Search

Summary Most research into religious education has concentrated upon older children, but this paper reports findings obtained from the teachers of junior (seven to II years old) school children. From the content of religious education lessons and the overall religious sub‐cultures of classroom and school, conclusions are drawn about the religious socialization process of the child. A distinction is made between the child's own religious quest for meaning and the Christian culture which is generally accepted in Britain and taught in school. The child's religion is divided into the cognitive and the emotive while the socialization process is treated as cognitive, explicit and implicit. The general conclusion reached is that religious education lessons do not respond to the child's own cognitive level and are thus likely to confuse, whereas the religious life of classroom and school leads to an emotive affinity with Christianity. Thus ambivalence towards the Christian religion is produced in the child.

White liberals (N=204) believing in integration and living in Los Angeles County expressed their attitudes toward six interracial situations: (1) busing in the schools for the purpose of ending de facto segregation; (2) the entrance of blacks into the respondents' occupational fields; (3) blacks moving into the respondents' neighborhoods; (4) the quota system as the basis for college admission for minorities; (5) rentals to blacks in white-occupied apartment buildings; and (6) hiring of blacks. A scalogram analysis indicates that the attitudes common to white liberals as a group form a systematic ordering of adherence to or retreat from anti-discriminatory principles, with the underlying dimension being the degree of attitudinal favorableness toward the situations and integration in general. We found a predictable pattern of complexity of attitudes toward the situations, with progression from the most difficult to the least difficult situation as follows: quota, busing, residence, apartment, hiring, and occupation. We reject a situational, direct threat hypothesis in favor of a general attitude hypothesis since retreats from anti-discriminatory beliefs follow a cumulative sequence, irrespective of the respondents' particular life circumstances or the nature of the specific situation. We conclude that the cultural definitions of the situations and the degree of clarity of emergent norms are primary factors determining attitudinal expressions which are consistent or inconsistent with a general belief in integration.

The MMPI, and ABV and a dominance-soumission scale were administered to 40 normal males and 40 patients with ischemic heart disease. Some significant differences appeared. Coronary patients were more ambivalent, being either aggressive or withdrawn. They show pronounced oral pulsions combined with restrictive super-ego injunctions; they seek for narcissistic supplies. Among them, satisfaction implies guilt. The significant differences cluster in three subgroups: • Coronary patients are more anxious, dependent, impulsive, depressed and easy to influence (this set of traits stands for an hysteroid pattern). • They are also more scrupulous and rigid with a strong super-ego (an obsessional pattern). • They are sometimes more introvert, intolerant and inhibited in their social relations (a schizoid pattern). These observations show that patients with heart disease do not show an exclusive coronary-prone personality pattern. Different patterns can be identified among them. The common psychological coronary-prone component of these different patterns seem to be the incapacity to cope with anxiety or the inadequacy of their defence-mechanisms.

An overview to this special issue on population control is presented. An examination of the psychological validity of the long-term goals of family planning and population control reveals that ambivalence lies at the heart of the definition of the rewards and costs of different population goals. The next section summarizes articles that advocate the value of variety and attempt to show how average family size can be achieved with maximum individual choice. The psychologist can contribute to such policies through defining the variability in individual motivation. The next section summarizes papers that illustrate the peculiar nature of the fertility process as b oth a symptom and a cause of social change as well as its long-range importance in individual lives. The next two sections review articles on the actual techniques and limitations of population control. The primary definition made is the difference between cognitive and behavorial theories-whether attitudes or behavior comes first. Thus one author insists that attitude change has been undersold as a policy means; and another analyst points to the failure of information campaigns. Nontheless the most developed area in psychology that is pertinent to population control is the implementation of the use of birth control methods. The wider issues of policy such as the questions of coercion versus voluntarism or the parameters of human adaptability are selectively neglected in current research acitivites.

It can safely be said that Watergate will preoccupy political scientists for some time to come. While its permanent political effects, if any, remain to be seen, it is possible to monitor Watergate's short-term political impact and to speculate about its likely influence in the near future. In "Guilty, Yes; Impeachment, No," Professor McGeever has presented a detailed description of Watergate's effect on public opinion. Accordingly, it seems worthwhile to examine his data for evidence of possible trends in public sentiment on impeachment and for clues to the probable electoral repercussions of Watergate. McGeever's sample consists of two polar groups on the question of Nixon's guilt and removal from office-those who think him guilty and want him removed, and those who think him innocent-and a third, rather ambivalent group-those who think him guilty but oppose his removal from office. Are the members of the "Guilty-Yes/Remove-No" group incorrigible cynics willing to sacrifice political justice for political stability? There is no doubt that McGeever's data fit that interpretation. But the dynamics of public opinlioin suggest another interpretation: that a sizable portion of these apparent cynics are in fact experiencing attitudinal "cross-pressures, "1 that their apparently inconsistent attitudes toward

