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Time was when the sudden appearance of the principal in a classroom doorway would evoke frightened gasps from the children. To the teachers, the principal was an authority figure whose opinions were not to be questioned. Parents, too, knew their place; they sent their children to school and then kept a respectful distance from the principal's office. How times have changed! In schoolyards throughout the country it is not uncommon to see children run to hold the principal's hand. Teachers disagree openly with the principal's decisions, and often it is the teachers' opinions that prevail. Parents want to know "why": Why was my child placed in this class? Why isn't my child allowed to enter the building through the front entrance? Why can't my child bring his reader home? And the parents are no respecters of the principal's inner sanctum when they want answers. What has been happening in the schools has been happening in all institutions of public life in our country. A new idea of leadership has unmistakably emerged. We do not expect the man on high to be the fount of all wisdom, but we do expect him to use the best thinking available to someone in his position. We expect him to be firm, but we also expect him to be flexible. We expect him to consider us individually, but we expect him to make decisions in the best in

In the following paper, we shall define a congruence relation among subsets of a given locally compact uniform space X, and then demonstrate a method for constructing a well-behaved congruence-invariant measure on X. In particular: if X is compact, then the measure of X will be 1. Another special case will be of interest: if every two points of X have congruent neighborhoods, then the measure will be nontrivial and its support will be X. Thus, the method will yield Haar measure on a locally compact group. In these respects, our construction is superior to that of Appert [1]: his measure must be zero on any countable space. Although his procedures can be adjusted to obviate that defect, they do not seem to lead to general proofs of nontriviality in the cases mentioned above. We shall employ the axiom of choice, and we shall not concern ourselves with uniqueness theorems. The methods of Banach [2] and Loomis [3] are more satisfactory in these respects. In compensation, however, we shall be able to demonstrate the existence and nontriviality of our measure for spaces which do not satisfy their conditions. Such is the case not only for most compact spaces, but also for a significant class of our "homogeneous" spaces. (This will be demonstrated in ?6.) Our constructions generalize easily to any uniform space, but the results seem to have little content unless the space is at least locally totally-bounded. In the interests of stripping down the arguments, I shall restrict my attention somewhat further, and consider only locally compact spaces. In the sequel, then, "X" will denote a fixed locally compact uniform space. Its uniformities (entourages) will be denoted by "u", "v", etc. We shall use the following terminology

Die Theorien des Arbeitslohnes beziehen sich immer nur auf den Reallohn. Von diesem allein hangt die Arbeitsfahigkeit der Proletarier, ihre Sterbe- und Krankheitsverhaltnisse usw. ab. Uberall daher, wo von einem Steigen oder Fallen des Lohnes die Rede war, bezog es sich allein auf den Reallohn.

Der Arbeitslohntheorie liegt ein enger Zusammenhang der Einkommenstufe mit der Sterblichkeit zugrunde oder, richtiger, mit dem Gesamtarbeitsvermogen der Gesellschaft. Dieser Zusammenhang ist aber nicht konstant und hangt vom Typus des Klassenbedarfs des Proletariats ab.

Hat die Arbeitskraft, wie alle ubrigen Waren, ihren Wert und ihren Preis, so ist hier das Verhaltnis zwischen dem Warenwert und dem Warenpreis ein ganz besonderes. Dies hangt mit den Eigentumlichkeiten dieser Ware zusammen, die sie aus’ der gesamten Warenwelt ausscheiden, sowohl von seiten ihrer Konsumtion wie auch von der ihrer Produktion her.

Die Lebensweise des Menschen ist eine soziale Erscheinung. Ist sein Einkommen bekannt, so last sich daraus noch kein Bild seiner Lebenshaltung machen. Die Art, wie er seine Mittel verwendet, hangt von seinen Bedurfnissen ab, die aber in steter Entwicklung begriffen sind.

An Stelle der naturlichen Minimumstheorie tritt spater die der gewohnten Lebenshaltung. Es ist nicht mehr das zum lieben absolut Notwendige, sondern die Gewohnheiten des Arbeiters in bezug auf seine gesamte Lebenshaltung, die den Arbeitslohn bestimmen sollen. Der Wert der Arbeitskraft ist durch die Gewohnheiten bestimmt, und ihr Preis schwankt um diesen Zentralpunkt.

