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Public support for the existing institutions of government depends in part on public perceptions of the alternatives. This assertion will not come as news in those parts of the world where changing the regime is a regular part of political life. In France, for example, where regimes have been numbered to distinguish them from each other, it is common knowledge that public evaluations of the Fourth Republic depended on comparisons with the Third, that especially in its early years the Fifth Republic was frequently judged by comparison with the Fourth, and that in particularly sophisticated circles these more or less contemporary regimes have been frequently compared with the First and Second Republics.

It is common knowledge that Frank Kermode is engaged in a major study of fiction and the theory of fiction. I assume that "Novels: Recognition and Deception" in the first number of Critical Inquiry is part of that adventure, and that it should be read in association with other essays on cognate themes which he has published in the last two or three years. This may account for my impression that the Critical Inquiry essay is not independently convincing. There are splendid things in the essay, perceptions so definitively phrased that I cannot promise not to steal them. My copy of the journal is heavily marked on Kermode's pages, invariably on passages I dearly wish I had had the wit to write, notably his remark of certain fictions by Henry James that "they create gaps that cannot be closed, only gloried in; they solicit mutually contradictory types of attention and close only on a problem of closure." But these perceptions are like indelible events in the diction of a poem which, as a whole, does not seem to cohere. Let me try to account for this impression.

In the course of our work we often assume that we know a high proportion of what there is to be known, that we are aware of all pertinent current developments, that our individual knowledge is “common knowledge”, and that in view of this situation, the time and effort that putting pen to paper requires is not justified in terms of the perceived limited gains.

It is the common knowledge of every teacher of arithmetic that the most difficult part of the subject is the securing of satisfactory results in the solution of problems. Practically all pupils have more or less difficulty in solving problems. Even those who have gained a comparatively high rate of speed and accuracy in the fundamental operations do not always succeed equally well in problem-solving. Psychological experimentation has shown that many of the difficulties encountered by pupils in problem-solving are due to wrong methods of attack. There are many different methods of procedure in the solution of any problem, but it stands to reason that there must be one best method. The method of procedure described in the following pages is an attempt to discover this best method. The development of this method grew out of frequent requests from the Arithmetic Club of the State Teachers College at Ada, Oklahoma, that the department of mathematics offer some suggestions whereby more satisfactory results could be secured in the teaching of arithmetic. An examination of the various difficulties encountered by the teachers of arithmetic revealed the fact that the major difficulties were in connection with teaching pupils how to solve problems. A study of the difficulties described by the teachers and observed among pupils in the training school and a number of ward schools led to the question whether there might not be a few general principles applicable to the solution of practically all types of arithmetic problems. In answering this question a consideration of the psychological basis of reasoning seemed to offer the most plausible solution. That reasoning is no longer regarded as a mysterious faculty of abstraction, but is rather in a very large measure subject to laws of habit

IN THE course of an inquiry made in 1903 to determine the effects exerted on bird-life by an unusual season, sonme unsought evidence was received regarding a general and progressive decrease in the number of birds in certain sections. This suogested the propriety of further investigation to determine what species were known to be actually diminishing in numbers. This paper is intended as a sequel to the results of the first inquiry and a preliminary statement of some facts gleaned from the mass of material acquired in pursuing the second. In summing up the evidence regarding the destruction of nests, eggs, young and adult birds by the severe weather of the summer of I903 and the winter of I903-04 the following statement was made regarding the bird probabilities for Massachusetts in 1904. " If we assume .... that the evidence submitted approximates the facts, we may be justified in believing that the Bob-white has been reduced generally at least ninety-five per cent, that Grouse will be scarce this spring, and that Purple Martins will be generally absent, although a few individuals or colonies probably will appear locally in Massachusetts. There probably will be also an unusual local scarcity of many of the species mentioned [in the list of birds destroyed] .... and possibly of more not mentioned." 1 The inquiry made in 1904 seems to give to this statement the force of a prediction fulfilled. Of thirty-eight correspondents who speak particularly of the Bob-white, six now regard these birds as exterminated, thirty-one as nearly exterminated or rare, while only one finds them common. The dimninution of the Bobwhite is now a matter of common knowledge. However, many of these birds have been introduced from other States and liberated, during the season, by sportsmen's organizations, with the expectation that they will breed and restock the covers.

THE MILLENIUM of the dietitians will be attained when we know both the exact food requirements of the human being of every age and occupation, and the exact contribution made to these requirements by the available foodstuffs in all forms of preparation for the table. This millenium is still sufficiently remote of attainment, but a hopeful symptom of progress toward it lies in the increasing willingness to drop the taboo system in our attitude toward foods. That foods may be complete or incomplete in their ability to meet human requirements; that the intelligent action is to learn to combine enough of the incomplete forms to meet the 24-hour requirement and at the same time attain variety in diet; are views that are gradually replacing the limited vision of those faddists whose sole aim seems to be to classify foods into g,ood or bad categories. The attainment of data necessary to intelligent selection of a daily diet is, however, a slow process. The reasons for this in the matter of calorie requiremient, nutrient analysis and the like, are matters of common knowledge, for such experimentation has been before the workers in public health for many years. The difficulties in the way of accurate quantitative measurement of the vitamin content of foods are perhaps not so well understood.

