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Two of the most basic functions of any government are the maintenance of order and defence against rebellion or invasion. In the England of Charles II these functions, one police, the other military, were performed by the small standing army and the militia. James II enlarged the army and so was able to use it to maintain order to a greater extent than Charles had done. At the same time he deliberately neglected the militia (except in London) and made sweeping and highly unpopular changes among the lords lieutenant and deputy lieutenants who commanded it. As a result, when William of Orange invaded late in 1688 and James tried to raise the militia, he found it both disorganized and disaffected. Many lieutenancies failed to perform the auxiliary military functions which James expected, and some sections of the militia joined, or were raised by, insurgents against the king. However, the police function of the militia, unlike the military function, did not fail; both properly-appointed lieutenants and insurgents used the forces at their disposal to maintain order, having no desire to encourage or condone violence and looting.

And as it often happens in Iraq in times of internal turbulence, a general wave of looting swept the north. Assyrian villages were looted by Kurdish and Arab tribesmen and by neighbouring villages, with the Yezidis joining the Kurds and Arabs in this general free-for-all. Sixty Assyrian villages, according to Stafford, were looted in this way and completely or partially destroyed, resulting in a total estimated loss to the Assyrians of at least £50,000. Stafford, however, also records that there was not a single act of aggression against any Assyrian village until 8 August, even the defenceless villages of the men who had gone to Syria with Yaqu not being touched before this date.1 Still, some of the acts committed by the Iraqis subsequent to the attack on them and to their discovery of the atrocities committed by the Assyrians are nothing but black and terrible. But even these were to pale beside what was to happen at Summayl.

This article describes an effort to apply behavioral science technologies to facilitate the social and economic development of the Caribbean Island of Curacao, Netherlands Antilles. A period of rising tensions, culminating in a labor dispute which erupted into a night of rioting, burning, and looting, preceded the intervention. The project had two major elements: (1) motivation training, designed to encourage residents to view themselves as "origins" rather than "pawns" and enable them to set life and career goals and plan effectively to achieve them; and (2) an "outlet program," which involved the Island's leaders in creating new educational and job opportunities for individuals whose aspiration levels were raised by the motivation training. The intervention is evaluated, and several problems and issues relevant beyond the Curacao case are discussed.

Kalhana′s Rājataranginī contains an important account of an event probably unique in the history of Hindu India. The dissolute king Harsa or Harsadeva (A.D. 1089–1101), when in financial straits, was advised by his evil counsellor Lostadhara to restore his fortunes by looting the temples and melting down the images of the gods. After some persuasion he agreed to taking this course, and pursued a policy of iconoclasm so vigorously that, among the larger images in his kingdom, only four, two Hindu (those of Ranasvāmin and Mārtānda) and two Buddhist, were spared. The work of temple-looting was carried out so thoroughly that Harsa appointed a special official named Udayaraja as “superintendent of the destruction of the gods (devotpātananāyaka) ”.

Early in 1931 the District Police at Kyrenia sent to the Cyprus Museum a number of Red Polished vases collected on the site of Vounous, 1½ miles approximately east of the villages of Bellapais and Kazaphani. Soon afterwards I was able to proceed to the site and saw that extensive looting was being carried out. On my return to Nicosia I pointed out to the authorities of the Museum the necessity of saving the site which appeared to be promising. Although the funds available were very small I was authorized by the Museum Committee to start excavation on their behalf on a small scale. The first few tombs proved to be important, a fact which rendered the necessity of excavating the site systematically more urgent. Through donations collected by Mr. R. Gunnis, then A.D.C. to the Governor and Member of the Museum Committee, and myself our operations lasted for about three weeks. During this period tombs 1-20 were cleared. News was, however, coming regularly that the villagers had resumed looting, and in June of the same year I was able to spend about a fortnight excavating another 11 tombs and thus reached the figure of 31. The following year, thanks to a generous donation made by Mr. J. C. Gaffiero, of Nicosia, I was able to spend, in May, a third season and clear another group of 17 tombs, thus reaching the total figure of 48 tombs.

A riot is not “all hell breaking loose,” but a complex sociopolitical process. Patterns not apparent on the surface characterize different forms of riotous behavior, can be uncovered through systematic analysis, and do shed new light on the rioting phenomenon. Nearly 2,000 Los Angeles riot events of four discrete classes have been coded by census tract location. Stepwise multiple regression analysis employing sociodemographic and retail-establishment-location variables has revealed remarkably ordered and structured patterns. Looting emerges as a qualitatively different phenomenon from the other riot event-types considered, calling into question the simplistic characterization of “rioting mainly for fun and profit” drawn by Banfield, and suggesting that what is needed are studies which address rioting in some measure of its true complexity. Two sociodemographic variables consistently emerge as highly predictive of riot event spatial patterns, allowing speculation concerning the sociodemographic fertile ground for violent political protest.