Over the last 35 years, and especially in the last 15, there have been alarge number of papers describing various facets of the etiology, treatment, and prognosis of children with school phobia. Outstanding among these are the reports of Johnson et al. (1941), Klein (1945), Coolidge et al. (1957, 1962), Lippman (1962), and Sperling (1967). Two groups have carried on extensive follow-up studies on the children (Rodriguez et al., 1959; Coolidge et al., 1964). The etiological significance of faulty mothering has been well documented and is generally accepted by psychotherapists whose persuasion is essentially psychoanalytic. The anecdote of the mother urging her child to play, while grasping his arm in a vicelike grip (Kahn and Nursten, 1962), graphically portrays the generally accepted notion of maternal ambivalence regarding separation. Nevertheless, reports of work and the outcome of work with mothers and families are rare. Weiss and Cain (1964) and Malmquist (1965) have described some of the family interactions, but, as far as we can ascertain, no assessment of results of work with the parents. This paper, then, serves as a beginning of such a process. We have focused primarily on those parents who were studied in

The obligation to guard the information gained in psychotherapy can develop into a conflict, as the supervision necessitates its display. Ambivalent hesitation may hamper the psychotherapist’s effe...

An experiment was conducted to determine the importance of stigma in the experience of deviance. Male college students participated in an opinion exchange on important political and social issues. Each subject was made to feel that he was, on most issues, in the minority but in agreement with one other group member. Two variables were manipulated during the exchange: stigma (the minority was either derogated by the majority, or there was no reaction to the opinion differences) and public versus secret minority status of subject (either the subject announced his opinions to the group or merely listened to the opinions of others.) The variables were manipulated orthogonally. After the opinion exchange, the subject rated the attractiveness of the others in the group and then took part in a disguised test of social influence. Results suggest that only when minority members are stigmatized do they feel and act like social deviants. This was reflected in more frequent reports of a desire to change during the exchange, actual changes of opinion during the exchange, ambivalence toward fellow minority members, and greater susceptibility to social influence from a fellow minority member in the public-stigma condition. The reactions of subjects in the absence of stigma suggest that minority status alone is not sufficient to produce feelings of deviance or the behavior usually attributed to social deviants. Deviance, as a social category, includes diverse types of individuals and groups. A contemporary listing (Goffman, 1963) includes "prostitutes, drug addicts, delinquents, criminals, jazz musicians, bohemians, gypsies, carnival workers, hobos, winos, show people, full-time gamblers, beach dwellers, homosexuals, and the urban unrepentant poor [pp. 143-144]." More general lists (e.g., Clinard, 1963) have included the mentally ill and members of racial and ethnic minorities. Although it is agreed that there are special consequences for those included in this category, the necessary and sufficient conditions for placement are subject to debate. Becker 1 This article is based on a dissertation submitted

In the world of English Christian poetry the co-ordinates by which we usually map our position are Dante and Milton. Any serious, inclusive religious poem, that is, one in which the Christian matter is presented in devotional mode with prophetic intent, will, ultimately, exhibit a more significant inherent relationship either to the Divine Comedy or to Paradise Lost. T. S. Eliot, clearly, was Dantesque, and though the story of his ambivalent Miltonism is no longer even a smouldering issue, it still speaks cogently to the point of his anti-Miltonic sensibility. Auden, however, was atypical in that though he talked much about Dante, when it came down to cases he wrote more like Milton. And in For the Time Being he faced a problem very similar to the one Milton faced in Paradise Lost. What Puritanism was to Paradise Lost, Existentialism was to For the Time Being, enormously complicating the devotionalism, but simultaneously dramatizing and humanizing it.

The Nixon administration's new China policy has had many political repercussions in the world, among the most important being the Sino-Japanese rapprochement. From a long-term point of view, such a rapprochement would, of course, have occurred regardless of the Nixon policy. As early as 1951, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida made the realistic remark: “Red or white, China remains our next-door neighbour. Geography and economic laws will, I believe, prevail in the long run over any ideological differences and artificial trade barriers.”

This article reports levels of racial awareness, racial preferences, and racial identities among non-white children (American Negro, Korean, American Indian), who have been adopted by white families, and their white siblings who have been born into those families. The respondents are all children between the ages of three and eight. The basic question addressed in the research is how similar or different are the reactions of these children compared to those of the same sex, age range, and race who have been reared in typical family settings. The major findings are that black children who are reared in the special setting of multi-racial families do not acquire the ambivalence toward their own race that has been reported among all other groups of young black children and that there are no significant differences in the racial attitudes of any of the categories of children.