It is a matter of common knowledge that the great majority of animals, both vertebrate and invertebrate, not to mention plants, have a more or less definite season or seasons of the year at which they breed. This time for breeding is generally, though by no means invariably, in the spring and summer, and it is well known that whereas a favourable season as regards warmth and general conditions tends to accelerate breeding an unfavourable one may retard it. So much is known to be generally true, yet the precise factors which determine the sexual season vary in passing from group to group and from species to species or even from breed to breed. Westermarck (1921), confining himself to mammals alone, has pointed out that there is no month of the year at which some species does not have its breeding season, and yet that for the particular species in question the season is most regular. Speaking teleologically, the breeding season is regulated by the times most suitable for the young to be produced and reared. Without disparaging the use of teleological categories which justify themselves as means of generalization and prediction and are very generally used by the naturalist to the great advantage of his work, it is obvious that such a view is no explanation of the physiological causes of sexual periodicity in the individuals of which a species is made up. We still know only a little about these causes. But in view of the general correlation between the seasonal and the sexual cycles it must be assumed that these stand in the relation of cause to effect, unless, indeed, we believe in a pre-established harmony. And nowadays it is not fashionable to believe in pre-established harmonies. Moreover, in countries where conditions are more or less uniform throughout the year, as in some parts of the tropics, e.g., in the Philippines as found by Semper (1881), animals of all kinds may breed at any time.* This is not saying that there is no internal rhythm occurring independently of the environment.

LERE IS A WIDE-SPREAD and a popular interest in what is called the origin of "the meaning" of place-names. Evidence of such interest is not hard to find: historical works, and guide-books, frequently afford us, with no reservations, the confident statement: "this name, in the X language, means such-and-such." Such statements are commonly made despite the absence of any adequate grammar or dictionary of the language from \vhich the name in question is supposed to be derived. And even when such de-' scriptions are available (which is rarely enough), no mention is ordinarily made of the fact that the "meaning" of place names is as often as not quite unknown to the speakers of the language involved, that the word in question is "only a name." To those who have concerned themselves with the study of placenames in western Europe, where the documentation is extensive and the history a long one, it is a matter of common knowledge that names of places frequently preserve words and constructions which have otherwise disappeared from the language; the names survive only as names. It would be simple to cite numerous instances of this sort of thing in the field of English place-names. The apparent confidence, therefore, with which the statement is made that 'Chicago' or 'Kentucky', or 'Wisconsin' means suchand-such, ought to arouse our suspicions. One has the impression that compilers of place-name lexica, themselves without knowledge of the languages involved, offer us, without a word of caution, "meanings" which have no basis other than that of popular tradition. Sins of this nature are especially common in North America, where an interest is found among the present occupiers of the land for the names of the country they live in which derive from the Indian languages. Many of these Indian languages have become

In senior high schools the department headship is not taken for granted. Whether the office is justified or justifiable is a moot question. It is common knowledge that school administrators are not by any means agreed as to the value of the office. Some of them favor it enthusiastically, whereas others are quick to condemn it. Such meager literature as treats of the position tends to put the burden of proof not so much on the headship as on the central authority which created it. A fair statement of the conclusions of most writers

IT is common knowledge to all geologists interested in the Lower Eocenes of the southern part of the London Basin that, in the Oldhaven (Blackheath) Pebble Beds, pebbles of a brown quartzite are often to be found on searching amongst the rounded flints of which these beds are so largely composed. When geological parties visit sections exposing the pebble-beds of the Lower London Tertiaries, the search for these quartzites usually constitutes one of the items of the field-work to be done. A considerable number of these pebbles must, by this time, have been collected but, although their occurrence has given rise to a good deal of discussion and speculation, nobody appears, so far, to have undertaken a systematic examination of their characters and petrological affinities. The view has been propounded that the study of these pebbles would throw light on the question of the source of the material composing the Lower London Tertiary beds.

The year 1848 was one of revolution throughout Europe. It is a matter of common knowledge that the year was marked, in industrialized Western Europe, by vigorous and, at times, decisive working-class activity, France being the classic example of such a movement. However, there was also a stirring of workers in Central Europe, including the Czech Lands (Bohemia and Moravia with Austrian Silesia).1 Although the Czech working class was much weaker than its Western European counterpart and its role correspondingly more restricted, it nevertheless exerted a direct impact upon the events of that year, helped shape them significantly, and imparted a distinctive flavour to the revolutionary movement. This circumstance remains yet to find appreciation in English-language historiography.

