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The October war, although it came as a surprise to the world, was inevitable as a result of failures to solve the Arab-Israeli conflict by peaceful means. The occupation by Israel of Arab territories after the June 1967 war had not brought about the political concessions from the Arab side that Israel desired. Rather than enter direct negotiations at a time when Israel was expressing expansionist territorial demands, the Arab countries attempted to secure an Israeli withdrawal by various military initiatives (the War of Attrition, 1969-1970) and diplomatic means. The latter centred on attempts to persuade the international community, and in particular the United States, to enforce the full implementation of Security Council Resolution 242 upon Israel. But neither the Arab attempts, nor the means of pressure that were intended to support them repeated threats of a war that might embroil the great powers, or cutbacks of Arab oil-were taken seriously enough. On the contrary, during this period the United States claimed to be unable to exert pressure on Israel, while supplying it at the same time with large numbers of advanced and sophisticated weapons, such as Phantom fighterbombers, "smart" bombs, self-propelled artillery, electronic counter-measure (ECM) equipment and tanks. With the Israelis apparently determined to transform military occupation into a permanent status quo, the only alternative left to the Arabs was to initiate a war-which proved far more successful than had been anticipated.

During the 1960s in the United States the phrase "Over 30" came to be used as a symbol of the Youth Movement. It indicated the fact that a major dividing line was perceived to exist between older people who were thought to favor the established status quo and the younger ones who were severely and actively critical of the world in which they were growing up. The phrase was one among many factors which drew attention to people in their 20's. The attention was multifaceted and was concerned with the social, psychological, historical, economic, philosophical as well as political aspects of the events which took place in these years. For those interested in the psychological aspects, it seemed that many young people were profoundly discontented and disillusioned, that among them the use of potentially harmful drugs was greatly increasing, that many flocked to encounter groups and mystic cults in search of relief from self-doubt and as an outlet for self-expression, and further that they contributed a vast portion to the rising crime index. Inevitably questions were raised about mental health. Are the young actually more troubled and more troubling than the older? Are the rates of emotional problems actually increasing among people in their 2Ws? Has psychiatry neglected the post-adolescent phase and failed to see that rather regularly it is a

Education, one of society's most vital institutions, supposedly enhances the possibility of creating the good society. Since man cherishes his faith in the evolution of his intellectual and aesthetic ideas and practices, i.e., his culture, education should not merely deal with the present-oriented practicality of social engineering. More important, because of its profound difficulty and necessity, education, particularly higher education, ought to foster ideas that would transcend the mere practicality of the present societal values and practices. Undoubtedly, preservation and transmission of culture is an important aspect of education. Society as a functioning whole frequently preserves and transmits dominant social, political, and ethical values to an extent of dogmatic gospels. Since education serves as an efficient but expedient tool for the dominant political and social force of the time, it is intimately concerned with perpetuation of the status quo. This perpetuation is the dogmatic foundation of a vicious circle that refuses to change, even in the sense of evolution, and that reprimands any opposition. This expediency is precisely what education must vigilantly foil. The contradiction within education is that its reassessment of society threatens the society itself, which in turn threatens to eliminate such a critical function. Education in this sense becomes an ex

In A Handbook of Christian Theology Jerald C. Brauer notes that “the kingdom of God is one of the most fruitful yet controversial concepts in Christian theology. It has been employed to uphold the status quo, and it has been a revolutionary ideal used to break social forms and customs.”1 This bibliographical survey will list articles and books that deal with the kingdom of God and closely related subjects in the history of Christianity, concentrating on the West.2

"Rebellion arises equally from objective and subjective conditions. The rebel perceives an imbalance in the allocation of resources or access to power, and is outraged to find that imbalance sanctified by a definition of himself as unworthy of or, more subtly, as unready for those resources or power. Relative scarcity and racist justification are thus conjoined in the rebellious upheavals of the Third World." Yet both the advantaged and disadvantaged are socialized to accept the legitimacy of the status quo. According to the author, the truly committed social or behavioral scientist must become aware of the contradictions evident in the theories he has been trained to believe in and the concrete social conditions of oppressed people. He must lead the way in rethinking the concepts of Authority and Equality for man. He must build new "conceptual mansions" that will transform Man and bring about a new Society of useful individuals and nurturing institutions.