T _HE production of steel in India has captured the imagination of students of economic development ever since pioneer industrialist Jamshedji Nusserwanji Tata cleared the jungles in defiance of a British challenge to eat any steel that could be manufactured.2 Tata's enterprise is one of the finest chapters in Indian economic development. The fiftieth anniversary of the Tata Iron and Steel Company (TISCO) was celebrated in 1958 with the opening in Jamshedpur of a five-millionrupee Jubilee Park.3 Prime Minister Nehru was present, and a commemorative stamp was issued, a rare governmen. tal accolade to a private Indian enterprise. This was more than recognition of an ability to make steel; it was also a tribute to the Tata reputation as a progressive employer. Symbolic of this was the widely praised and publicized threeyear agreement signed in 1956 between the TISCO and the Tata Workers' Union (TWU), which pioneered in collective bargaining when most managements and unions seemed unable to settle outstanding issues by direct negotiation.4 However, the violent strike that occurred in May, 1958, revealed that all was not well in Jamshedpur, India's principal steel center. It began with a notice of a one-day token strike served by the Jamshedpur Mazdoor Union (JMU), the Communist-led rival of the TWU. Although the Bihar government declared this strike illegal and the TWU opposed it, a vast majority of the workers participated peacefully. However, the aftermath was critical. The company immediately charge-sheeted or suspended about fifty alleged ringleaders. In protest against this "victimization," from May 15 on, the JMU conducted an illegal stay-in strike. The steel plant was shut down completely on May 20, and the next day there was a one-day general strike. The ensuing week of violence saw police firings, mob destruction of property, looting, arson, prohibition of all meetings, scores of arrests, the imposition of 1 This article is based on research insights obtained, first, from an extensive field trip to India in 1954-55 as a member of the M.I.T. Industrial Relations Section Staff associated with the InterUniversity Study of the Labor Problem in Economic Development and, second, from personal observations over a fifteen-month period in Jamshedpur (where the Tata steel plant is located) between 1956 and 1958 as a member of the staff of the Xavier Labor Relations Institute. I have also benefited from the discussion of a draft in the Labor Workshop of the Department of Economics of the University of Chicago and from the keen substantive and editorial advice of Nancy Kenney Kannappan. The responsibility for the contents is, of course, mine.

During the war against the rebellious Serbian state, the Ottoman Empire tried to resolve the issue of Serbia in various ways, including diplomatic efforts, and the use of force. One of the letters, written on 13 July 1807, in the office of either Grand Vizier or another high-ranking official of Porta who had the vizier rank, indicated how the Ottoman authorities acted that year in order to conquer Serbia. The letter was critically arranged, along with the Serbian translation and transcription to the contemporary Turkish spelling. This resource contained information about an unsuccessful mediating mission of a Metropolitan of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, as well as on the decision to stop the uprising by force. Comparing it with other sources, it could be concluded that the Metropolitan was the Bishop of Custendil. As anticipated military measures were concerned, they were very cruel: enslavement of all vassals who abandoned him, looting and destroying their property. However, this proclamation could not be realized because in 1806 and 1807, Serbian uprising army won a series of victories over the Ottoman army. Then, Porta again turned to diplomatic means, but in 1813, the military solution was fully in accordance with the proclamations from this letter.

npHE term " war" is one which is frequently used and seldom defined. * For the sociologist, warfare may be satisfactorily described as organized hostility sanctioned by the community.2 The size and composition of the community may vary both from one people to another, and even in a single tribe in different types of warfare or on different occasions. Nevertheless war is always distinct from murder, since the latter implies that one man or a group of men are acting without the approval of the society of which they are members. In war, even though only a handful of men may be directly engaged, they have the moral backing of their community and are indeed usually acting as its representatives. Among the simpler peoples as among the more highly " civilized" nations, such organized hostilities are not prosecuted without some recognition of rules determining what is and what is not permissible, and, as we shall see, these are among some tribes very numerous and clearly defined. Further, though it is perhaps true in a general way to say that all people other than members of the same community are potential enemies, yet the formation of permanent or temporary alliances is not uncommon. There are traditional ways of entering into such a bond and the rights and duties of allies are recognized by the principal combatants on both sides. The first impression received by white people who came into contact with the Melanesians, before an imposed authority had checked their military enthusiasm, was that each tribe or village was in a constant condition of hostility with its neighbours, a hostility which expressed itself in the sporadic ambushing of solitary wayfarers or small groups of people, and the occasional burning and looting of a village. Closer analysis shows, however, that while long-standing vendettas are often a feature of Melanesian life, yet the people themselves do recognize the difference

ON January 5, 1943, the governments fighting against the Nazi government of Germany issued a declaration regarding acts of dispossession committed in territories under occupation or control. They reserved their right to declare invalid any transfer of property situated in these territories, whether such transfer had taken the form of open looting, or of transactions apparently legal in form, even when they purported to be voluntarily effected. This declaration did not cover private property, which, at the time of transfer, was situated within Germany, and which by means of seizure or by means of transactions had been transferred by people persecuted by the Nazi r6gime to the German Government or to other private persons in Germany. The declaration of January 5, 1943, was implemented by legislative enactments in France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and by measures of the occupying authorities in Germany, which had in mind what was later called external restitution of spoliated property. But legislation of the occupying powers dealt also with the restitution of property situated in Germany which had formerly belonged to people persecuted within Germany. The practical application of these latter laws has raised a number of very interesting legal questions, and also of questions in private international law, which, neither in Germany nor in other countries, are treated in the textbooks; therefore it may be of interest to give a short introduction to the conflict of laws problems raised by the special restitution laws which are in force in Western Germany. One might have expected that the Control Council would have enacted uniform provisions concerning restitution for Germany as a whole; but the divergences between the political aims of the Soviets and of the Western powers respectively were so great from

In this article, I examine ongoing debates in Norway on repatriation of cultural heritage in the form of antiquities. The focus is however not on international debates regarding colonial looting or indigenous’ rights to manage their own heritage as is usually the case within this topic, but rather on local claims for the return of cultural treasures from national museums. In cases such as those examined here, local institutions (museums and churches) have requested central museums to return cultural antiquities to the local community claiming that this is where they originally were in use and therefore belong. In this article I take a closer look at the arguments given by the local and the central stakeholders in heritage management. The arguments and practice reveal ideologies and ethical principles at work within the sector, but also show how these are constantly shifting. Further on, I discuss this practice in relation to Norwegian heritage politics.