It is common knowledge that spun yarns as well as twisted filament yarns show considerably non-linear vibration chracteristics, which seem traceable to intersurface friction between fibers constituting the yarns. In this paper the non-linear vibration characteristics are represented in terms of a degenerated visco-plasto-elasticity, taking into account of a continuous distribution of Coulomb's friction. The influence of finishing oils upon the continuous distribution of Coulomb's friction and the reduced complex dynamic compliance are also discussed.

F A demographer has anything worth saying, he welcomes the chance to expose others to the approach of his field and the implications of his insights. But this joy is tempered when he is asked to do so in years ending in 8, or even 7 or 6. For, although his wisdom may abound in the early years of a decade, much of it has become commonplace or clouded with uncertainty near the end of the decennial period. This is particularly true when the subject considered is the rural population, for, as officially defined, it can be measured only in a full census and cannot be acceptably approximated in intercensal sample surveys. However, if an opportunity for such a presentation does not come in a year ending in 2 or 3 or 4, one does the best one can in a year ending in 8. There are some facets of the rural demographic picture that it is unnecessary to demonstrate. Everyone knows that with the decline in farm employment the farm population has dropped rapidly. We have all heard that the rural population is a smaller proportion of the total population than formerly. And, for that matter, it is now reasonably common knowledge that the majority of rural people no longer live on farms or work directly in farming. Each of these facts has clearly affected the thinking of policy makers, in the last decade particularly. There are other demographic conditions, however, that are not as clear cut or as well understood either in their trends or their implications. I should like to focus on several such features that I regard as significant and in need of explication. One recurring problem in furnishing information about rural areas is the inevitable and understandable desire of policy makers to have generalizations and brevity. Yet, in the case of rural areas, national generalizations can often be misleading and potentially harmful. If there is one point about American rural demography that needs emphasis, it is that there are widely divergent demographic conditions in the rural population associated with different geographic regions and ethno-cultural

may be taken for illustrative purposes, that article dealing with faith in a free competitive market. "In a word," says the National Association of Manufacturers, "from the point of view of the public welfare, competition serves as a regulator and reducer of prices, as an incentive to improved efficiency, as a guarantor that we shall get what we want, as a protector of the freedom of opportunity."20 The role of government regulation, therefore, "is, or at least should be, nothing more than an effort to strengthen and make more effective the regulation of competition."'2' This article of faith is not easily embraced by those bureaucrats involved in the subsidy of shipping, the conservation of resources, the management of social security or other governmental activities only remotely associated with strengthening competition, and as a consequence any overtures from them for membership in the businessmen's reference group must fail. The third stigmata significant for business reference groups are their common associations in organized bodies of businessmen: Chambers of Commerce, Rotary Clubs, Druggists Associations, and a variety of carefully graded luncheon clubs. Propinquity under these circumstances wherein, almost by definition, the bureaucracy is excluded, serves to weld together the business community and to magnify the similarities within the group and the differences of others engaged in a different way of life. Finally, it appears that common subscription to selected periodicals, common audition of certified radio commentators, and mutual stimulation in occasional speech-making tend to reinforce the limits of the business reference group. As one scion of a family industry said, "We read what we write." Channels of communication beyond this charmed circle often are available only through interpreters, that is, lawyers who are paid to expose themselves to governmental offices, influences, and personnel. The bureaucrat and the businessman, then, face each other in unfriendly postures, divided by real grievances, but also divided by the incidental alienation of different occupational traits, different languages, different systems of evaluation, and different reference groups. The division is understandable but unfortunate. The tensions which it creates may yet yield to the common knowledge of the ways of men which we slowly accumulate in our varied disciplines. 20 National Association of Manufacturers, Economic Principles Commission, The American Individual Enterprise Systems (New York, 1946), Vol. I, 59. 21 Ibid., p. 57; also see Eric Johnston, op. cit., pp. 10-11.

IT IS common knowledge, or at least a common belief, among instructors of college chemistry that many students enrolling for their first course in college chemistry are woefully deficient in essential mathematical training and consequently are unable to carry their work in chemistry with a minimum of effort and a maximum of efficiency. An all too common complaint is that college Freshmen cannot correctly locate a decimal point or logically state or solve a simple proportion. Perhaps the high-school instruction has not sufficiently emphasized these fundamental mathematical operations. Perhaps, also, college instructors have failed to give sufficient guidance in the solution of problems. It was with the hope of determining what mathematics is needed in chemistry that the present study was undertaken.

A report summarizing the results of an international workshop on determination of color of streptomycetes is presented. The results suggest that the color systems which seem most practically appealing and effective to specialists on actinomycetes are those embracing a limited number of color names and groups. The broad groupings allow placement of isolates into reasonably well-defined categories based on color of aerial mycelium. Attempts to expand such systems (more color groups) lead to difficulties. It is common knowledge that many, if not all, of the individual groups would in these broad systems contain strains that differ in many other respects, e.g., spore-wall ornamentation, color of vegetative (substratal) mycelium, morphology of chains of spores, and numerous physiological criteria. Also, cultures of intermediate color can be found, which makes placement difficult. As it now stands, color as a criterion for characterization of streptomycetes and streptoverticillia is in questionable status. Although much useful color information can be obtained by an individual, the application of this information to that in the literature or its use in communication with other individuals leaves much to be desired. More objective methods of color determination are needed. At present, the most effective method that could be used internationally is the color-wheel system of Tresner and Backus. Furthermore, the significance of color in speciation of these organisms is an open question. Obviously, more critical work on the color problem is needed.

