Search

Beyond reviewing basic data on Primate technological behavior, the aim of this report is to document the nature of chimpanzee technical skills by examining some of the mental as well as physical expertise which chimpanzees bring to bear on subsistence activities. This task is approached along several avenues: first, an outline is drawn of current knowledge about chimpanzee subsistence technology throughout Africa; second, a sketch is made of technological variability in several chimpanzee populations; third, the results of a personal investigation into the skills needed by chimpanzees to probe for insects are provided; and fourth, a comparison is made of the baboon, chimpanzee and human techniques used to exploit termites as a food resource. Instead of focusing on the unique features of human subsistence technology, the report attempts to show that many technical skills are and probably were firmly rooted in Primate prehistory, well before the advent of the earliest hominids. An integrated model of technological achievements among extant Primates, based on a sample of African cercopithecid, pongid and hominid populations representing stages in a phylogentic sequence, is offered as a foundation for reconstructing the gradual evolution of primate subsistence technology. This approach is intended to provoke contemplation and discussion among those investigators of human behavior and society who favor the thesis that the criterion of technology, together with the cultural transmission of technical skills, separates the human from the nonhuman Primates.

A theory of cultural evolution is proposed based on a general linear mode of cultural transmission. The trait of an individual is assumed to depend on the values of the same trait in other individuals of the same, the previous or earlier generation. The transmission matrix W has as its elements the proportional contributions of each individual (i) of one generation to each individual (j) of another. In addition, there is random variation (copy error or innovation) for each individual. Means and variances of a group of N individuals change with time and will stabilize asymptotically if the matrix W is irreducible and aperiodic. The rate of convergence is geometric and is governed by the largest non-unit eigenvalue of W. Groups fragment and evolve independently if W is reducible. The means of independent groups vary at random at a predicted rate, a phenomenon termed "random cultural drift". Variances within a group tend to be small, assuming cultural homogeneity. Transmission matrices of the teacher/leader type, and of parental type have been specifically considered, as well as social hierarchies. Various limitations, extensions, and some chances of application are discussed.

Education is here indentified with "the Process of cultural transmission and renewal." Rural Ladinos of midwestern Guatemala are, with respect to education, intermediate between tribal and urban society. Schools exist, but they have little importance. On the other hand, ceremony and myth do not play a large par in the transfer of tradition. The attention of the investigator is therefore drawn to the more elementary and universal aspects of education: the informal day-to-day situations in which tradition is communicated or modified. Such a situation is analyzed, and the educational importance of these occurrences remarked, in this Guatemalan society where schools represent regulation largely external to the culture and where important traditional ceremonials are lacking.

T HE theme of this paper is that the social structure of contact situations is an important determinant of the cultural change which goes on when two societies with differing cultures come into contact. This proposition is certainly not new or revolutionary, but it often seems neglected. If it is taken seriously, it does not permit one to advocate such generalizations as, for example, that under contact conditions material culture changes more readily than other aspects of culture, that core values (whatever they may be) are the most resistant elements to change, or even that traits from one culture which are incompatible with traits in another are resisted by participants in the latter. It promotes abandonment of this type of generalization simply because it requires any general statement about sequences of change in acculturation to include some reference to the structure of cultural transmission. It directs attention to the nature of the social relations through which contact is maintained and suggests that they have a determinable influence on the character of the innovations offered, on the acceptance and diffusion of these, and on the modification of the innovations which takes place. The view implied is not that social structure is the major determinant. It is rather that no instance of acculturation can be adequately described so long as the social structure of contacts is omitted, and hence that no change sequence can be explained without some consideration of the nature of the social structure. I wish to illustrate the proposition by consideration of some cultural changes among Yaqui Indians of northwestern Mexico. In the examples presented I shall try to show how the social structure of contact communities influenced changes in such cultural innovations as ritual artifacts, ritual behavior, and ritual beliefs. The present paper does not present comparative data which would help to illuminate the nature of the relationship between social structure and processes of cultural change, but the two papers which follow