FRANCE suffered staggering manpower losses and much property damage in the war of 1914-1918. She had not fully recovered from the effects of the war when she was plunged into a second conflict in which she sustained more terrible wounds than ever before. Her manpower losses were not as severe in World War II as they had been from 1914 to 1918, but the damage to her cities and towns was far more severe from 1 940 to 1945 than it had been during World War I. France's structure of wages and prices, already threatened with inflation as a result of the prolonged period of hostilities from 1914 to 1918, was further weakened during World War II. Living conditions in France are so bad today that only the very wealthy are able to secure sufficient food, clothing, and fuel to maintain a healthful standard of living. The German armies and air forces inflicted considerable damage upon France during their successful offensive in the spring and summer of 1940. The damage grew more extensive each year thereafter because of systematic German looting and Anglo-American aerial bombardment. Then, on June 6, 1944, the armies of the Western Allies landed in Normandy and commenced to fight their way across France into the Hitler Reich. The German armies resisted furiously, and countless towns and villages were destroyed in the battles which ensued. Unfortunately for France, the invasion which liberated her brought about more destruction than she had suffered during the victorious onslaught of Hitler's armies in 1940. Many cities, such as Brest, Caen, Dunkerque, Falaise, and St. L6 were almost completely destroyed. Hundreds of towns, villages, and farms suffered the same fate. All told, over 1,200,000 buildings were demolished or sustained major damage, and more than 1,000ooo,ooo000 people were made homeless.' Several thousand kilometers of mainline railroad track were torn up, 2,300 railroad bridges were destroyed, and France lost about half of the railroad cars and nearly 80 per cent of the locomotives which she had possessed in 19392 Tremendous damage was inflicted upon industrial plants. Many thousands of acres of the best arable land were rendered unproductive because of the

The pillaging of archaeological sites throughout the world for salable items is increasing at an alarming rate. Recent information on looting in Mesoamerica, North America, and the Mediterranean area is summarized, and the weaknesses of the UNESCO and U.S.-Mexico treaties are outlined. Also described is a new and extremely destructive form of looting in Mesoamerica. It involves amassing many thousands of dollars from private investors for a project to decimate a chosen site, using explosives and power equipment, and then subdividing the loot among the sponsors. It is time for the SAA to act to stop the wanton destruction of the prehistoric record.

The Los Angeles riots erupted on August 11, 1965, after a white California highway patrolman arrested a young Negro for drunken driving in the southcentral ghetto known as Watts. A scuffle involving the youth, his mother, and the patrolman ensued, attracting a large crowd which was further incited by the arrival of the Los Angeles police. From about eight that evening to one the next morning, mobs stoned passing automobiles, assaulted white motorists, and threatened a police command post. On August 12 after a tumultuous meeting called by the Los Angeles County Human Relations Commission, the rioting, accompanied by looting and arson, spread throughout the ghetto. At great personal risk many Negro leaders, some from Los Angeles and others of national renown, pleaded with the rioters to end the violence, but to little or no avail. The next day the disorder was so widespread that Los Angeles Police Chief William Parker asked California Lieutenant Governor Glenn Anderson (standing in for vacationing Governor Edmund Brown) to order in the National Guard. Guardsmen and rioters besieged Watts that evening, and after Anderson imposed a curfew the authorities slowly suppressed the nation's worst race riots in a generation. On August 15-with 34 persons dead, over i,ooo injured, and almost 4,ooo arrested

The observer may perceive changes in the behavior of three types of groups. I suggest that these trends may indicate a change in broader social attitudes. i) The urban crowd still, as of yore, takes an interest in politics. It shields the assassin, threatens the politician or monarch, mans the barricades when revolt occurs, and, less dramatically, cheers, boos, and acts as a general sounding board in national party politics. But destruction, violence, and looting, which once followed in the wake of such political events, now begin with them, and very often appear to be more important to the rioters than the political protest itself. ii) National elections, in Anglo-Saxon countries, take place regularly or as often as required to find a government which has the confidence of parliament and/or the electorate. The considerable trouble and expense of elections was long thought worthwhile to assure a government that measured up to popular demands. But recently, perhaps with the advent of television, the politician who has protested "the people are not ready for yet another election" has been wrong: the people enjoy a good election. iii) Student protest. Student action has many dimensions and cannot be accurately distinguished from mere exuberance and rags. Nevertheless, in the past, there has been an earnest protest tradition among university students. Outside college they have taken an important part in elections, strikes, revolts, the underground, and open fighting. In university affairs they have attempted to get better premises and finances for their institutions. Trivially, they have struck over causes such as the coach or his training program, defended daring student newspapers against affronted elders, and started cooperative bookstores, restaurants, bus lines, and publishing houses to remedy deficiencies in their universities' arrangements. More profoundly, they have contested noble and difficult causes (not always on the right side); sometimes defending their professors and their

Unlike the looting after disasters, looting in civil disturbances conveys an important message from the deprived sectors of the population.

On May 4, 1936, the Emperor Haile Selassie departed from Djibuti aboard the British cruiser Enterprise, en route to Geneva by way of Palestine and England. On May 5, the victorious legions of the Second Roman Empire, commanded by Marshal Pietro Badoglio, entered Addis Ababa after what appears to have been a week of looting and pillaging in the Ethiopian capital. A few hours later in Rome, Benito Mussolini thunderously declared to a hastily-summoned Adunata: “Ethiopia is Italian! Italian in fact, because occupied by our victorious armies; Italian in law, because with the gladiators of Rome, civilization triumphs over barbarity, justice over arbitrary cruelty.”At the behest of its Duce, a grateful Italy surrendered itself, between May 5 and May 9, to the most riotous celebration in the annals of Fascism. To climax the memorable jubilee, Mussolini appeared on the balcony of the Palazzo Venezia, after consulting successively and rapidly with the Fascist Grand Council and the Council of Ministers in the late evening of May 9, to read to the second Adunata of the week the substantive provisions of a new royal decree-law. Therein (1) Ethiopia was declared to be under the full and complete sovereignty of Italy; (2) the assumption by the king of Italy of the additional title, emperor of Ethiopia, was proclaimed; and (3) announcement was made that Ethiopia would be governed in the future by a governor-general, with the title of viceroy of Ethiopia.