IT IS COMMON knowledge among educators that courses in the meth odology of educational research are offered in many graduate schools of education, and that in some instances the courses are required of candi dates for graduate degrees. It is also generally known that the courses often vary in content and emphasis from institution to institution, and indeed, from instructor to instructor. Specific knowledge about cur rent classroom instruction in educational research is hard to come by; therefore it seems worthwhile to report this study of the present status of formal training in the area.

IT is common knowledge that the story of Troilus and Briseida first appears in the twelfth-century Old French poem Le Roman de Troiel by Benoit de Ste Maure, and that it is a part of the extremely popular Latin prose translation of Benoit's work, made by the thirteenth-century Sicilian judge Guido de Columnis and entitled Historia Destructionis Troiae.2 In the past able investigations of this story as it is handled by these two writers have been made. My purpose in this paper is to point out what seems to me a general misconception that has resulted from this body of commentary: investigators have regularly described the Troilus story in Guido as if it matched almost exactly that story in Benoit. For example, Griffin states, in the course of analyzing the story, "Henceforth no reference will be made to Guido, whose version of the love story differs so slightly from Benoit's in plan and purpose that what is now to be said of the structure and motivation of the traditional love story might equally well be illustrated from either."3 Similarly, Tatlock discusses the handling of the story by both Benoit and Guido as if there were no differences,4 and Savj-Lopez said that "I1 medesimo racconto si trova con leggiere modificazioni in ambedue."5 Further, R. K. Gordon, who prepared a book presenting the various mediaeval stages of the story of Troilus, included Benoit, Boccaccio, Chaucer, and Henryson, but skipped Guido's version, doubtless on the assumption that Benoit would serve for both.6 Even Karl Young, who pointed out numerous differences between the two versions, and who stated that Benoit's treatment is far more extensive and attractive than Guido's, concluded that the two accounts agree "essentially;" for Young the primary difference is that "the French account is far richer in detail."7 By means of a comparison of the two versions of the story, I shall attempt to show that the view presented by these scholars takes insufficient account of the facts that Guido destroys the unity a?Sd consistency which this love story possesses within Benoit's poem, and that he significantly reduces Benoit's account of the love story by barely outlining Benoit's detailed material concerning

The recent developments and trends in airport design and construction are common knowledge to the engineer. This paper presents the reasons for these trends and developments. These advances have be...

The support of higher education by private philanthropy has long been an important part of the American tradition. Many of our leading private colleges and universities are maintained in very large part by the gifts of individuals, corporations, foundations, and churches. Many public educational institutions also receive significant portions of their current and capital needs from sources other than government. These facts are common knowledge. However, at least one significant aspect of this private support of higher education has received less attention than it deserves. Predominantly black colleges, both public and private, depend to a much greater extent upon private philanthropy than their white counterparts. A predominantly black college is defined as one where more than So percent of the student body is black.'

FOR many years it has been common knowledge that folksong generally, and Anglo-Celtic folksong in particular, persists in approximating the tonality of the medieval modes. The understanding of folksong, therefore, depends in part upon a clear perception of modal functions. For the acquisition of such knowledge there exists an ample literature-large enough, indeed, to embarrass the student whose interest centers rather upon folk-music than upon Greek, or Gregorian, or ecclesiastical polyphonic, or 19th-century harmonic, practice. Most of the concentrated attention lavished upon the modes within the past century or so has approached them from the historical point of view, and has concerned itself mainly with their development and modification during the thousand years lying, roughly, between A.D. 500-1500. A great part of this learning, enlightening in itself, is yet of very little immediate use to the student of folksong. I wish to suggest an approach which, so far as I am aware, has not been explored, and which I believe useful for the study in question. The charts of modal scales to be found in all accounts of the subject, laid out in stepwise ascending sequence, are in accordance with historical exposition and give a lucid and simple picture of the diatonic nature of the system. They obscure, however, instead of revealing, certain features of the scales which are of even greater importance to folksong. From the point of view of melody, with which alone folk-music is vitally concerned, it is the correspondences and relationships between the modes that really matter. The ascending sequence conceals these correspondences and, though possessed of its own logic, has no melodic significance. A chart, on the contrary, in which all the modes are referred to the same tonic-the term is preferable in this context to final-will reveal at a glance the basic melodic distinctions inherent in the different scales, and also their points of likeness. This is true for pentatonic and hexa