A theory is presented that cultural transmission through the family is greater in same-sex than cross-sex lineages due to the greater social cohesiveness of the former. The theory is further specified as to which normative areas will show the most intergenerational continuity in all-male or all-female lineages. The theory is examined in the light of data obtained from a sample of three-generation families composed of grandparents, parents and married children. The findings offer support for several aspects of the theory. C ontiiuity from generation to generation is essential for the maintenance of group life. Simnimel wrote that the preservation of the "unitary self of the group" is nadle possible by the "physiological coherence of successive generations."1 The process of transition whereby older members of society disappear ancd are replaced by persons of the next generationi is a gradual one. There is ample opportunity for the initiated to introduce the young into the ways of society. Thus the group maintains its identity despite the coItinuiIng change in its membership.2 Karl Mannheim was concerned with the specific continuities that linked successive generatiolns and their consequences for the young. The "basic inventory of group life"-traditional beliefs and behaviors that constitute the cultural heritage-wlhich the previous generation passes on gives the recipient the resources that will enable him to function satisfactorily in new situations.3 At the same time the "social remeembering" resulting fromn use of the inventory insures the continuance of society.4 There are no sharp breaks between the generations. Simmel and Mannheim, therefore, saw the intergenerational continuities that make possible an enduring society as dependent upon the socialization of each generation by its predecessors. Faris went beyond Simmel and Mannlleinm to examine one of the agencies of socialization. He focused oIn the family as the "central meclhanism for the transmission of culture,"5 and discussed the intangible elements of capital which the faamily passed on to its descendants. Prior to the twentietlh century, for example, family apprenticeship was the surest means for acquiring the techniques of such occupations as farming, carpentering, plunmbing, and printing. Even today occupations exist that require "tricks of the trade" rarely imparted with the formal job skills. Other forms of folk wisdom which family elders present in daily life give the members of the younger generation concrete demonstrations of how to conduct social relations. The young learn criteria of mate selection, metlhods for maintaining the authority necessary to rear children, and teclhniques for encouraging group unity.6 Despite general agreemeent that socialization of the members of the new generation is one of the primary functions of the family, there has been little theory or researclh trac* Revision of a paper read at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, August, 1963. The research was carried out while the senior author was holdinig a Predoctoral Research Fellowship from the National Institute of Mental Health. 1 George Simmel, "The Persistence of Social Groups," Amiiierican Journal of Sociology, 3 (March 1898), p. 669. 2Ibid., p. 670. 3 Karl Mannheim, "The Problenm of Generations," in Paul Kecskemeti (ed.), Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952), p. 299. 4 Ibid., p. 294. 5 Robert E. L. Faris, "Interaction of Generations and Family Stability," Atnei-ican Sociological Review, 12 (April 1947), p. 159. 6Ibid., p. 161. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.173 on Thu, 19 May 2016 06:25:55 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Dans le cadre d’un questionnement sur les liens entre transmission culturelle et expérience de la nature, cet article propose d’analyser l’impact de l’iconicité sonore animale sur le développement de la capacité communicative des enfants et l’élaboration de leurs premières connaissances et représentations du monde. Dans des contextes différents, l’un quotidien, l’autre rituel, deux cas, celui des tribus Aït Ba’amran du Sud-Ouest marocain et celui des populations Quechua d’Amazonie péruvienne, attestent de l’imitation de sons d’animaux pour servir de première trame tant au développement de la communication orale entre adultes et bébés qu’à la transmission de catégories de pensée et de modes de composition des mondes. La comparaison entre l’exemple marocain et amazonien a pour principal intérêt d’apporter des éclaircissements sur le mécanisme permettant à l’expérience analogique de la conduite interprétative du troupeau par le berger dans un cas, et à l’expérience animiste de la chasse au leurre dans l’autre cas, de résonner dans l’apprentissage culturel de l’enfant dès le plus jeune âge.