Although one might think that the above paradox does not occur in reality, such a situation happens from time to time. For example, in June 1972, three men?Hum phrey, McGovern, and Wallace?were leaders in the race for the Democratic presidential nomination. It was said that those who preferred McGovern seemed to prefer Humphrey next and Wallace least (this order being the public image of how "liberal" each candidate was). Those who preferred Humphrey often preferred Wal lace second and McGovern last (perhaps Humphrey represented the established order and McGovern represented the strongest break with the status quo). Yet many who liked Wallace best often wanted McGovern second (dissatisfaction with the status quo meant that any candi date might be better than Humphrey, who signified no change to many). If enough people preferred the candidates in one of these three rankings, it is indeed possible that Humphrey was preferred to Wallace, who was preferred to McGovern, who was preferred to Humphrey. No wonder every one was so confused then! This example could be repeated with taste preferences of people, TV watching, public opinion polls, and so on. The

F. S. Malan's role, and the influence of the Cape ‘liberal’ tradition in the post-Union era, have been seriously under-estimated. As Minister of Mines and Industries and effective Minister of Native Affairs, Malan was responsible for the passage of a comprehensive system of labour legislation between 1913 and 1924, linked to a new initiative in ‘native policy’ in urban areas. The limitations of such an initiative must, however, not be lost sight of, for in the last analysis few of the Cape ‘liberals’ would have been prepared to face the full social and economic, let alone the political implications of a multi-racial society, and Malan was no exception. His initiative can best be seen as differing in tone rather than in substance from the politics of his colleagues. In his defence of the Cape franchise, Malan sought to defend African citizenship rights within a limited ‘political’ context. It was only during the brief period after 1918 that he attempted a settlement of race and industrial problems, but even then, as a Cape ‘liberal’, he never challenged the basis of the status quo in South Africa. Yet it is still true to say that he was ousted from party politics in the Union after 1924 largely because he persistently adhered to a different political tradition to that held by those who led both the SAP and the National Party.

Prophecy is one of the simplest ways for an historian to destroy his credit and reputation. Having been persuaded to take this risk, I shall partly cover it with one small insurance policy: I shall set forth what seem to me to be the relevant facts, but not be too dogmatic about the conclusions to be drawn from them.Where will South Africa stand twenty-five years from now? What will have happened during those years? In theory there are, I think, only four possibilities: (i) that the status quo will remain essentially unchanged; (ii) that radical changes, involving or at least leading to the abolition of all racial discrimination, will come about peacefully, by constitutional means; (iii) that the regime will be overthrown by invading foreign forces; and (iv) that it will be overthrown by revolution within the country, with or without foreign support. As there are strong reasons for believing that none of these alternatives is really possible, some factor seems to have been overlooked. Perhaps it will appear as the four alternatives are examined.

DECENTRALIZATION is rapidly replacing God, Country and Motherhood in popular favor. From the revolutionary left: "The sweeping concentration of power and control in the nationwide political and military Establishment necessitates the shift to decentralized forms of organization.... Monopoly capitalism has given a new concrete sense to the 'revolution from below.'"1 To the utopian left: "The core radical ideals and values of community, equality, and humaneness ... can most nearly be realized through decentralization."2 To the reformist left: "Decentralization will not 'solve' the problems of the poor, but it is a useful beginning."3 To the reformist right: "The foundation of endeavor must be good human relationships, not impersonal control from aloft and afar. Power should be more decentralized."4 To the status quo right: "A person can be expected to act responsibly only if he has responsibility. This is human nature. . . . Let us locate responsibility in more places. And let us

The multiple forms of the religious phenomenon and its cosmologies have often been pointed out. The social role of a religion can never be defined once and for all. The role played by religion as an agent for social protest and awareness or as a factor of the status quo must be made explicit for each historical period and specific social group. How are the religions in Chili situated between these functions of alienation and awareness ? The authors of this article examine the positions of Indian animism, Catholicism and Protestantism and outline the complex relationships exist ing between the nation, classes, social groups, and religious behavior in Chili.

The development of a more useful relationship between psychiatry and the law depends upon mutual understanding and solution of common problems. Present training in law for psychiatrists emphasizes acceptance of the status quo. The authors propose a new training approach involving both disciplines that would emphasize interactional problems and practical methods for bringing about change, thus improving the present system.

Economics is, and always has been, essentially a moral science? whatever the protestations to the contrary by some of its practitioners. There are, of course, those who claim that economics, as a science, is concerned only with the implications of the fact of relative scarcity. Lionel Robbins and Milton Friedman are obvious examples of this point of view. And at least since the time of Jean Baptiste Say (1803), there has been a steady stream of economists who have insisted that their task is to remain unconcerned with the social issues of the day, striving always to keep the discipline "scientific"?that is, free from moral judgement or moral concern. But what this position has in fact meant is a historic concern by the economist for the status quo and the development of a scientific expertise which has defended and explained that status quo. For this is largely what marketplace economics has always been: an attempt to explain the mysteries and wonders and vagaries of the market as well as to divulge the blessings which the market bestows upon all of its followers. This is the legacy bequeathed by Say who argued that the economist must remain an "impartial spectator." [Gide and Rist, p. 123] If he is to be purely scientific, he must remain theoretical and descriptive and in no case should the economist give advice to the public. This point of view was the logical outgrowth of the dictates of Jeremy Bentham, the 18th century social psychologist, who had such a tremendous impact on laying the basic psychological groundwork for the emerging science of Eco? nomics. [Bentham, 1843; Mitchell] The core idea of this viewpoint posits that what is good for society is simply what is good for the individual, as measured by the market, which is merely an extension of natural law. Individuals as individuals are all that matters. They are primary; society and the economy are secondary or derivative. And the task of the economist is to explain that secondary or derivative mechanism.