IT IS A WIDELY KNOWN FACT that in his play The Word Kaj Munk refers directly to Bjørnson's drama Beyond Human Power (that is to say Over Evne, Første Stykke). The student of theology, Johannes Borgen, in The Word is assailed by religious doubts after reading Beyond Human Power. One evening he attends a performance of the play with his fiancée Agathe. When they leave the theater, Agathe saves the preoccupied Johannes from being run over by a car but is herself killed. Johannes later tries to resurrect her but fails. The strain is too much for him and he loses his reason. This much is common knowledge. It is likely, however, that a more intimate connection than this exists between The Word and Beyond Human Power. Both plays pose the question: may the Christian faith, under exceptional circumstances, be strong enough to work miracles? Bjørnson answers this question in the negative, Munk in the affirmative. Thus it is possible to regard Kaj Munk's modern “miracle play” as an anti-naturalistic reply to the implied statement in Bjørnson's naturalistic drama that men are restricted by the operation of ineluctable laws of nature, that miracles are beyond human power.

There seems to be little on record in this country about the older European collections of insects. Possibly the facts are more or less common knowledge, but if so, a rather careful search has failed to produce much of value. Yet in these days when types are coming into such prominence as the “court of last resort” in our attempts to finally establish specific identities, the location of these collections, their state of preservation and any facts which may enable workers to find the specimens they desire to examine, should be on record. The following notes are therefore offered in the hope that they may be of some use at least, to those who expect to study abroad.

T Is a matter of fairly common knowledge among academic people that a whole swarm of rather thorny problems cluster about the concept of "freedom." So much is this the case that, even in this day of increasing isolation of the academic disciplines, an invitation to discuss some aspect of the problem of freedom is fairly certain to draw a respectable number of representatives from such diverse fields as philosophy, theology, sociology, psychology, and even physics.' The problem of freedom seems to provide a rallying point where academic specialists, so often frustrated in their attempts at intercommunication, can still-in some measure, at least-talk one another's language. And, if such discussions do not always succeed in either defining the issues or solving the problems, at least they have the merit of reminding the participants that even academic people are human beings of a sort and that the question of whether and how man is "free" is of more than casual interest to man as man.

This article describes research on the use of focus-type materials (organizers) to improve reading comprehension of junior college freshmen. The use and placement of the organizer with unfamiliar reading materials were examined, with attention also given to possible interactions between the experiment and the variables of intelligence and prior reading ability of subjects. Data presented indicated that use of the organizer significantly increased comprehension test scores, and that placement of the organizer after the reading materials produced the greatest gain. No interaction was found with other variables. Implications of the results for facilitating reading comprehension are included. According to Fisher (1967) ". . . it is common knowledge that as many as one child in four in the secondary school population experiences difficulty in understanding his reading assignments." In today's society, with its emphasis on post-high school education, many of those students with reading difficulties are attending colleges, particularly the "open-door" community and junior colleges. While teacher knowledge of these existing difficulties in understanding is relatively common, little has been done by reading specialists at the community college level to determine which techniques or approaches to the problem are likely to be most beneficial to students in terms of improved understanding of what they read. Review of Related Literature This review of the literature has been limited to those studies dealing with the theoretical and practical application of the organizer as it relates to reading comprehension. Ausubel (1968) described organizers as being maximally clear and stable materials which are appropriately inclusive and relevant, and which are presented *at a higher level of abstraction, generality, and inclusiveness than the material to which they are related. In less complex language, the organizer is a deliberately prepared set of ideas, related to material that is to be studied, which is intended to insure that relevant anchoring ideas will be available to enhance comprehension of the passage.

It is with some hesitancy that I attempt to treat with a so-muchdiscussed topic as is the " Fundamentals of Co6peration." Although one can hardly take the position that the last word has been said on the subject, certainly enough has been said to establish some generally accepted principles as a guide to co6perative action. I assume, however, that the generally accepted of the fundamental principles of cooperative marketing are matters of common knowledge to the members of this audience. For that reason I propose not to discuss the usual of this topic, but rather I shall confine my remarks to two considerations of co6perative marketing which I believe to be of primary importance and, at the same time, little appreciated, especially by members of co6perative marketing associations. The first principle that I wish to discuss is the economic position of co6perative endeavor in our present marketing system. I am firmly convinced that a better understanding of the marketing functions which co6peration is best suited to perform, together with a better appreciation of the relationship of these functions to the marketing system as a whole would place our co6perative movement on a firmer basis for a sturdy and more permanent growth. Without doubt one of the causes for so many failures among cooperative undertakings is the lack of appreciation on the part of those engaged in the undertaking, as to the functions which the organization may reasonably be expected to perform. Too often the prospective member is encouraged in his belief that the mere act of cooperating will do away with all the imperfections of our present marketing system. In too many instances he has been promised results that the most successful of cooperative enterprises could not hope to bring to pass. Many a promising co6perative enterprise has failed because its members expected the impossible. In order to discuss the marketing functions best suited to co6pera