Catastrophically defeated a century ago by lBritish colonists, the New Zealand Maori withdrew into isolated villages and thereby resisted acculturation. Although culture contact has increased markedly since World War II, Maori adolescents are currently handicapped in implementing their academic and vocational aspirations because their elders still cling to traditional nonachievement values. M ODERN Maori culture offers many opportunities for the investigation of various theoretical problems in acculturation. It is an excellent example of resistive acculturation, in which a vigorous Polynesian people * The ethnographic and psychological data on which this paper is based were collected by the writer from September 1957 to August 1958 in two North Island communities of New Zealand, one urban and one rural. In each setting, the educational and vocational aspirations of fifty Maori and fifty matched pakehia (European) secondary school boys, and the kinds of motivations underlying these aspirations, were intensively studied by means of structured interviews and specially selected objective and projective tests. The methods of informal interview and participant observation were used to relate obtained Maori-pakeha differences in aspirational and motivational traits to cultural and interpersonal determinants in the wider social community. The field work was made possible by a Fulbright research grant and by a grant from the University Research Board of the University of Illinois. Preparation of the field data for publication was aided by a grant from the Bureau of Educational Research of the University of Illinois. Thanks are due Pearl Ausubel and Robert M. Tomlinson for statistical assistance in the processing of the data. The complete report, Maori Youth: A Study in Psychological Acculturation, is being published by the Department of Psychology, Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand, under whose auspices the study was conducted. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.181 on Thu, 29 Sep 2016 06:07:48 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms RESISTIVE ACCULTURATION 219 were disastrously defeated but not annihilated by European (British) colonists, withdrew in reservation-like areas from effective contact with Europeans, practiced an attenuated version of their traditional culture for seventy years, and finally, about one generation ago, emerged from this withdrawal to enter the mainstream of a modern European culture. The historical parallelism with many American Indian cultures is striking, except for the fact that the Maori have emerged from withdrawal on a more permanent basis and on a much larger scale than any comparable American Indian group, and are participating in New Zealand national life in a much more complete and intimate fashion than is typical of the Indian in modern American culture. Through what mechanisms was it possible to maintain relatively intact during the period of withdrawal many of the basic cultural values and features of the traditional Maori social system? What factors led eventually to the gradual breakdown of Maori village life and its associated patterns of social organization? What effects has the sudden entrance of the Maori into New Zealand national life had on intercultural and interracial relations, on Maori youth, and on relationships between the latter and their elders? What are the foreseeable consequences of this increased intercultural contact within the next few decades? And, most important of all, how and through what mechanisms of cultural transmission has this changing sequence of resistive acculturation altered traditional patterns of striving, status, and achievement in Maori society? INITIAL MAORI-PAKEHA CONTACT AND CONFLICT The initial stage of Maori-pakeha interaction, following the rediscovery of New Zealand in 1769 by Captain Cook, was characterized by the exchange of a limited number of specialized goods and services without any fundamental changes in Maori social or economic organization.' The Maori were intensely eager to acquire all of the benefits of European technology without surrendering their social institutions, core values, or distinctive way of life. As intercultural contact became more highly regularized, the Maori quickly adopted European clothing, implements, agricultural commodities and technical processes, and even constructed timber mills and acquired coastal vessels to transport their produce to distant markets. They produced surpluses for barter and profit, and learned both the use of money as a medium of exchange and the technique of driving a hard bargain. The introduction of musket, ball and powder intensified the frequency and destructiveness of intertribal warfare and led to the large-scale migration and displacement of many tribes from their traditional lands. Newly introduced European diseases had no less deadly an impact on the Maori population. Later, as the influence of the missionaries grew and as British sovereignty was established, the institutions of intertribal warfare, cannibalism, slavery and polygamy were proscribed. Despite these far-reaching effects on Maori culture, however, goods were still produced by ordinary native methods, and the organization of activity was carried out on the usual lines. The family or hapt2 worked under the leadership of their head man, the toiunga or priestly expert had his place to fill, ... . among themselves the former Maori system of exchange and distribution of goods, of ownership and acquisition of property remained practically unaffected.3 The beginning of permanent colonization 'in 1840 inaugurated a new phase of Maori acculturation. Colonization represented a serious threat to the cultural autonomy of the Maori and to the integrity of their social and economic institutions. An element of coercion was added to their previously voluntary acceptance of certain selected aspects of pakeha culture. In acceding to colonization and British sovereignty,'and in placing their trust in treaty guarantees the Maori failed to reckon realistically with the predatory designs of the colonists who were determined by any means, fair or foul, to obtain the most desirable land in New Zealand and to establish the supremacy of their own economic and political system. When the Maori responded to coercive and illegal alienation of their tribal lands by refusing in organized fashion to part with any more of their landed estate, the colonists finally resorted to force of arms and confiscation; and after a dozen years of both largescale and guerrilla warfare (1860-1872), involving on one side or the other most of the major tribes of the North Island, they eventually gained their ends. 1 Raymond Firth, Primitive Economics of the New Zealand Maori, (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1929), pp. 449-456. 2 A Maori subtribe, i.e., a group of extended families, each tracing descent to a common ancestor. On the same basis several hapu constitute a tribe, the largest unit in Maori political organization. 3 Firth, op. cit., p. 455. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.181 on Thu, 29 Sep 2016 06:07:48 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