TELEVISION NEWS, like all journalism, suffers from a paradox of functions which often seem to be at cross-purposes. On the one hand it is supposed to be nonpartisan, an unbiased transmitter of fact. On the other hand it is expected to participate in the political process as a "watchdog" for the public.' The first function implies a tacit support for the status quo by minimizing interpretation. In order to assure the purity of the facts, the reporter is discouraged from efforts at individual evaluation or explanation. In contrast, the second function implies energetic criticism of governmental performance in the name of the "public interest." In order to fulfill this duty, the reporter is encouraged to investigate and interpret the facts to their fullest extent to encourage broader public aware

A content analysis of behavior patterns in 129 Ethiopian folktales to identify rules governing payoffs in the game of everyday living as perceived in the traditional Ethiopian culture is presented. The study concluded that Ethiopians tend to view the life game as zero-sum, non-shared sum, and yielding at best a limited payoff. This view results in a set of survival strategies based on self-protection, deception, and revenge aimed either at maintaining the status quo or advancing oneself at the expense of others. Perceived opportunities for initiative and cooperation in service to the community are limited. Personal efficacy is perceived as present in interpersonal exchanges, but not in exchanges with the impersonal environment.

Classrooms have recently been criticized as total institutions where there is a rigid preoccupation with order and control, and where children are required to be still, to be silent, and to obey. Behavior modification has been described as a major source of change in the classroom. A review of this journal's papers on behavior modification in the classroom indicated that inappropriate behavior has been consistently defined as behavior that interferes with order, quiet, and stillness. It is argued therefore, that behavior modification has supported rather than changed the questionable status quo. Alternative areas for behavior modification in traditional classrooms and the role of behavior modification in the development of open classrooms are discussed.

THE ANALYSIS OF OPTIONS IS A TECHNIQUE FOR INVESTIGATING THE STABILITY OF VARIOUS PROPOSED SOLUTIONS TO A CONFLICT BETWEEN SEVERAL PARTIES. ALL THE PARTIES INVOLVED AND THE OPTIONS AVAILABLE TO EACH OF THEM ARE LISTED BY THE ASSIGNMENT OF 0 (IN FAVOR) OR 1 (OPPOSED) TO EACH OPTION. THE SET OF ASSIGNMENTS IS A POSSIBLE OUTCOME OF THE CONFLICT. SEVERAL TABLES ARE DEVELOPED FROM THE STAND POINT OF THE PREFERENCES OF EACH PARTY, OR COALITIONS OF THE PARTIES. ONE SUCH TABLE CONTAINS A LISTING OF A PROPOSED OUTCOME AS SOLUTION, OR STATUS QUO, AND ALL OTHER OUTCOMES ARE GIVEN IN EITHER A PREFERRED OR NOT PREFERRED (TO THE STATUS QUO) CATEGORY. ELEMENTARY GAME THEORETIC IDEAS OF STABILITY ARE USED TO STUDY WHETHER THE STATUS QUO OUTCOME IS STABLE UNDER SANCTIONS BY OPPOSING PARTIES. THE PROCEDURE IS APPLIED IN THIS PAPER TO THE SUBWAY- HIGHWAY DEBATE OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. OTHER APPLICATIONS ARE MENTIONED. /AUTHOR/

Though he sees some relevance in the "applied science" approach to the study of educational administration which is generally supported by pro fessors who thus perpetuate the prevailing ideology and status quo, Professor Hills identifies a process of structural differentiation within the field and describes emerging, specialized scholarly roles for professors. Mr. Hills is associate professor of education and a staff member in the Center for the Advanced Study of Educational Administration at the University of Oregon.

In my opinion, Dijkstra's "Humble Programmer" ought to be required reading for everyone who claims that programming is his or her profession. To me, it ranks as one of the great classics in the field, providing an educational experience for the junior programmer, and truly delightful reading for the veteran. It serves as a wonderful reminder of the good old days of the computer field, and offers an excellent summary of the philosophies and guiding principles by which we try to do our jobs. The concepts expressed are eloquent and profound, sometimes controversial, and generally thought-provoking. I worry that some of the most eloquent remarks cannot be appreciated by today's programmers: For example, Dijkstra says, " . . . when we had a few weak computers, programming became a mild problem, and now that we have gigantic computers, programming has become an equally gigantic problem." Most of us who began our careers on 1K or 4K machines will smile in appreciation, but will the remarks mean anything to the programmer of the 1980s who will begin his or her career on a 16-megabyte computer? When Dijkstra states, " . . . one of the most important aspects of any computing tool is its influence on the thinking habits of those who try to use it," I wonder whether today's hobbyist programmer, with his buildit- at-home computer and subset of BASIC, has any idea of what Dijkstra is talking about. There are the controversial comments, too: For instance, Dijkstra refers to FORTRAN as an infantile disorder, and PL/I as a fatal disease. Curiously enough, even though he praises such obscure languages as LISP, he does not seem to acknowledge the existence of the two languages that account for probably 75 percent of all the computer programs written today: COBOL and RPG. It is in this paper as well that Dijkstra suggests that the primary resistance to the so-called structured revolution will come from educational institutions, and from the political backlash of an EDP organization that would prefer to maintain the status quo. I personally agree with this, having experienced such resistance first-hand in my own work as a consultant and educator. You may or may not agree, but you certainly will find Dijkstra's comments worth reading.