A community is a unit aggregation of organisms made up of a distinct combination of species. That certain species are ordinarily found together and are characteristic of certain habitats has doubtless been common knowledge since intelligent man first evolved. In the fourth century, B.C., Theophrastus, a friend of Aristotle, recognized that associated plant species may interact among themselves and with their environment. As a consequence he has sometimes been considered the first ecologist (Ramaley 1940). Grisebach, however, has been credited (Gleason 1939) for having presented in 1838 the first modern discussion of the integrated nature of plant communities. Mobius' account of an oyster biocoenose in 1877 is one of the first descriptions of an integrated animal community. Forbes showed in 1887 how plants and animals living together in lakes form a self-sufficient microcosm. That plants and animals are essential interacting elements in all communities led to the development of the biome concept in the present century by Frederic E. Clements and Victor E. Shelford. It is the purpose of this paper to trace the historical development and application of this concept and to evaluate it in relation to other methods of analyzing plant and animal distribution. I wish to acknowledge at this point the helpful suggestions of my colleagues who read parts or all of the manuscript in its preliminary form, especially Dr. Hobart M. Smith, herpetologist; Dr. D. F. Hoffmeister, mammalogist; Dr. Harvey I. Fisher, ornithologist; and Dr. A. G. Vestal, plant ecologist.

In its development, Chinese society has gone through primitive communes, the slave system, and the feudal system, fully coinciding with the Marxist periodization of social development. This is already common knowledge. Forty years ago, the Trotskyites loudly proclaimed that Chinese society had skipped the slave system and that feudal society was built upon the ruins of the primitive communes. This ridiculous argument was demolished a long time ago.

It is a matter of common knowledge that for some years past excavations have been in progress on the site of St. Austin's Abbey at Canterbury, and the Society of Antiquaries has shown a practical interest in the work by occasional help from its Research Fund. There is every reason, therefore, that the Society should be made acquainted with certain discoveries of exceptional interest that have lately been made within the abbey church by the authorities of St. Augustine's College.

It is common knowledge that individuals vary regarding criminal tendency. That the surroundings vary correspondingly - as will become clear from the investigation described below - is less evi dent. The everyday view of criminality which is also widespread among scientists and theorists is namely "one-dimensional"- absolute and static. The concept of "criminal" (denoting criminal persons) is a pure Aristotelian classification, i.e., a collective name, deriving from one criterion of the fact that different individuals in widely different situations have shown widely different behavior. From a psychological point of view the con cept is without any actual contents. From a relativistic dynamic conception of criminality, however, criminality does neither char acterize the person in himself nor the current environment as such, but must be seen as an effect of the interaction between the person and the current environment. By means of a stochastic model operating with parameters for the individual person, and parameters for the specific current environment, there is an account of how naval criminality may be described from a model of interaction given below. The investigation introducing individual-centered stochastic models of interaction in criminology also illustrates the problems of comparison which criminology faces, together with the con ception of criminality.

The existence of self-regulating mechanisms in complex organisms is common knowledge. The single cell, the unit from which more complex organisms are built up, also possesses remarkable powers of adjustment. Detailed quantitative studies of the growth of bacteria in various environmental conditions have given an insight into the control mechanisms and various models have been set up. The cases when reproduction in a given environment can be described by autocatalytic-type reactions are treated, as well as conditions on transfer of the organisms into a fresh medium of identical composition or into a medium of different type. The self-regulating mechanisms are explained on the basis of simple kinetic models. The importance of the role of molecular biology in explaining the process of reproduction is stressed.

There is little that can be said of the life of John Muir that is not already common knowledge to most readers of California history. Naturalist, conservationist, inventor, author, humanitarian, and prolific correspondent, he is known to us through his own writings, which include a remarkably candid story of his boyhood, and through the two-volume work by William Frederic Bade, THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN MUIR. As Я result, few Ore Un

"WHEN a dog bites a man, that is not news . . . But if a man bites a dog, that is news," so wrote John B. Bogart, City Editor of The Sun in New York many years ago. The relation between contour and contrast is similar. It is not news, but old and common knowledge that it is the contrast, or difference, in the brightness or color of two adjacent areas that causes the appearance of a contour between them. And so dominant are contours in our visual perception that it seems almost instinctive for us to draw first the outlines of any object that we attempt to portray. Instinctive or not, the practice is at least as old as the most ancient evidence of how man interprets what he sees -"line drawings" are found in some of the oldest

It is my purpose to discuss those problems in guided-missile development which, while within security regulations, will be of interest. "The first thing for us to understand about guided missiles is that there aren’t any" is a favorite figure of speech of one of my colleagues. It is common knowledge, however, that considerable effort is being expended by numerous research teams in this country, as well as by others, on research leading to the development of effective guided missiles. Let us, then, attempt to answer the question were launched from the mother plane at distances ranging up to 30 miles from the target. The problem of destroying the mother plane before these bombs can be released requires fire control predictions and accuracies of an order of magnitude almost greater than those described in the foregoing example.