Illicit excavation of archaeological materials for sale to collectors and museums is widespread and damaging. Details on the scale of this activity in Costa Rica are discussed, as well as various ways in which it affects the economy and life-style of the contemporary population. Department of Anthropology Brown University September, 1972 GRAVE-ROBBING and the collecting of antiquities are activities that can be traced throughout much of the span of written history; and as disturbing as the idea may be to archaeologists, I see no reason to doubt that they were practiced on a smaller scale in prehistoric times as well. It is clear that everyone who has an interest in archaeology as a historical enterprise shares a deep concern for the irreparable damage that is done in looting the past-scientific damage, in terms of destroying potentially important clues to prehistory, diplomatic intercultural damage in terms of creating ill will among peoples of different nations, and so forth. As a culture historian and sometime archaeologist, I deplore illicit excavation and traffic in antiquities as much as anyone. At the same time, as a social anthropologist, I am concerned to understand the functional values that such a widespread and large-scale pattern of behavior must have, in view of its persistence and diffusion, even in the face of legal as well as moral sanctions. It is obvious that, rightly or wrongly, prehistoric artifacts have become economic goods. In these terms, it makes sense to speak of production (by commercial archaeologists), distribution (by dealers), and consumption (by collectors and museums). The functionsti and us that this illicit trade serves for the distributors appear obvious-immense economic gain is undoubtedly primary; prestige, good-will, and standing among colleagues and clients may also be involved; subtler interpretations I leave to others. Similarly, few would question that for the consumers, the trade functions to satisfy aesthetic, acquisitive, prestige, competitive, and perhaps other needs. For the producers, economic functions are obvious, but on the basis of a year's research among the producers in Costa Rica, I feel that the importance of this-and the presence of other values-is often underestimated, even by otherwise knowledgeable people who have had no significant contact with this business at what is, quite literally, the grass-roots level. It has been interesting to read in the recent rash of newspaper articles on this subject the wide range of estimates of the "value of the trade" to a particular country, but I have not yet seen any basis for such estimates. What I have attempted to do in this paper is simply to show the variety of ways in which the illicit trade in antiquities affects the economic structure and life-style of the population in one Central American nation, and to suggest some conservative and plausible extrapolations from specific quantitative data. Costa Rica has been recognized for more than 50 yr as a meeting-place of styles, media, and other influences from 2 major zones of pre-Columbian "high civilization" in the Americas. Nevertheless, scientific archaeological investigation has been carried out there on a scale that is insignificant in comparison with work done in Mesoamerica to the north or in the Andean region to the south. The relative lack of research-and associated publications, exhibitions, and general publicity-is one of the reasons why Costa Rican antiquities do not enjoy the broad popularity or command the enormous prices paid for materials from Peru, Guatemala, or Mexico, even when they are comparable in technological sophistication, aesthetic impact, age, size, uniqueness, condition, and other factors that generally affect values in this peculiar international market.

The Kingdom as Jesus sees it breaking in will arrive in disenchanting and disarming form : not as a mighty cedar astride the lofty mountain height but as a lowly garden herb.... It will erupt out of the power of weakness and refuse to perpetuate itself by the weakness of power.

BEFORE 69 A.D. The first informative fact concerning ownership of Spanish mines comes from Livy (34, 21, 7. 195 B.C.) who states that, "upon the pacification of the province, he (Cato) drew from the iron and silver mines a great revenue by regulations which day by day made the province more remunerative." It does not appear unreasonable to infer from this statement state ownership and state operation of definite mining districts in the conquered and pacified areas. Another indication of state ownership is found in the amounts of booty, tributum, brought back to Rome by returning governors, since these included silver and gold bullion as well as coined silver, denarii Oscenses. The size and regularity of these returns are proofs of exploitation, rather than of the looting which might follow a successful campaign. On the other hand, it is difficult to reconcile a state monopoly of mineral lands with the coins struck by various Iberian towns during the early conquest period. Then, too, most of the gold was obtained from placer workings. One wonders how the state could police the extensive area involved in order to make a monopoly operative. It is clear, though, that Rome did own and did control certain mineral bearing districts. Approximately fifty years later, about 140 B.C., Polybius noted a much more intensive working of silver mines near New Carthage. The state still owned these mines since a regular amount came daily to the Roman people. State operation had

scattered in the doorway. Across the courtyard opposite the throne-room were a series of rooms (NTS 9-10) apparently used as scribal offices. Professor Mallowan has shown that it was in NTS 10 that George Smith found the upper part of a large copy of the Annals of Tiglath-pileser III (K 3751) on which he wrote the provenence "S. E. Nimroud." A fragment of the same king's annals (ND 400) was found some twenty yards away,2 and there is evidence that at the sack of the building in 614 B.c. the historical records at least were scattered in this area. It is noteworthy that in this same room a lexicographical text (ND 4311) listing Sumerian signs with their Old Babylonian equivalents-evidence of a local scribal school-was also found. This piece directly joins K 8520 (in the British Museum) and so underlines the likelihood that a number of texts of the "K" collection originally came from this building at Nimrud. It is probable that the court scribes used this wing of the palace, though the discovery of texts in the fill of Courtyard XVIII and as far as the outer reaches of the throne-room area might indicate that the scribes themselves worked also on the upper floor.3 The range of rooms across the southern courtyard (NT 10-11 and possibly 13-16) i.e. that opposite the temple of Nabu itself, produced a large number of tablets, though many being sun-dried, are in a poor condition, but again perhaps some had once been housed in an upper storey.4 "This pitiful remnant of a once great collection"'5 had obviously suffered from looting in antiquity, but sufficient remains to show that it represents the product of many hands including the fine stylus-work of skilled scribes copying texts for special library or temple use. Many works of reference, especially lexicographical vocab