The social organization of a group of wolves in a large outdoor enclosure was followed through several breeding seasons. During the breeding season conflicts become more frequent and the social hierarchy obvious. The more dominant animals restrict courtship activities by inferior wolves of their own sex. However, apparently as a correlate of their position, two alpha males have shown less mating activity than other males. Mate preferences exhibited by animals of both sexes also limit the number of matings. The preferences appear related to the social hierarchy existing when an animal matures. Cultural transmission of social status is suggested by some changes in ranking of wolves raised in the woods at Brookfield. Temporary removal of the original alpha male and death of the original alpha female appear to have promoted changes in social order and an increase in actual mating combinations. The probable consanguineous nature of wolf groups and facets of the social behavior suggest that some form of group selection could be operative in the wild.

This paper examines the role of the Hindu Epic Rāmāyaṇa in the historical and cultural contact between India and the rest of Asia. The Rama legend—rather legends—are prevalent in almost all countries of Asia, namely China, Tibet, East Turkestan, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaya, Cambodia, Thailand, Laos, and Burma. The contact was not only close but it was also general and widespread. By no means was it confined to the Brahmanical values which were upheld by Vālmīki in the Sanskrit Rāmāyaṇa and shared by the upper strata of Hindu society. The Rama legends prevalent in Asia, except those in China, do not agree in content and emphasis with the Vālmīki version. A close examination of the Rama story in India itself reveals that in addition to the Vālmīki version, a number of Rama legends, differing from the Valmiki story, were prevalent in vernacular and Jain Literature all over the country. All diese versions provided the diverse and complex source material for the Ramayanic legends of Asia. Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical elements appeared in different mixtures and emphasis. While China accepted the more orthodox ethical values, the countries of Soudieast Asia adopted Rāmāyaṇa mostly for the epic qualities of romance, adventure, and valor.

STUDENTS OF ACCULTURATION agree that in every contact situation some aspects of the native culture change more than others, but they do not agree on why this is so, nor on how to characterize that which has changed and that which has not in categories that have cross-cultural validity. Nor do they understand why a change in one area of culture sometimes precipitates radical change or disorganization throughout the entire culture pattern while other times a very modest or even negligible readjustment occurs. Two recent surveys of the literature on acculturation2 call for additional research on the problem of different rates of change in various aspects of culture. This paper explores a tentative general proposition, one not mentioned in the above surveys, which aids in the ordering of data gathered among the MandanHidatsa Indians of North Dakota on differential culture change.