ALTHOUGH it has long been common knowledge tllat Bethoven made arrangements of his own compositions, there has never been much interest in this aspect of the composer's work. The only article that deals broadly with the subject is Frederick Munter's 'Beethovens Bearbeitungen eigener Werke', Neues Beethoven-jaahrbuch, vi (I935), PP. I159-73. Apart from this rather sketchy contribution the general view of the composer's arrangements has been neglected. Also, the number of articles dealing with individual works are relatively few;' here the tendency has been to treat the arrangements as items of curiosity, usually relegating them to a position secondary to the works from which they drew their inspiration. This tendency is understandable in the case of the piano transcriptions, which are straightforward copies on the whole; but there are arrangements, especially those for various chamber-music combinations, which clearly defy such a perfunctory categorization.2

The medieval cartulary usually gives the impression of a long series of donations made by pious benefactors. There can be no doubt that the religious wished it to have this appearance, for, in writing up their charters within the volume, unimportant business items were omitted. That this is far from being the whole story has long been common knowledge and we are frequently being reminded of it. Many a deed of grant covers a money loan that could not be repaid, or a purchase of some kind, and, even if the charter makes this clear, calendars of deeds too frequently fail to indicate that a grant is in fact a purchase.

InDidaskalos 1968 I have argued that the chief task of the commentator on a short poem (an ode of Horace, an elegy of Propertius, or a poem of Catullus) is to reconstruct the hypothesis upon which the poem rests by piecing together the data actually provided by the text, or deducible from the text as a plausible, necessary deduction; to these data, I argued, one need only add what the poet feels he can rely on any reader to know, though two thousand years later it may of course require some research to recover what was common knowledge at the time. I cited Catullus 17 as a case in point—a poem where reconstruction of the hypothesis depended on things outside the text, things which, though part of the cultural background of the poet's contemporaries, were hardly part of ours, yet within our grasp if we cast around a little.

IT is common knowledge that the trawl fisheries have mainly been unprofitable for many years and that the number of British fishermen has been reduced by about thirty per cent since 1919. Some of this decline is due to loss of herring fishermen ; and this article is not concerned with that section of the industry. Part of the reduction is due to loss of trawler hands and inshore fishermen and, so far as these sections of the industry are concerned, recent scientific work has a very practical bearing, and leads to a comprehensive statement on the conditions under which the industry can be permanently profitable or unprofitable.

IT is common knowledge that in recent years rapid strides have been made in the fight against venereal diseases, especially as a result of new remedies, including the antibiotics. For another reaso...

The importance that scientific and technical progress and the science upon which it is based hold for the development of contemporary production is common knowledge. Unfortunately, not all aspects of the given problem have been completely investigated. This is particularly true of the quantitative interdependence between labor productivity and scientific and technical progress and problems associated with obtaining information required for the calculations. On the one hand, all these things lead to the publication in economics literature of a number of abstract models, proposals, and suggestions that have no real content, and, on the other hand, they lead to certain discrepancies in planning and in the incorporation of advances of scientific and technical progress in a socialist national economy, which are especially intolerable at the present time in connection with the new tasks posed by the Twenty-Fourth Congress of the CPSU. Accordingly, the present work examines some of the questions that are associa...

Legislators and judges have relied upon the "fireside inductions" (common sense, anecdotal, introspective, and culturally transmitted beliefs about human behavior) in making and enforcing law as a mode of social control. The behavior sciences conflict at times with the fireside inductions. While the sources of error in "common knowledge" about behavior are considerable, the behavior sciences are plagued with methodological problems which often render their generalized conclusions equally dubious. Legal applications of generalizations from experimental research on humans and animals in laboratory contexts often involve risky parametric and population extrapolations. Statistical analysis of file data suffers from inherent interpretative ambiguities as to causal inference from correlations. Quasi-experiments in the "real-life" setting may often be the methodologically optimal data-source. Language: en

The purpose of this essay is to re-introduce a conception which, having served for two millennia as a guide to the understanding of nature, has been repudiated by the modern interpretation of science. I am speaking of the conception of reality. Rarely will you find it taught today, that the purpose of science is to discover the hidden reality underlying the facts of nature. The modern ideal of science is to establish a precise mathematical relationship between the data without acknowledging that if such relationships are of interest to science, it is because they tell us that we have hit upon a feature of reality. My purpose is to bring back the idea of reality and place it at the centre of a theory of scientific enquiry. The resurrected idea of reality will, admittedly, look different from its departed ancestor. Instead of being the clear and firm ground underlying all appearances, it will turn out to be known only vaguely, with an unlimited range of unspecifiable expectations attached to it. It is common knowledge that Copernicus overthrew the ancient view that the sun and the planets go round the Earth and that he established instead a system in which it is the sun that is the centre around which all planets are circling, while the Earth itself goes round the sun as one of the planets. But we do not see it recognised that in the way Copernicus interpreted this discovery, he and his followers established the metaphysical grounds of modern science. We cannot find this recognised, since these grounds of science are predominantly contested today. The great conflict between the Copernicans and their opponents, culminating in the prosecution of Galileo by the Roman hierarchy, is well remembered. It should be clear also that the conflict was entirely about the question, whether the heliocentric system was real. Copernicus and his followers claimed that their system was a real image of the sun with the planets circling around it; their opponents affirmed that it was no more than a novel computing device. For thirty years Copernicus hesitated to publish his theory, largely because he did not dare to oppose the teachings of Aristotle by claiming that the heliocentric system he had set up was real. Two years before the