After Sebastopol had been occupied, the allied commanders sent home glowing reports of the city, though Pelissier’s were more explicit than Simpson’s who explained that the “newspaper reporters will (write) much better descriptions of all these things than I can.”1 Administrative problems galore had to be faced as a second winter was not far off, and the Russians were still in force in the allied rear. Looting was one of “these things” which Simpson failed to discuss but which was a problem in both armies. On the tenth of September a British cavalry officer observed: “The French have been plundering a good deal; while on our side regiments are placed at all entrances to the town, to make Englishmen disgorge what they have taken, which makes our fellows very savage.”2

Suicide notes have a rather dubious status in the list of materials of the historian’s craft, but their intrinsic fascination can hardly be denied. In recent times the death of President Vargas of Brazil has presented the contemporary historian with a paradigm case of the suicide note whose content and purpose are historically defined, defined not by the annalist but by the actor on the historical scene, by Vargas himself. This is what he wrote to his people: I offer my life in the holocaust. I choose this means to be with you always. When they humiliate you, you will feel my soul suffering at your side. When hunger beats at your door, you will feel inside you the energy to fight for yourselves and your children. ... To hatred I respond with pardon. And to those who think they have defeated me I reply with victory. I was the slave of the people, and today I free myself for eternal life. But this people to which I was a slave will not longer be a slave to anyone. My sacrifice will remain forever in your soul, and my blood will be the price of your ransom. I fought against the looting of Brazil. I fought against the looting of the people. I have fought bare-breasted. The hatred, infamy and calumny did not beat down my spirit. I gave you my life. Now I offer my death. Nothing remains. Serenely I take the first step on the road to eternity, and I leave life to enter history.1

The Damergou, that ruthless and monotonous pasture and millet-sown land, is dominated by the Touareg Imouzourag, who, in return for payment in kind, set themselves up as the protectors of the sedentary Hausa and Beri-Beri ; and by the Touareg Kel-Owey who, besides their intense caravaneering activities, willingly go in for acts of looting which provide them with captives and provisions. Neighbours and adversaries, they have contested one another's predominance in the country for a long time, the Imouzourag basing their claims on their « seniority », the Kel-Owey putting forward their economic and fighting powers. Alone, the status of the villager, that sedentary peasant, is firm but hardly to be envied : he is the harassed and raided one. The clash between the two Touareg groups becomes more violent when Moussa heading the Imouzourag decides that the Kel-Owey alone should not have entire control of the profitable Saharan trade. Using a minor conflict as a shield, the Kel-Owey give battle to the Imouzourag « before Moussa becomes too powerful », but they are defeated and will go in search of allies to get their own back. Asked for help by both antagonists, Foureau and Lamy promise it to the one who can provide the camels necessary for their advance on Lake Tchad. The Kel-Owey alone are in a position to furnish thèse mounts and the French proclaim them « our allies » resulting, at Tanamari, in the fall of Moussa's archers, brought about by the Kel-Owey, helped by skirmishers with firearms. Such an event could neither be forgotten nor forgiven by the Imouzourag who at Farak, barely a year later (July 1901), put a considerable Kel-Owey caravan to flight. But relentiessly tracked down by groups of French skirmishers, the Imouzourag led by Denda take flight, are exposed to serious supply difïiculties (they have, to the East, no one to « protect ») and are obliged to suffer, in their want and weariness, the consécration by the French of the Anastafidet (chief) Jatau of the Kel-Owey at the head of the Damergou. Yet the Saharan trade is jeopardized mainly due to the disappearance of its principal objective, slaves. Without any ambitions, right from the moment when lake Tchad was reached, the colonial authorities aspire only to maintaining order in an outcast and austère land. The most dynamic local element is thus in full decline and the newly-arrived European is limited to dull routine tasks : from then on, the region is to become bogged down in profound apathy., Rash Yehoshua. Des colonisateurs sans enthousiasme : les années françaises au Damergou (suite et fin). In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 59, n°215, 2e trimestre 1972. pp. 240-308.

White was fortunate. This country was then passing through the most depraved period in its history—the graft-ridden, cigar-reeking, weak-kneed administrations of Grant and Hayes. Jay Gould had already come by his title, the “Skunk of Wall Street.” Jim Fiske, his partner in looting the Erie, had but lately been laid to rest. In Sing Sing, Boss Tweed was protesting his innocence, vowing that he never intended to rob the taxpayers. It was a time of panic for decent men and women. The courts were maintained primarily as a means whereby the ruthless could oppress the weak. A continent was being parcelled out, criss-crossed with railroads, dotted with laborsweating mills and factories. There was work to be done, some of it dirty work; and men took pride in doing it … more particularly when it was dirty.

THE study of our prehistoric antiquities has A already passed through several phases. The early antiquaries of Tudor and Stuart times are perhaps the most to be envied, for they could travel the country and indulge in picturesque speculation on what they saw, untrammelled by any established body of knowledge. The later eighteenth and nineteenth centuries witnessed the development of excavation, excavation which, while it began to accumulate the factual material necessary for later scientific study, was too often little more than looting to satisfy the collector's instinct and the land-owner's vanity and curiosity. By the beginning of the present century a rickety framework of information had been put together, and the achievement of outstanding individuals such as General Pitt-Rivers already gave promise of the extraordinary blossoming of a truly scientific archaeology which took place in the period between two wars. The greater part of this happy period was naturally occupied with the essential preliminary task of extending conventional history backwards by establishing a fixed chronology, tracing invasions, the development of cultures and their interactions. But latterly a new trend was evident. Excavation had become sufficiently widespread, exact and selective to enable some archaeologists to be less purely historical and more generally sociological in their approach. Attention began to be focused on the manner of prehistoric life, the structure of early societies, their economic basis and the density of their populations. Prehistoric Communities of the British Isles By Prof. V. Gordon Childe. Pp. xiv + 274 + 16 plates. (London and Edinburgh: W. & R. Chambers, Ltd., 1940). 20s. net.

