the peon-powered hacienda as the characteristic type of economic enterprise in Latin America. A principal correlate of this bask revolutionary significance is the empirical, one-by-one fashion in which the peoples in the southeast have lately come to face their problems of economic development as problems of state policy. This revolution, in the first place, is nationalistic and ethnocentric. The term which best sums up economic policy in Latin America is "interventionism," referring to government intervention in matters traditionally left to private enterprise in countries where the liberal revolution made its strongest contributions. In cultures deeply informed with the doctrines of eighteenth-century liberalism, the tendency of the state to intervene in the economic affairs of its citizens has been largely conditioned by the manifest inability of the entrepreneurial group to achieve order in its own ranks.

The article presents information on rationalization for trade unionists. Any social movement requires a rationalization-to justify its existence to itself, and to the society. American labor movements, being social movements, have felt this need, and have from time to time developed more or less sophisticated economic rationalizations. Economics as a discipline has served, among other functions, that of providing a formal rationalization for a particular set of social institutions. The union attack upon the stock broker's rationalization was, in some sense, more subtle than the work of the stock broker himself. Recognizing that in the state of things appeal had to be made to the self-interest of the ruling class at least as long as it ruled, trade unionists did not propose to condemn their rulers to the rigors of an iron law, at least for the nonce.

The article focuses on minimum requirements for the good life. In 1937, in a lecture in Denton, Stuart Chase made the rather startling statement that the United States cannot afford to let the average family live on less than $2400 per year income. His main discussion centered around the fact that there is a high correlation between crime and disease on the one hand and low income on the other. The speaker proceeded to show that it would be cheaper to pay the minimum income suggested, than to pay for the enormous amount of crime and disease that prevails. A scientific study along the line has been carried on in San Francisco by the Heller Committee for Research in Social Economics. This committee has worked out wartime budgets for three income levels, based on "frozen" price levels which are 20% higher than the pre-war prices of 1939-40. This paper is concerned only with the lowest of the three income levels, that of a family of a wage earner. The family consists of a man, wife, boy of 13, and girl of 8. These budgets are designed to show items and quantities necessary to maintain a standard of health and decency for the specific family types.

The article focuses on the book "The Mexican-American People," by Leo Grebler, Joan W. Moore, and Ralph C. Guzman. According to the author, Utilizing census and survey research data, the writers attempt to provide a comprehensive portrait of the Mexican-American population. The wealth of data is at times almost overwhelming. Studies include the familiar socioeconomic data and class analysis, immigration data, a study of health problems, analysis of various indicators of assimilation such as intermarriage, and some data on the perceptions of the group. One excellent feature of the book is that a historical context is provided for the reader before the data are interpreted, especially advantageous since the book will most probably become a basic text in the field. This section alone should serve to deflate some of the stereotypic images which have been held by the larger society. The importance of providing a historical context cannot be overemphasized, contemporary problems and issues in the Mexican-American community can be understood only if the events of the present are viewed against the background of the trends and changes of the past.

The article describes the use of factor analysis in developing an empirical typology of the dimensions, which underlie the spending of the American states. Through the additional use of multiple partial correlation analysis, these dimensions are established as two different sets of independent variables. As a result, it is now able to speak of the relative effect of political and socioeconomic variables on broad dimensions of public policy rather than being forced to talk simply about the effect of party competition on education or the relevance of urbanization to well are expenditures. Using these dimensions of policy as the dependent variable, and relating to them two features of state political systems has also allowed us to move tentatively away from the generalization, implied in most research in this area, that political characteristics have relatively little independent effect on policy outcomes in the states. When basic dimensions underlying state spending are identified, at least two classes of policy outputs can be hypothesized: those partially dependent for enactment upon the nature of the state political situation and those generally favored policies whose extensive application is limited chiefly by a state's socioeconomic condition.

The social inequality that persists during the stage of socialism is a "legacy" from antagonistic social orders. Because of the social nature of property, the equality of all members in relation to the means of production, the equality in leadership functions, and the community of basic economic interests, there are no antipodal or antagonistic social groups in a socialist society. The totality of all such socio-economic differences characterizes that system of social relationships which is reproduced on the basis of socialist production relations, but which is developing In the direction of the gradual elimination of these differences. A multifactor model of the structure of the Soviet working class must reflect the sex, age, national, and other such structures, and what is extremely important - in such a model the whole working class should be regarded as a system, with the enterprise collective as the basic social cell. The scientific--technical revolution, determining changes in the productive forces of modern society, emerges as the primary factor in changes in the social division of labor and is thus the condition and prerequisite for the social development of the working class.