Since its inception in 1894 the American Soil Bureau has investigated many important problems and obtained results which are now common knowledge in this country, but its earlier Bulletins are altogether eclipsed in interest and far-reaching significance by a series recently published. In presenting an account of these it will be most convenient to set out first the purely scientific part of the work, and then the practical applications. This is the logical order and also the order in which the results were actually obtained.

the large number of filling stations in the United States. It has been said that the number is excessive. Some persons believe that cutthroat price wars are likely to be a frequent and unstabilizing occurrence in areas with a large number of operators. The unstabilizing effect is held to be present especially if many of the stations sell unbranded gasoline or private brands only. Other persons claim that these "independents" are desirable because they exercise a downward pressure on prices. It is fairly common knowledge that average prices at such independent stations are lower than at other stations. This has

There has never been enough research into the subject of masculinity femininity by psychologists. The opinion has been commonly held that such individual differences are not very "basic" so far as the structure of person ality is concerned. For several reasons, the subject of masculinity-femininity remains poorly investigated, and standardized measuring instruments for the M-F1 variable have evolved somewhat haphazardly. It would seem that such far reaching biological differences as the sexual ones must necessarily be reflected in the personality. Recent investigations into the subject are of several varieties. Some touch the field of abilities and voca tional interests, (11) far example. More common is the attempt to delineate the respective personalities of the two sexes largely through standardized tests (5). There are also studies which attempt to describe the masculine and the feminine behavior patterns on the basis of clinical evidence, experi mental evidence, or perhaps incidental standardized testing; among these are (8) and (12). Educators have been aware for some time of the importance of non intellectual factors in successful teachers. The possibility exists, therefore, that the M-F trait or others similar to it, may be related to the problem of teacher selection. Actually, the problem of the selection of good teachers divides itself into several phases. One phase is the selection of highschool graduates who will do successful college work; another is the actual training of the teachers and the elimination of those not suitable. Finally there arises the problem of the actual placement of the graduate in the situation in which he will find his-greatest satisfaction and usefulness. Perhaps it is our tendency to concentrate upon one of these phases at a time which has been responsible for producing as many admittedly poor teachers as we have. It is common knowledge that the personality of an individual is a large factor in determining his teaching success. His entrance to a teachers' college, and his evaluation while enrolled, are likely to depend

"Gothic" was in prevailing usage a Modewort or cliche of very wide currency and that, as applied to literature and the fine arts, the same term was used with both eulogistic and disparaging connotations. What is not common knowledge, however, is that the real history of the Gothic begins not in the eighteenth but in the seventeenth century, not in aesthetic but in political discussion; stale platitudes drawn from the classic-romantic dichoto

The most common method used to analyze the drafting process is the so-called “geometrical” method. Many theories on the drafting have been developed by this method or by following its geometrical concept. It is common knowledge that the irregularity of slivers thickness has statistic characteristics. It is very difficult to clarify by the geometrical method the relation between this statistic irregularity and the drafting process. This articles deal with an “analytical” method which we have built up (instead of the geometrical method) to solve these complex problems and to calculate some characteristics of the irregularity found in drafted slivers. The analytical method has made it clear, among other things, that the drafting process has an oscillatory behavior; that its resonance wave length is about 2_??_3 times the mean fiber length; and that the oscillatory behavior differs according to the staple diagram of drafted slivers and is most conspicuous when square-cut staple fiber are drafted.

It is common knowledge that the daily schedule - the appropriateness of the alternation of various types of activity and rest, each of a particular duration corresponding to the age capacities and features of the developing organism - exercises a significant influence upon the state of health of children and juveniles.

An instrument that can produce something from nothing would be an object to cherish, and the correspondence principle introduced by Paul Samuelson, seems to fill that bill.' Its proponents would have one believe that the "common knowledge" that the economy "is really stable" can be transformed into a multitude of useful facts about comparative statics properties. But unfortunately it seems that there still is no such thing as a free lunch. In this paper I will argue that useful information is not as cheap as users of the correspondence principle would lead one to believe, and in doing so I will show that the correspondence principle is a superfluous item in the determination of operationally meaningful and empirically valid propositions in comparative statics. I will also argue that there is no explanation for the "importance" -that is publishability -attributed to use of the correspondence principle other than the illusion that it produces something from nothing.2