The authors offer an explanation of the psychological and philosophical positions underlying aspects of educational progressivism. They contrast tenets of progressivism,most clearly identified with the work of John Dewey, with two other educational ideologies, the romantic and the cultural transmission conceptions, which historically have competed in the minds of educators as rationales for the choice of educational goals and practices. Kohlberg and Mayer maintain that only progressivism,with its cognitive-developmental psychology, its interactionist epistemology,and its philosophically examined ethics, provides an adequate basis for our understanding of the process of education.

THE Bantu-speaking Kamba of Kenya constitute a large and diversified tribe. They number some 800,000 people at the present time and effective political organization, apart from the British-imposed administrative structure, is primarily limited to the local community level. The Kamba have no supreme chief-indeed, they have no indigenous chiefs at all-and no tribal council. Each local community, known as an utui, is in theory autonomous and, in fact, there are few occasions in Kamba life which require the joint effort of persons from more than one utui. When this does happen, as, for example, in some of the circumcision ceremonies, the co-operative activity usually involves persons from only a few contiguous motui. The absence of a central political structure and the emphasis on self-governing local communities, together with the size and distribution of the tribe and the fact that the Kamba are only now beginning to fill up the territory they have occupied for less than 300 years, serve to make of the Kamba a good test case for problems of variation and adaptability. A consideration of the factors of cultural adaptability and variation leads logically, if not inevitably, to a consideration of the nature of culture itself. However limited the sample, we cannot speak meaningfully of variationswithin communities, between communities, from tribe to tribe, from one ecological base to another-without concerning ourselves with the larger question of precisely what it is that is varying. There has been some tendency in anthropology, usually implicit rather than overt, to think of cultures in terms of fixed designs for living, stable blueprints for behavior, and relatively rigid guidelines for conduct. This tendency has been more apparent in the unstated assumptions which underlie a great deal of anthropological research than in formal theoretical statements about culture, but it nevertheless exists. Many of us have further assumed that a strong commitment to the specific rules of a particular culture is a virtually universal human characteristic. Even though we know that all cultures are in a process of constant change, our interpretations of cultural transmission are sometimes phrased as though this were a simple matter of passing on an intact model from generation to generation, rather as if we were referring to insect societies with cultural learning substituted for genetic inheritance. This seems to be particularly true in many acculturation studies, though by no means in all of them, with the pictures they provide of peoples clinging grimly to the culture of the "good old days" in opposition to the presumed cultural breakdown of the present. It may be suggested that this picture is most applicable to situations in which a culture is prevented from changing in certain specified

The first part of this paper is concerned with the ways the socialization process (e.g., cultural transmission and acquisition) shapes, directs and sets a specific context for human population processes and dynamics. It begins with a brief review of anthropological approaches to population research. Then, the discussion turns to a summary of current understanding of socialization, in terms of the origin, development and present nature of that process. In the second part of the paper (in the next issue of the Journal) an account is presented describing the principal ways socialization affects human population processes and dynamics. The discussion concludes with a commentary regarding some of the ways individuals responsible for policy planning and administration of population problems might proceed through taking account of current knowledge of the socialization process.

Baby talk is viewed here as a special form of speech with particular roles in socialization, language acquisition, and cultural transmission. This study attempts to identify the phonological, syntactic, and lexical features of Bengali baby talk in the context of its function as an indicator of social roles such as age, sex, and kinship. In addition to its occurrence in speech, baby talk is found in well-known, much used nursery rhymes sung to babies. Baby talk items in domains like food, games, animals, and so on, are employed predominantly by the female members of the community. Reciprocal kinship terms, however, are employed by both the male and the female relatives as well as by nonrelatives—and the use of these reciprocal terms often continues throughout life. The dominance of the male culture is reflected in the phenomenon that, while female children are occasionally addressed by male kinship terms, male children are almost never addressed by female kinship terms.