The most significant trend in adult education in modern India is that most of the work in this field is being done by official agencies. Before India became free most of the work was done by voluntary effort of public spirited men who were inspired by a zeal for adult education. While this trend is significant, it is also tragic. It has in fact been the greatest tragedy for the adult education movement, because it has prevented the movement from making the necessary impact on the development of the country. Basically the purpose of adult education is to help individuals and communities to meet the new demands created by the rapidly developing society. Its objective is to help them overcome the impediments which had withheld the prospect of a richer and fuller life. It is an harbinger of a new social order. It seeks to subvert the status quo where to quote our President, Dr. Radhakrishnan, "a few have prospered on the shame and subjection of the many". In place of the decaying social order, adult education attempts to build a society where equal opportunity for all to grow in freedom and plenty will be ensured. That being the objective of adult education, it need not require much argument to question the validity of the assumptions which have made adult education a statemanaged show. A movement which should inspire the masses to reconstruct the pattern of their lives can never be sponsored by an administrative machinery which India got in inheritance from our past Imperialist master. As against this trend towards officialization, there is a growing volume of public opinion which favours de-officialization of adult edu? cation. This opinion is led by the Indian Adult Education Association which believes that voluntary agencies are a sine quo non of a dynamic democratic society. Voluntary agencies enjoy certain advantages which are of positive help to adult education in so far as its ultimate purpose is concerned. For one thing voluntary agencies, because they are the projection of popular initiative and enthusiasm, can evoke a more sympathetic accord among people than official agencies. And because voluntary agencies have to thrive solely on the confidence people place in them, they reflect more keenly popular sentiment and adjust themselves to popular needs.

The problem of a state’s right to cease or limit its performance of the provisions of a treaty on the ground that circumstances have changed is an old one. After centuries of doctrinal discussion, the existence, scope and modalities of such a right remain controversial and perplexing. Its practical importance may at times be exaggerated; but nations dissatisfied with the status quo continue to regard it as a welcome device for escaping from burdensome treaties, while others fear it as a threat to stability and to their interests. Terminology has complicated the problem. Scholars, in efforts to define the asserted right and its scope or to provide a doctrinal basis for its modalities, have resorted to numerous technical labels drawn largely from municipal legal systems. Governments, in asserting the right, have variously employed or refrained from employing such terms as rebus sic stantibus. Terminological diversity has sometimes served to obscure substantive similarities and differences in practice and to divert the attention of scholars from underlying community interests and policies.

"The swallowing of a multitude of small town and country School Boards was a very different proposition from the consumption of the London School Board. In all, the L.S.B. controlled 1,418 school departments, 550,000 children, 12,000 teachers and 251 groups of managers. This in itself would have been a Gargantuan meal but, in addition, there was the question of the assimilation of the 1,500 departments and 207,000 children of the denominational schools. The total child population of London in 1903 was ten times that of either Birmingham or Manchester, and in fact, exceeded the total population (child and adult) of any town in the country. If the responsibilities of the School Board and the Technical Education Board were to be merged it was clear that municipalisation of the educational services of the Metropolis would involve control of at least two thousand institutions, more than twenty thousand teachers, a million children and students, and an annual expenditure of £4,000,000. It was calculated that the existing work of the Council, already alleged to be excessive, would be doubled. Small wonder then that the Government faltered in its step and asked itself whether it was really worth the candle to alter the status quo, a defeatist attitude which was to show itself periodically during the early months of 1903." – Introductory paragraph.

The purpose of this study was to test four hypotheses concerned with relationships between student needs, college expectations, perceptions of college realities, and four groups of student outcome: status quo, changed major, transfer, and withdrawal. Pair-wise Pearson product-moment correlations were obtained between like scales on the Stern Activities Index and two administrations of the College Characteristics Index, prior to college matriculation and at the conclusion of the freshman year. Student needs and expectations of college were related across sixteen of thirty person-situation dimensions but the magnitude and direction of correlations was strongly influenced by sex of respondent. Student expectations of college and subsequent perceptions of college realities were significantly correlated in thirty possible cases. The S’s sex influenced the magnitude of the correlations obtained between college expectation and college realities.