Investigation has revealed that organizations known as the National Red Laborers Rebel General Corps, the National Destroy Capitalism Army Rebel Corps General Headquarters, and the National State Farms Red Rebel Army are reactionary organizations. They indiscriminately carried out a series of evil acts, including spreading rumors and slanders, provoking armed struggle, carrying out economism, attacking the leading state organs, looting and destroying state property, seizing buildings by force, and raping women. In accordance with the unanimous demands of the broad revolutionary masses, it has been decided to ban these organizations and arrest their leading elements and some particularly bad individual elements. As for their general members who were hoodwinked, they will only be required to recognize their mistakes, expose the evil deeds of their reactionary chiefs, and immediately return to their original areas and units. Their cases generally will not be investigated any further.

This presentation summarizes the empirical research studies of behavior in man made and natural disasters and disaster related events. A definition of disaster is provided to identify its distinguishing characteristics apart from the specific context in which it occurs. Among the first major efforts to investigate human response to disaster were the studies performed during and following World War II. These were motivated by a desire to confirm or refute hypotheses concerning human behavior under wartime disaster conditions, the information being useful for defensive as well as offensive purposes. Many of these hypotheses, like the stereotypes portrayed by the mass media reporting of natural disasters, were found to be myths rather than factual accounts of human behavior. Among the myths vs facts are the following: 1. Mass panic is not observed; behavior is typically goal oriented but confusing when viewed by an outsider. 2. Flight from the disaster is a lesser problem than the massive convergence of people, materiel, and message traffic into the impact area. 3. Looting is far less common than believed and substantially less than the altruism observed. 4. Hysteria is atypical, and greater self control and self sacrifice are common. 5. Those affected are rarely unable to help themselves (unless injured), i.e., they are not dazed and stuperous but rather active participants in search and rescue operations. 6. Mental breakdown does not occur but acute emotional, physiological and psychosomatic symptoms do emerge following disaster. 7. Murder, assualt, and other acts of aggression are less common rather than more prevalent. 8. Anarchy and the breakdown of civilization does not occur. Emergency (and often spontaneous) leadership is evidenced with greater community solidarity and productivity. The remainder of the presentation is devoted to highlighting specific examples of human response in the chronology of events encompassing: (1) warning, (2) awareness of imminent disaster, (3) post disaster actions, and (4) recovery operations. The presentation concludes with some recommendations which in part serve to introduce the topics covered in the following presentation.

In the period 1933–1945 the Nazis orchestrated the most massive art theft in world history. The exact number of looted art objects is not known, although estimates vary from hundreds of thousands to millions. A huge number of art objects looted by the Nazis are still missing. They have been spread around the world through a variety of different channels and can still be found in the art market. Such looted art objects have also ended up in museum collections. All countries have a moral duty to participate in the efforts to identify and restitute objects looted from their owners by the Nazis.

This link the Germans have tried frantically to weaken through the deportation of male labour and through a regimenting of farming activity which amounts to organized looting, but it is so strong, so long established and so universal that it can probably withstand the pressure of military conquest and economic persecution. One would not wish, of course, anything like the restoration of the status quo before 1939 for most of the Slav peasants. As Lewis Mumford l has pointed out, the persistence of self-sufficient peasant economies along the lines described in this paper, means the perpetuation of the crudest forms of poverty. But such regions have escaped what is probably graver damage, and a problem which haunts the zones of artisan predominance in North-Western and Central Europe and the United States, the too complete abandonment of the land by one-time craftsmen and peasants. Secondly, the Slavs have retained a consciousness of regional diversities, which has logically enough weakened to the point of disappearance in the countries experiencing most deeply and for generations the standardizing effects of capital and intensively developed communications. Once obliterated, such a sense of the petitpays, as the French call it, is difficult to restore except on artificial lines, and yet it is the very salt of existence for man if he is to maintain any intelligent relationship with his environment. The very remoteness of the Slav peoples from the strong economic forces of North-Western Europe, may have preserved for them a setting in which new planning is more straightforward than in countries where the population is largely given over to the uniformities and mechanical processes associated with huge artisan groups. Those who reflect upon the possibilities of recovery after the present upheaval are just awakening to a right estimation of these advantages. It is perhaps comforting that they accrue to peoples who have ranked low so far in economic and political achievement and whose hardships have been very great.