In recent years, state and local governments in the United States have experienced rapid growth of employment, substantial increases in the unionization of their work forces, and, concomitantly, expanded use of collective bargaining in the making of decisions concerning employment relationships. These developments, together with the worsening financial plight of many governments, have sparked renewed interest in public wage decisions and the processes by which such decisions are reached.' Since received wage theory, which rests on assumptions and some empirical evidence about the private sector,2 seems inapplicable to public employment, the question of governmental wage determination remains largely unanswered. This article seeks to illuminate the process of public wage determination through examination of the "prevailing wage" principle in local government employment. First, conceptual underpinnings of the prevailing wage rule currently operative at many levels of government are presented. Next, the implementation of this principle is reviewed by analyzing muncipal wage structures and the relationship between public and private

This study provides evidence that wages in the public sector tend to be higher than in the private sector for most blue-collar jobs and lower level white-collar jobs, but salaries are generally lower in the public sector for managerial and professional occupations. The authors argue that these differentials, many of which are accentuated by differences in fringe benefits and job security, can be explained in large part by a combination of two factors: the discretion that public employers must exercise in implementing the prevailing wage rule adopted by most cities and larger government units, and the nature of the political forces that affect governmental wage decisions. Careful attention should be given to the evolving structure of collective bargaining in the public sector.

The techniques and systems to be exposed in this article can be applied (mutatis mutandis) in a wide variety of serial contexts. The serialized elements need not be pitch-classes, and their number need not be 12. For instance, the systematic notions would carry over (abstractly) to the treatment of series of 10 durations, et. al. At the end of the paper, I shall indicate more precisely the extent of applicability of these notions. To begin with, however, I should like to restrict my attention to the classical situation: a series of twelve pitch-classes. I do so partly because this context is the one in which the reader is likely to feel most at ease, partly because the compositional pertinence of the systematic constructions is so clear in this special case.

A: Examples and discussion SEGMENTAL relations between different forms of a row can and often do play an important constructive role in much twelve-tone music. In any of Schtnberg's "hexachordal" pieces, for instance, many significant consequences of the hexachordal construction of the rows are apparent upon even the most cursory examination of the music. The row 00 of the Violin Concerto Op. 36 is of typical hexachordal structure (Ex. 1): there is an inverted form, Io, such that the segment consisting of the first six pitch-classes of 00 is also a segment (the last six pitch-classes) of Io; likewise, the segment consisting of the last six pitch-classes of 0o is also a segment (the first six pitch-classes) of Io. 00 I I I I

T H E D RAM A TI C idea of the work hinges on the paradoxical nature of God: the Unvorstellbares that commands itself to be vorgestellt. The musical metaphor that reflects (or better defines) the dramatic idea is the nature of the twelve-tone row and system as "musical idea" in Schoenberg's terminology. "The row" or "the musical idea" is not a concrete and specific musical subject or object to be presented for once and for all as referential in sounds and time; it is, rather, an abstraction that manifests itself everywhere ("allgegenwaertiger") in the work. And yet it can only be perceived, or realized, by means of an aggregation of specific Vorstellungen, even Darstellungen. Or, more exactly, the composer may perceive it as a sort of resonant abstraction, but it remains unrealized and unfulfilled until it is manifested through performance and communicated to an audience by means of material sounds, representing the idea in all its manifold potentialities. In this connection, the multiple proportion-God: Moses: Aron: Volk equals "the idea" (row): composer (Schoenberg): performer: audienceis suggestive. Moses, like Schoenberg, perceives directly and intuitively a sense of divine ("pre-compositional") order. He cannot communicate this sense directly, however. As he suggests in Act I, Scene 1, he would much prefer to spend his life in simple contemplation of this order. But God commands him to communicate it ("Verkuende!") and he is powerless to resist. God demands that His order be communicated to the Volk. Yet how

CLASSICAL twelve-tone practice involves the functional interrelationship of two abstractly independent structural principles. One is serialism, that is, the use of a fundamental succession of "things" (no matter what) through time, together with various derived successions. Elsewhere,' I have attempted to begin an investigation of the way in which this practice exerts a structuring influence through time. The other is what we might, following Babbitt,2 call permutational total chromaticism. One means, by "permutational," that the primary structural focus is on configurations of all twelve possible pitch-classes (in time), and on the relations among such configurations; this as opposed to primary structural focus on combinations of some of the twelve pitch-classes. Such combinations are to be regarded as taking structural significance from their relations to total configurations, rather than as possessing inherent structural meanings. The use of a twelve-tone row imposes a definite structure on the total pitch-class chromatic. But the total chromatic can also be somewhat structured intrinsically, in a number of different ways. In particular, there are twelve ways of inverting the total chromatic into itself; one can fix any one of these inversions and regard the total chromatic as "balanced" with respect to that inversion. Thus, e.g., the inversion that leaves D fixed also leaves Ab fixed, and balances C# with Eb, C with E, B with F, etc. The inversion that interchanges C with C# also interchanges F# with G; it balances B against D, Bb against Eb, etc. We may think of these pitchclass inversions as possessing "axes"; each may be regarded, also, as having a pair of antipodal "centers." (See Exx. 1 and 2.)