The Wallach-Kogan choice dilemma instrument used in most experiments on group risk taking has twelve questions. Each question has a status quo or sure thing with a utility U0 and a risky alternative which, if successful, yields a utility of U1 and if unsuccessful, a disutility of −U2. Allowing for possible utilities for gambling or risk-taking and caution, one can form an expected utility function for taking the risky alternative. The subjects' task of determining the minimum probability for accepting the risky alternative is the solution of the utility function for p. This solution and its changes in value have infinitely many possible explanations. The concept of risk used in these experiments is shown to be questionable. An extensive analysis of current explanations of risky shift demonstrates that these explanations are not testable using the Wallach-Kogan questionnaire. Several suggestions are made to reformulate the research problem.

THIS latest batch of books on the United Nations in many ways typifies the current literature on that Organisation. Not only are the qualitative classifications of good, bad and indifferent all well represented, but the contributions also illustrate distinct groupings so far as subject matter and methodology are concerned. Interpretative commentaries of the constitution are phenomena which traditionally-and usefully-appear early in an Organisation's life. The late 1940's and early 1950's saw the publication of such guides to the United Nations Charter. Again, before an international institution takes on a clear shape and life of its own, it is usual for apologists for some particular objective to urge in print the overriding importance of that specific end. And this the world federalists did in respect of the newly launched United Nations. The developments of the intervening 20 years have necessarily seen concomitant changes in the literature. It has become all too clear that the United Nations is not an embryo world government, and there is very little serious writing today on this theme. The task of textual commentary has largely been taken over by the United Nations itself, for its Repertories of Practice are the clearest factual indication of the daily meaning given to the various articles of the Charter. Various other publications-such as the excellent Everyman's United Nations, and the Yearbooks, provide factual r6sumds and continuously up-dated information. In recent years there have been some thorough and thoughtful examinations of highly technical aspects of the UN's work, as well as of the attitudes of particular states to specific programmes-Walter Sharp's work in field administration 1 and Alvin Rubinstein's on Soviet responses are cases in point.2 Such serious studies in depth are, one trusts, likely to continue but they depend in turn upon a flourishing and dynamic Organisation. Given the crisis which has beset the United Nations these last few years, where does the literature go from here? There is obviously a premium at the moment on suggestions for the adaptation of the United Nations to contemporary needs, whether by Charter reform or by more pragmatic means. Charter amendment on any major scale is simply not politically feasiblethere are too many states with vested interests in the status quo in a position

efforts by Negroes in the urban North to alter the status quo in housing has often met with resistance which has begun in anger and ended in bloodshed. Of late there have been an increasing number of such incidents in the "new suburbs" which have emerged since World War II. As a consequence such communities as Levittown, Pennsylvania, have become prominent symbols of social racial violence. The success or failure of Negro invasion in such communities may well determine whether all housing in the United States will exist on an integrated or segregated basis. In the past, suburbs have performed the function of sustaining traditional patterns of urban segregated housing by providing opportunities for flight of white settlers to new territories. The achievement of integrated housing in the suburbs would in effect close the last frontier and compel white urban residents to accept integrated housing in the cities as an inescapable fact of life. This paper describes the events which transpired in Levittown, Pennsylvania, when William Myers, Jr., and his family became the first Negroes to attempt to live in the community. According to the most modest conception a racial invasion in housing may be considered "successful" when the prospective tenant is able to take and then maintain occupancy in the house and community of his choice. The purely subjective responses of the host population are irrelevant to this definition of success. The new resident has achieved his essential objective as soon as he is permitted to live in safety. Love is a desirable, but not an indispensable bonus. A more austere requirement is that the invader shall not be greeted by initial or later resistance either violent or non-violent. Although Myers' appearance on the scene provoked initial violence and sustained

The salary schedule of teachers in the Soviet Union has been stationary for a decade. Khrushchev's planned and executed changes of prices, proposed reductions of taxes, and greater equalization of salaries and wages in several sectors of the economy, have not so far affected it. But the schools are changing steadily due to the implementation of the 1958 reforms. The atmosphere of general housecleaning, if nothing else, will virtually force the Soviet authorities to review soon the existing rates of pay. Such review and reform was, in fact, contemplated for 1962 according to information received at a high level in Moscow in 1961. But so far nothing has happened. The present status quo dates from 1948. In February of that year a major directive of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and of the Central Committee of the Communist

The immense increase in the costs and risks of using military force to pursue political aims has once again focussed attention on the available ways of effecting changes in the international status quo by non-violent means. This is the subject of “peaceful change,” which has for some years troubled the minds of those concerned to reduce the resort to violence in international affairs.The international status quo is embodied in several thousand treaties and understandings that mark out the current distribution of values and resources among nations. But this distribution is subject to constant pressure for revision as the needs and ambitions of nations change.

This essay discusses the strengths and weaknesses in the rhetoric of Eugene V. Debs, a charismatic leader who agitated against the status quo at the time this country changed from an agricultural nation into an industrial nation.