Børnebibelen som genre har i de seneste årtier oplevet en bemærkelsesværdig op-blomstring og popularitet. Denne artikel undersøger en række populære børnebibler på det danske marked som udtryk for kristen og samfundsmæssig erindringsmobilise-ring (fx de Vries 1960, Møllehave 1996, Lindhardt 1998, Barrett 2010 og Jessen 2016). Hvor den autoriserede bibel udgør et delvist glemt arkiv, afspejler børnebiblerne den kulturelt erindrede bibelkanon. Artiklen undersøger, hvordan børnebiblerne konstruerer det bibelske i kraft af mekanismer som selvnormativisering, synkroni og syntopi, værdibaseret selektion, intratekstuelle forbindelser, tekstharmonisering og kulturel tilpasning. De danske børnebibler fastholder det bibelske i den kulturelle erindring ved at favne både kirkekristendom og kulturkristendom.Nøgleord: børnebibler – kulturel erindring – Aleida Assmann – kulturel transmission – erindringssteder – evangelieharmonier – kirkekristendom – kulturkristendomAbstractIn Denmark, children’s’ bibles constitute a flourishing genre that has produced several bestsellers during the past decades. This article investigates some of the most popular examples on the Danish market as sites of cultural memory and as constructions of “the biblical.” Whereas the official bible has become a partly forgotten archive, children’s bibles reflect the actual canon in cultural memory. The article discusses how children’s bibles function as sites of cultural memory by means of self-normativization, synchrony and syntopy, value-based selection, intratextual systematization, harmonization, and cultural adaptation. Danish children’s bibles aim to maintain “the biblical” in Danish cultural memory by presenting biblical narratives as foundational to both Christianity and culture. Key words: children’s bibles — cultural memory — Aleida Assmann — cultural transmission — lieu de mémoire — gospel harmonies — modern Christianity

The study of acculturation is the study of one aspect of culture change. The two processes are related but are not identical. In itself, “acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups.” 1 To put the matter more succinctly, “Acculturation is the study of the cultural transmission process.” 2

This chapter describes small-groups and small-group cultures from both experimental and ethnographic points of view. It discusses Roberts' (1951:83) overview of the utility in studying small-group cultures. According to Robert, small-group cultures are subject to operational definition: they are relatively easily observed and easily comparable; they are universally distributed and numerous; they vary in their persistence in time; they can be created experimentally; sometimes they exist independent of larger group-cultures, but mainly they are characterized by being interlocked with one another. The first test of the inflow-outcome relationship in small-group cultures follows from the early development of small-group culture studies. This fundamental test refers to the transmissibility of content. If cultural content cannot diffuse, it cannot persist; if groups cannot become the media of cultural transmission, then they must innovate all of their knowledge and beliefs.

ALMOST without exception, any scholar studying American Negro speech, whether as an end in itself or as part of a larger project, must dispose of two widely held superstitions: (1) he must indicate that there is no speech form identifiable as of Negro origin solely on the basis of Negro physical characteristics; (2) he must show that it is probable that some speech forms of Negroes-and even of some whites-may be derived from an African cultural background by the normal processes of cultural transmission. Such a necessity of refuting folk beliefs seldom arises when one is studying the English of other American minority groups. For these, it is generally assumed, though not necessarily in the terms anthropologists would use, that all linguistic patterns are culturally transmitted, that where a group with a foreign-language backgroundsuch as the Pennsylvania Germans-has been speaking a divergent variety of English for several generations in an overwhelmingly English-speaking area, there is nothing in their speech that cannot be explained on the basis of the culture contacts between the speakers of two languages. We are generous in recognizing Scandinavian linguistic survivals in Minnesota and the Dakotas, German in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, and Dutch in the Hudson Valley. We do not explain this influence on the basis of Scandinavian hair color, German skull configuration, or Dutch mouth shape, but on the grounds that two languages were spoken side by side, so that bilingualism developed in the community.' In forming judgments on the speech of the American Negro, however, the process has been reversed: the cultural transmission of speech forms of African origin has been traditionally denied, and the explanation of