This article examines the market for property insurance within the central core area of our major cities from the supply side, emphasizing the importance of cost as a detennining factor. The results of a survey of businessmen in the Los Angeles and Long Beach central core areas show that considerable difficulty is encountered by many in obtaining property insurance through conventional market channels. A simple simulation model is employed to analyze the effect upon the operating results of a firecasualty company of a central core city area riot under various types of reinsurance arrangements. Since the market price for the service may still be prohibitive, the possibility of a direct subsidy is considered. An alternative to the HUD plan is suggested. Under this program, a number of large fire-casualty insurers would be chosen on a bid basis to administer a special urban core area property insurance plan on a "cost-plus" basis. The central core areas of many of our major cities have recently been the scene of violence unprecedented in American history. Waves of burning and looting have erupted in one urban area after another, leaving in their wake untold numbers of smashed storefronts and streets lined with smoldering rubble. This civil vio,lence and unrest have served to dramatize the problems of the central core city. Neighborhoods have deteriorated into ugly blights on the landscape. The upkeep of homes and apartments has lagged. In this setting, owvners of homes and J. J. Launie, Ph.D., is Associate Professor of Finance and Law at San Fernando Valley State College. Dr. Launie formerly served on the staff of the Bureau of Business and Economic Research at the University of Nevada and on the staff of the California Assembly Revenue and Taxation Committee. This paper was presented at the A.R.I.A. 1968 Annual Meeting. This stuLdy was made possible by a research grant from the American Risk and Insurance Association. businesses are confronted with grave risks of the destruction of their property by the perils of fire and looting. Property insurance, written through private insurance carriers, has been the traditional means of transferring these risks for the property owners. This paper represents an attempt to determine the present conditions existing in the private property insurance market within the central core area of one of our largest cities, Los Angeles. Factors Influencing Supply This study concentrates upon the supply side of this market because there is little question concerning the demand for the service of fire insurance. The elasticity of the demand function is of some importance, however, and will be considered in detail below. In classical economic theory, the supply function for any good or service indicates the relationship between the amount of the service the producers of the good or service are willing to supply and the

During the twelve years of its existence Nazi Germany carried out what was probably the greatest program of looting and spoliation of property that was ever devised. It was a conscious policy arising out of a complex of motives, some as ancient as the almost immemorial concept of "spoils of war," and some arising from factors which would require analysis by a modern psychiatrist. There is a distinction (which for technical reasons will be maintained in this paper) between acts of spoliation within Germany and such acts accomplished in other countries, as the Nazis overran them. The distinction is superficial because the overrunning of foreign countries was conceived by the Nazis as an extension of the German imperium, and the principle underlying spoliation was the same in Germany and abroad-the superior claim of the Herrenvolk and the German State to property held by what was conceived as inferior types of people. Within Germany the program of spoliation was directed mainly against the Jews and was pursued by a variety of methods ranging from the passage of legislation to outright murder. These same tactics were employed against the property of Jews who were found in German-annexed or German-conquered countries. Measures of lesser severity were employed against other persons and institutions in those countries. The post-war process of returning property to German-occupied countries came to be called "external restitution" and that of returning property to individuals when it had been taken in Germany was called "internal restitution." While this paper in using the word "restitution" will confine itself to "internal restitution," as to both the concept of "return" has a common origin in the wartime and post-war expressions of the Allied Powers. From these the intent to return spoliated property is quite clear. Undoubtedly the basic motive of the Allies in seeking return of the despoiled property was the general shocking inequity to the modern Western mind of linking property rights with class status, but the stimuli which transformed a feeling into a positive program were pressures to rectify these obvious injustices. In the case of external restitution, the despoiled countries were the movants, as were the despoiled * Member of the New York, District of Columbia, and Supreme Court bars. Former official in charge, Property Relations Occupied Areas, Department of State.

For several years now a lack of relevance in education has been open and apparent. Except for academic-minded students who use school to gather credits for college, education makes little change in the lives of students, particularly those from deprived backgrounds. Educators have been talking about relevance for decades. They hope to make school a meaningful rather than preparatory experience, but few have been able to come to grips with it. Now, however, the emergence of explosive domestic social crises in the nation's cities (SN: 4/20, p. 373), has given impetus to some fundamental innovations. Not only are new opportunities opening for educators, but as social scientists find handles to social phenomena as they emerge, new insights are likely to develop. Such an opportunity was seized in Washington, D.C., when ghetto schoolswhich had earlier been consolidated into a model school district where experiments in relevance were taking placedevoted two days in the elementary schools for children to work out their reactions to the disorders following the slaying of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Concerned that teachers would ignore the crisis taking place in their own back yard, the Model School Division that runs the 24 schools centered around Cardozo High School in the capital's central city rushed through a bulletin advising: "Remember, class simply cannot go on as usual." It didn't. Under the guidance of Cardozo's Innovation Team, the children poured out themes and drawings on looting, burning, non-violence, Dr. King (about whom many children knew very little), "soul." white people and personal hopes-enough material to form the basis of a year's curriculum in social studies. Some of the children's comments offer insight into the forces they contend with in their own lives, and should open a window to the ghetto: * "I took things because everybody did and we did not have anything so we took what we want." * "The saddest thing I saw was my girl friend stealing."

At about 7: 10 on the evening of April 4, 1968, first word was broadcast over national television networks that the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., had been shot. King's death was announced a short time later. The brutal death of the civil rights leader elicited a political reaction manifest in social disturbances across the nation. Numerous riots and lesser civil disturbances occurred as a direct aftermath of the killing. Several explanations for the disturbances appear obvious. The best-known civil rights leader in the nation had been murdered. For many, King had become a symbol of progressive change in policies concerning race relations and poverty.1 The killing also occurred within the context of increasing interracial tension. More widespread rioting, looting, and burning-although less personal violence-took place in the prior summer than at any other time since the Civil War.2 Finally, diverse modes of political participation among Negroes had emerged on a fairly massive scale.3 I argue that the assassination was a stimulus that led individuals to an emotional disengagement from the realm of normal political behavior. What I term political disengagement occurs when normally positive and latent diffuse sentiments toward the political system and its elements become negative. This process may be slow or rapid. In