The most significant social problem of our time is the racial problem. Three broad solutions to this problem have been suggested: maintain the status quo, move in the direction of separatism and apartheid, and move in the direction of integration. There is an abundance of evidence from recent experience that maintenance of the status quo is intolerable to the black population. Separatism, preached by the political extreme, both black and white, is not only unworkable, but is morally indefensible. The racial problem will not be solved unless we move quickly in the direction of an integrated society in the broadest sense of that term. Such integration is impossible unless we end residential segregation. Residential segregation reduces employment opportunities for Negroes. With the exodus of industry away from the center of the city and with the influx of blacks from the South into the center of the city, black employment opportunities have been reduced. John Kain (1968; also see Mooney, 1969) estimated the diminution of black employ

The political development of India during the first half of the twentieth century was conditioned by constitutional reforms introduced by the British rulers, and by a vigorous agitation for national freedom. A constitution is a normative description of existing or intended relationships of political power; under the circumstances prevailing in India at that time, such a description was bound to be challenged again and again by an agitation for the revision of the status quo. In this way a peculiar relationship developed between constitutional reform and agitational advance. The constitutional reforms were designed to fulfill agitational demands on the one hand and to forestall more extreme demands on the other. Therefore they conformed to agitational patterns. In a similar way, the agitation was conditioned by the particular circumstances created by each constitutional reform; the constitution of the national movement itself, i.e., of the Indian National Congress, had to be adapted to the new situation whenever constitutional reforms were at stake. Finally when independence was achieved, an Indian Constituent Assembly adopted a constitution which closely resembled the previous constitutional structure introduced by British Acts of Parliament.

The scene is Major State University, which has erupted four times during the past two years over issues involving ROTC, black admissions, language requirements, and discipline procedures. The demonstrations so far have been nonviolent. Now the campus is about to boil over again on the question of whether students should become members with full voting privileges in the Faculty Senate. The issue of nonviolence is not as clear-cut this time, and the governor has stated that he may call in the National Guard. From the perspective of the students, little or no action was taken by the University as a result of the four previous eruptions, and explanations given by the administrators and faculty for their positions were inadequate. This places students in a dilemma. They want change to take place without the necessity for violence, but they fear the administration and faculty will continue to act in what the students see as an arbitrary, self-serving fashion. With minor variations the above scene has been reenacted at hundreds of colleges and universities throughout the country. At times violence results, with damage to property and the careers of individuals on both sides; at other times, the university is effectively brought to a standstill while the issues are in the forefront; at others, the status quo prevails with little interruption of the normal process.

The medical model of treatment in correction was first used as an analogy to promote more humane treatment of offenders. Later it gained prominence because crime was considered a symptom of an organic or mental disease, and its acceptance has continued partly because of the prestige of the medical profes sion. This standard of therapeutic treatment, with its emphasis on the one-to-one relationship, is unrealistic for the vast majority of offenders. Moreover, acceptance of an unattainable ideal has retarded the development of alternative experimental models by providing correctional administrators who are primarily inter ested in maintaining the status quo with rationalizations for failures of the existing system. Consequently, little real treatment is done in correction today. What is called "treatment" is usually some type of administrative processing. Until correctional goals are more carefully delineated and until new methods are tried and evaluated, administrators and correctional personnel are in a position to justify anything they do to offenders as "treatment." As long as this situation continues, little progress will be made.

The task of the legislator is indeed difficult when he has to consider and decide how far to extend the area to which the criminal law applies. The difficulty is most apparent in those forms of conduct which are seemingly directed towards some individual to whom civil law remedies are available, for then it must be asked whether these remedies are sufficient or if there is good reason for the addition of criminal sanctions.The usual considerations in this respect are many and various—has the normal victim of the harmful conduct the ways and means himself of resisting it without the assistance of the authorities; does the normal perpetrator of certain kinds of harmful conduct possess sufficient means which enable him to restore the status quo if civilly sued; is conduct of this kind highly frequent; does certain behaviour have a special temptation, which can only be fought by the deterrent force of a criminal sanction; and especially, does the public conscience regard this form of behaviour a serious infringement of public values that justifies and demands public punitive reaction, irrespective of the wishes of the injured person.

M /[ ULTI-RACIALISM, understood as the existence within a given territory of racial groups with a strong sense of their own separate identity, may lead either to an explosive situation or to a constructive one. The touchstone is the degree to which the racial groups are prepared to work together for mutually advantageous ends. If either a dominant white minority or a dominant African majority uses, or is expected to use, its possession of political power to place the other group under permanent handicaps in carrying on its chosen way of life, the result is likely to be either an exodus or a series of more or less violent efforts to change the status quo. If, however, each racial group accepts the contribution which the others can make to the economic and political development of the country, racial rivalry for power can be replaced by a working together in which the skills of the minority groups are used to the advantage of the whole community. Tanganyika offers the best current illustration of this latter kind of partnership. Under the skilful leadership of Julius Nyerere, the Tanganyika Elected Members Organization, consisting of ten Africans, ten Europeans, and ten Asians, became the closely knit team which carried that country swiftly and smoothly from its first election in the autumn of I958 to internal self-government two years later. Although the electoral system used in October I960 will more nearly reflect the numerical preponderance of Africans within Tanganyika, Nyerere's awareness of his country's need, particularly in administration and the economy, for the contribution which local Europeans and Asians can make, coupled with the latter's confidence in their acceptance as an important part of the community, augurs well for a continuance of this harmonious working together. There are other parts of the continent where Africans and Europeans are contributing jointly to the development of their territory. In the Ivory Coast, Felix Houphouet-Boigny has maintained a close working relationship with resident Frenchmen since he won their confidence, and that of the French Government, after his break with the Communists in I950. Several of them are Ministers in his present Cabinet, despite some opposition to their position from the younger members of his party. The situations in Ghana and Nigeria are quite different, for in these countries white administrators are brought in or retained in order to fill particular posts for which local Africans are not yet qualified. It is noticeable that in Ghana there are more white technicians and administrators than before 457