Adolescent responses to three areas of life change, or crisis are described. It is proposed that these responses may both reflect and accentuate patterns of response to the adolescent developmental crisis. Twenty-two recently bereaved adolescents showed denial, anger, possibly withdrawal and were often threatened by the new roles into which they were forced by their fathers' deaths, particularly the oedipal aspects of these roles. Of 22 adolescent girls experiencing their first pregnancy, 50% showed evidence of some emotional disorder. They showed also feelings of denial and anger and often prematurely considered they had become “adult” because they were becoming “parents”. Seventeen girls seeking termination of pregnancy were evaluated. Denial, rationalisation and ambivalent feelings were marked. It is concluded that these are areas of important potential for preventive intervention in the form of specific ego support. Such intervention would be aimed at decreasing the incidence of subsequent health impairment in those at risk.

The author discusses the correlative nature of projection and introjection, their early roles in development and differentiation, and their later defensive uses. He describes how, in paranoid states, the interplay between projecting and introjecting leads to conflicted ambivalence between preserving and annihilating significant objects.

One of the more important features of the transformation of the departmental service of the eighteenth century into the civil service of the nineteenth century was the emergence of the permanent official. There had always been a degree of permanence in the bureaucracy, particularly in the clerical positions, but in the higher ranks and especially among the undersecretaries the distinction between political and clerical officers tended to be blurred and each man had responsibilities in both spheres. By 1830 these officials no longer occupied ambivalent situations. In most departments one was a political appointee whose position was dependent on the political fortunes of the minister. The other undersecretary, however, had shed his political responsibilities and as a consequence was more or less immune to the political forces of parliamentary politics.Yet the process whereby these events took place was to a certain extent individualized in different departments. In the case of the Foreign Office the impact of financial and political changes in the state was considerably less important than in departments such as the Treasury. Neither of the foreign undersecretaries had ever had much influence over the formation of policy, nor were they to gain responsibility in this area during the 1830s. Yet clearly by the time Lord Palmerston became foreign secretary one of these men, John Backhouse, occupied a permanent position while his colleague, Sir George Shee, held a more temporary status. The distinction between the two positions became more rigid during the period Backhouse remained in office not so much as a result of political forces in the state, though these forces contributed somewhat to the changes that occurred, but as a consequence of Backhouse's growing responsibility for supervising the establishment.

This paper explores the ambivalent quality of interpersonal relations in a small Castilian community. For purposes of economic and psychological security, villagers establish a wide network of social ties outside the nuclear family. Yet they distrust and resent those with whom they must affiliate. In order to maintain successful social and economic ties, then, they resort to a series of standardized devices which operate as a lubricant to social relations.

The white female participant in the civil rights movement in the South is subject to unique and unanticipated stresses. Although she is prepared for a negative reaction on the part of the local white community, the ambivalence with which she is received by local Negroes and co-workers may lead to frustration and confusion. Some of these women are able to cope effectively with their frustrations; others, aggravated by personal fantasies about their mission in civil rights, succumb to the pressures upon them and find it necessary to return home.

day, as reflected in and reinforced by its mass media, is ambivalent, insecure, full of misunderstandings and misgivings, and often contradictory. While this opinion is based on the varying and petrified impressions of the past century, a series of new observations and emotions was added by the close, often personal contacts of the past eight years, when Germans met Americans in their quickly changing roles of enemies, victors, rulers, educators,' secret allies, and finally open allies-and, in addition, as individuals in and out of uniform. These age-old stereotypes and new impressions often received new emphasis from the acute situation confronting the Germans in the past five years: Should Germany join America in defense against the Soviet threat so close to her borders, or should she "go it alone" and remain neutral between the big powers? Dependent on this choice and the decision finally taken, the image of America as it developed was often merely a rationalization of the role desired for Germany in the future. Many Germans who tended to be neutral (for quite different reasons) often justified their attitude by developing an image of America as displeasing, if not as dangerous, as that of Soviet Russia. On the other hand, many Germans serious in their will to resist the Soviet threat and knowing that without

In his 1987 article on Arab cinema, Férid Boughédir argued that after the wave of political films of the 1970s which denounced a whole range of ills besetting Arab societies – the corruption of the ruling classes, social inequality, the rural exodus, the endurance of pernicious traditions, the condition of women, etc. – the “new” Arab cinema of the 1980s had turned inwards. In order to understand who they were, filmmakers revisited their own childhood. Henceforth their central theme would be the identity and struggles of a male character caught between his own desires and the will of the community, crushed by forces beyond his control. In this inward turn towards the family, repressive forces were invariably represented by a feudal, tyrannical father, while the mother inspired ambivalent emotions: “mother courage” or “mater dolorosa” on the one hand, castrating matriarch on the other.