The removal of loam from the grounds of the Old Mansion Inn, Wayland, Massachusetts, exposed blackened areas which were investigated by local collectors. The site was obviously a rich and unusual burial area, probably including cremations, with good possibilities for radiocarbon dating of the entire tool assemblage. Unfortunately, the site was destroyed within a very short time by children, their parents, and friends, assisted by some local collectors. Many members of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society were shocked that the collectors who participated in the looting of the site rather than protecting it for serious study were members of the Society. This incident points up the need for state and local societies to discover some way of disciplining members who do not conform to accepted standards of archaeological work. ONE OF THE MOST TRAGIC events in the history of northeastern archaeology occurred in June, 1959. -Real estate developers removed loam from the grounds of the Old Mansion Inn in Wayland, Massachusetts and in doing so exposed blackened areas rich in charcoal. Two collectors who live in the neighborhood took note of the black areas and commenced to investigate. Within a short time it became apparent that they had uncovered something out of the ordinary, yet they continued on their own without requesting institutional assistance. They found a number of caches of large but extremely thin corner-removed blades; 174 of them were in one cache. Much charcoal blackened the soil; the collectors spoke of several fragments of burned bone. Some of the bone may have been human bone, some may have been animal bone. I saw at least one deciduous human incisor. Objects recovered, in addition to the large thin blades, include fragments of pestles, grooved axes, and what may have been gouges and adzes. One man picked up a copper adz or gouge; it bore the impressions of what may have been cording or a textile fabric. Fragments account for at least one large, shallow, soapstone bowl. A lug handle was at each end of this vessel. Other sherds suggest the possibility that additional soapstone vessels were in the loot taken from the site. Children learned of the discovery, and the news spread like wildfire. The press, radio, and even television carried accounts of the discovery. Publicity brought other collectors from Maine, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey. Local children, their parents, and friends, with assistance from some local collectors destroyed the site before outsiders arrived. It is difficult to say for certain just what was involved. Quite possibly a number of pits contained cremated burials; just how many will never be known. Nor will there be any evidence regarding the relationship of graves to one another or to larger pits. At the bottom of the rooted-over area were remains of two graves; one had been dug down through the other. Red ocher is said to have been found in the graves. Heavily pigmented areas which probably resulted from natural weathering of the soil were later found in areas outside the graves. The R. S. Peabody Foundation was called by one of the founders of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society, shocked at the turn of events. The Foundation, with the consent of the owner, endeavored to protect the site until adequate steps could be taken to ensure salvage of remaining scraps of evidence. In this it was

To the Editor:— I protest against the editorial policy ofThe Journalwhich permits the F.B.I. to use it as a vehicle for catching criminals. Perhaps one could understand it, even though not condoning it, if the malefactor sought was an insane physician, who had committed homicides, or a criminal mastermind of a group of burglars looting physicians' offices for narcotics; but such is not the case. Manson, the wanted criminal, is a bankruptcy swindler. Years ago when Dr. May was sentenced to two years in prison for harboring the notorious Dillenger, the Lancet published an editorial suggesting an accolade for him for being true to the spirit of the Hippocratic Oath. The late Lord Horder, a leader of British medicine and physician to the King, once publicly declared that if he were acting as a surgeon and had treated a man with a bullet wound and immediately thereafter heard

Early in 1946, when the first great rush of shipments of art treasures to the Central Collecting Point was over, it became evident that a documents center was necessary to assist in the immense task of making an inventory and identifying the countless number of objects. Consequently an office was set up with a German curator and two assistants whose first task it was to put the great quantities of documents into working order. When in the summer of 1946 the Monuments, Fine Arts and Archives field offices were reduced to two, one for the northern and one for the southern half of the country, the documents center was placed under the supervision of the MFA & A Officer for Southern Bavaria. Its task was defined as follows: to assist through documentary proof in the establishment of ownership of art objects in custody of the Central Collecting Point; to gather information from various Nazis who were involved in looting of works of art, as far as they were available for questioning in Bavaria; to work on the c...

RAMON MENENDEZPIDAL, in the introduction to his edition of the Poema de Mio Cid, remarks that the money-lending episode is not a manifestation of medieval anti-semitism, rebutting Andres Bello who did interpret the episode as such. Bello, in his edition of the Poema, declares that the money-lending episode "fue inventada sin duda para ridiculizar a los judios, clase ent6nces mui rica, poderosa i odiada."' Bello refers to a massacre of Jews in Toledo in 1108 and further to the fact that there were not infrequently looting and murdering of Jews with religion serving as a pretext for the envy and greed the populace felt. Bello further points out the clash of interest between Church and State with respect to the position and treatment of Jews with the former issuing bulls freeing from obligation those indebted to Jews and the latter fulminating against those who possessed these very bulls. It is interesting to point out that the poet of the Poema, probably a cleric, presents a devout Cid, who plays the trick on the Jews, in opposition to the King, presumably, in self-interest, a protector of the Jews.

IN ABORIGINAL times the Rio Sinut Valley of Colombia was densely peopled. A brief orgy of grave looting by the Spaniards followed the Conquest, after which they almost forgot the area; for its gold had come from elsewhere and few Indians remained to be exploited as a labor force. Its effective resettlement has been accomplished only in the past 75 years. First came the American and French lumber interests, which cleared the forest; they were followed by the big cattlemen and, more recently, the cotton kings. Monteria, in I950, was as heady with anticipation as a Texas oil-boom town, as Medellin capitalists, some with farming experience and others with only their checkbooks, poured in to make their fortunes from cotton planting in the Sinut. A relatively few families still hold the better alluvial valley lands in large blocks, acquired either by crown grant or, more commonly, by purchase from a financially distressed government. As the population has pyramided, the landless Sinuano peasant, who as tenant or wage laborer cleared the large haciendas, has gone to the hills to claim his own maize-hog farm from the forested baldtos (government lands). He has extended the frontier of settlement westward well into the Department of Antioquia, but into lands that have had little appeal for the highland Antioquefio, himself a vigorous colonizer who has shown a marked preference for the cooler uplands of the tierra templada and tierrafrfa.' While the Sinuano has been occupying the empty, steamy hills along the Caribbean coast, the headwater area of the Rio Sinut (the Alto Sinui) has been somewhat more slowly colonized from interior Antioquia, and increasingly heavy pressure has been exerted on the remaining Choco-type Indians.