Three momentous events of the 1960's—the war in Vietnam, the steady worsening of the Sino-Soviet dispute, and the Chinese acquisition of nuclear weapons—portend a shift in the political center of gravity from Europe to Asia in the last third of this century. The Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia only temporarily ruffled Europe's political terrain, and, while it damaged Moscow's international prestige, it never threatened to'escalate into superpower confrontation on the continent. The United States and its North Adantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, in fact, went out of their way to avoid provoking the Soviet Union; the ritualistic tone of their denunciations of the invasion indicated that, as after Hungary in 1956, the West was resigned to Moscow's freedom of action in its Eastern European “sphere of influence”. Emboldened by the Western response, the Soviet Union reiterated with increased vigor its proposal for a European security conference to freeze the status quo in Europe.

In the literature of the social sciences, increased political participation is often regarded as one of the symptoms of a ‘modernising’ polity,1 but there have been few attempts to examine the detailed implications in any African rural society. This short article attempts to show that the national leaders in Sierra Leone feared the implications of mass participation in politics. Basically conservative and opposed to the idea of upsetting the status quo, they were satisfied in so far as they retained the support of their people in the struggle for independence, and if thereafter they were able to command enough votes at election times. They were afraid of the changes which countrywide political ‘involvement’ might imply, since these would have threatened their own privileged position.

This paper analyzes the potential job content and skill requirements of the American economy in 1980 under three alternate economic futures. Detailed occupational manpower requirements are generated on the basis of a “Status Quo” economy, a “Social Welfare” economy, and a “Defense” economy in the near future. Occupational manpower requirements are then translated into a Job Family-Skill Content classification to determine how these alternate national priority choices may affect future requirements for specific jobs, skills, educational preparation, and vocational training. The results obtained indicate the job families and skill classifications most sensitive to changes in basic economic parameters, and also identify long run trends in manpower and educational requirements unaffected by shifting social priorities and patterns of federal expenditures. The implications of these findings for manpower and educational planning are briefly discussed.

Never before in the long history of our state governments have there been so many studies of the structure of state administration under way at one time.' There are several reasons for the present concerted effort to improve state administrative organization. Some of the interest is related to recent special developments in present-day American government; but, in great part, the motivation is simply a continuation of the thinking that has been behind the administrative reorganization movement since its inception nearly half a century ago. Many of the states that are now considering what should be done to overhaul the structure of their administration have been prompted to do so by the recent popularization of the administrative reorganization idea brought about by the Hoover Commission report and by public interest in it. The very association of the name of the ex-President with the reorganization movement gives it respectability among many conservative leaders in state government who might otherwise have stood apart from it, or, indeed, even opposed it. It is also true that the present high level of federal taxation has made for an understandable reluctance to levy more taxes for state purposes to offset both threatened, and, in some instances, actual deficits now appearing in state budgets. Reserves accumulated in wartime are rapidly disappearing. Rather than load the taxpayer more, state officials are willing to consider altering the administrative status quo. This motivation for the improvement of state administration almost invariably brings to the fore the loosely used "efficiency and economy" slogan. In the past, embracing reorganization with this thought uppermost has resulted in disappointment: that either efficiency or economy has been enhanced has been difficult to prove. Yet whether the slogan suggests a reduction in the number of dollars spent for state government or greater efficiency, and hence economy, of both manpower and materials in achieving administrative objectives, the possibilities of the catchword attract many today. Worthy as efficiency and economy may be as aims in government, however, it now seems clear that selling reorganization on the basis of cutting costs has dangers. Very little is known about what really inspires efficiency. The morale studies made by James C. Worthy within Sears-Roebuck and Company indicate that following the time-honored "principles" of so-called good administration may actually lower morale and productivity, especially where

Radio Havana? Quotations from Chairman Mao? A black liberation group pamphlet? Wrong. These are excerpts from Roman Catholic publications in Latin America. Still regarded by many as one of the bulwarks of the status quo, the Latin-American Church has undergone a startling transformation in the last five years which has moved its official thinking and portions of its elite leadership significantly to the left.

In this article a theory of how foreign policy opinion depends on the social position of the opinion-holder is developed. The society is divided into a center and a periphery, where the center is the favored part and the periphery the rejected part of society. The periphery is the victim of insufficient communication and of isolation, and will for that reason represent other phases of attitude-formation than the center. Thus, the periphery will distinguish less between cognitions and evaluations of foreign policy alternatives, and be more absolutist in its orientation to change. The periphery will either favor the status quo or sudden and complete changes, whereas the center will be more revisionist in its outlook. The periphery will either keep silent or improvise demonstrations to make its attitude known. The theory is tested on survey data from Norway 1959-63, and confirmed on a number of points. More particularly, the periphery is found to have a different concept of consistency than the center. A tendency to combine attitudes in favor of atomic weapons with the signing of a protest against them was found to be most pronounced in the periphery. The importance of foreign policy attitude is seen above all in its bargaining value for a foreign minister, but also as a direct impetus provided foreign policy opinion is stabilized, and stabilized for peaceful policies. This can be done by 'making peace pay,' e.g. by including tax cuts in disarmament plans, and by tying the periphery more to the decision-makers through foreign policy oriented elections, or through government parties that also represent the periphery.

As a profession, FL teachers characteristically seem to be dissatisfied with the present in spite of recent advances. While some professions are organized so as to preserve the status quo, we are typically ambitious and idealistic, and we must be organized for maximum professional progress. The concept of a state FL organization is one of the cornerstones of our profession, historically and functionally. The AAT's, national associations, and regional associations and conferences have different roles. Future strength, growth, and effectiveness in the state organizations must rest on their working for improvement in FL programs in the schools, working to upgrade standards for teacher preparation and certification, cooperating to establish in-service programs for teachers and supervisors, and working to improve articulation between school and college FL programs. They must assume responsibility for gathering statistics, concern themselves with public relations for the profession, and set up legislative committees ready to act when (as in California, Texas, and New York) school FL curricula come up for legislative action. State FL organizations must establish an effective working relationship with state education departments (possibly through a state FL advisory committee). They must find ways to locate and involve talented individuals. Finally, to create a unified profession, the allegiance of college and university FL teachers must be enlisted on the state level in the interest of common goals.

THE Cold War in Europe has lost its old meaning," claims Professor Zbigniew Brzezinski in the opening sentence of his slim and thought-provoking book; he then proceeds to prove convincingly that policies which shaped the destiny of Europe in the i950's are badly outdated in the i960's, hindering, in fact, progress toward a reconciliation between the two antagonistic parts of the Continent. The tragic hot war in Vietnam has become the focus of American political activities, blurring our vital national interests in European affairs and blinding us to promising prospects of change in the crucial East-West relationships on the European political scene. Absence of a pressing crisis over the divided Germany tends to dull the political acumen of Washington and its sensitivity to this problem, a problem that cannot be solved by an indefinite perpetuation of the status quo but, rather, one that demands our careful initiative. Western Europe, though basking in the sunshine of prosperity and renewed confidence in its own national vitality, is still in continued need of the American shield of security. Last but not least, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have witnessed in the recent past significant and suggestive changes not only within the individual countries but also in their mutual relations and in their contacts with the West, changes that require a reevaluation of the American position and a new approach. Unlike many other scholars, Brzezinski sees these three paramount questions-the division of Germany, Western Europe's revival, and the release from the suffocating past of new energies in Eastern Europeas one closely interrelated problem, one that invites a fresh, integrated concept and novel, coordinated steps, free from the shackles of outmoded cliches.

workers. People in the latter two categories seem to be conspicuously absent in the formal civic, cultural, and economic activities of the city. In view of the apparent lack of integration of people of the lower socio-economic levels into the important affairs of the city, negative convictions and feelings of apathy toward the status quo perhaps should be expected. It might also be expected that these relationships would vary considerably in industrial communities having unions geared to the achievement of definite economic and political goals. The verification of the hypothesis of the present study and the delineation of the contentintensity relationship for the attitude toward sources of power should contribute to efforts designed to provide an empirical basis for hypotheses regarding aspects of power and social stratification. The conclusions reached obviously point to the necessity for the further replication and elaboration of this approach in a variety of communities.

The hypothesis of status inconsistency predicts greater leftism as an interaction effect of discrepant status dimensions. Inconsistent individuals are objectively low in some dimensions and subjectively insecure in those where they hold a high position. Ensuing anxiety and frustration are likely to be translated into political opposition to the status quo. Though theoretically plausible, empirical investigations of the hypothesis report mixed results. Employing data collected among a sample of 382 lower-class Chilean slum dwellers, a new test of the hypothesis is conducted. Dummy-variable regressions are employed to isolate status additive effects on leftism from inconsistency interaction effects. Neither education-occupation nor education-income discrepancies are found to produce significant changes in the dependent variable. Identical results are obtained when age is controlled for. Limitations of these findings and their theoretical implications, as they add to a growing body of research, are discussed.